PARIS, August 30, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Since your favor of July the 10th, mine have been of July
the 17th, 23d and 28th. The last enclosed a bill of exchange from Mr.
Grand, on Tessier for £46, 17s. 10d. sterling, to answer General
Sullivan's bill for that sum. I hope it got safe to hand, though I have
been anxious about it, as it went by post, and my letters through that
channel sometimes miscarry.
From the separation of the Notables to the present moment, has been
perhaps the most interesting interval ever known in this country. The
propositions of the government, approved by the Notables, were precious
to the nation, and have been in an honest course of execution, some of
them being carried into effect, and others preparing. Above all, the
establishment of the Provincial Assemblies, some of which have begun
their sessions, bid fair to be the instrument for circumscribing the
power of the crown, and raising the people into consideration. The
election given to them, is what will do this. Though the minister, who
proposed these improvements, seems to have meant them as the price of
the new supplies, the game has been so played, as to secure the
improvements to the nation, without securing the price. The Notables
spoke softly on the subject of the additional supplies. But the
parliament took them up roundly, refused to register the edicts for the
new taxes, till compelled in a bed of justice, and suffered themselves
to be transferred to Troyes, rather than withdraw their opposition. It
is urged principally against the King, that his revenue is one hundred
and thirty millions more than that of his predecessor was, and yet he
demands one hundred and twenty millions further. You will see this well
explained in the "Conference entre un ministre d'état et un Conseiller
au parliment," which I send you, with some small pamphlets. In the
meantime, all tongues in Paris (and in France as it is said) have been
let loose, and never was a license of speaking against the government
exercised in London more freely or more universally. Caricatures,
placards, bons mots, have been indulged in by all ranks of people, and
I know of no well-attested instance of a single punishment. For some
time mobs of ten, twenty and thirty thousand people collected daily,
surrounded the parliament house, huzzaed the members, even entered the
doors and examined into their conduct, took the horses out of the
carriages of those who did well, and drew them home. The government
thought it prudent to prevent these, drew some regiments into the
neighborhood, multiplied the guards, had the streets constantly
patrolled by strong parties, suspended privileged places, forbade all
clubs, etc. The mobs have ceased; perhaps this may be partly owing to
the absence of parliament. The Count d'Artois, sent to hold a bed of
justice in the Cour des Aides, was hissed and hooted without reserve,
by the populace; the carriage of Madame de (I forget the name) in the
Queen's livery was stopped by the populace, under a belief that it was
Madame de Polignac, whom they would have insulted; the Queen, going to
the theatre at Versailles with Madame de Polignac, was received with a
general hiss. The King, long in the habit of drowning his cares in
wine, plunges deeper and deeper. The Queen cries, but sins on. The
Count d'Artois is detested, and Monsieur, the general favorite. The
Archbishop of Thoulouse is made minister principal, a virtuous,
patriotic, and able character. The Marechal de Castries retired
yesterday, notwithstanding strong solicitations to remain in office.
The Marechal de Segur retired at the same time, prompted to it by the
court. Their successors are not yet known. Monsieur de St. Priest goes
ambassador to Holland, in the room of Verac, transferred to
Switzerland, and the Count de Moustier goes to America, in the room of
the Chevalier de La Luzerne, who has a promise of the first vacancy.
These nominations are not yet made formally, but they are decided on,
and the parties are ordered to prepare for their destination.
As it has been long since I have had a confidential conveyance to you,
I have brought together the principal facts from the adjournment of the
Notables to the present moment, which, as you will perceive from their
nature, required a confidential conveyance. I have done it the rather,
because, though you will have heard many of them, and seen them in the
public papers, yet, floating in the mass of lies which constitute the
atmosphere of London and Paris, you may not have been sure of their
truth; and I have mentioned every truth of any consequence, to enable
you to stamp as false, the facts pretermitted. I think that in the
course of three months, the royal authority has lost, and the rights of
the nation gained, as much ground by a revolution of public opinion
only, as England gained in all her civil wars under the Stuarts. I
rather believe, too, they will retain the ground gained, because it is
defended by the young and the middle aged, in opposition to the old
only. The first party increases, and the latter diminishes daily, from
the course of nature. You may suppose, that in this situation, war
would be unwelcome to France. She will surely avoid it, if not forced
into it by the courts of London and Berlin. If forced, it is probable
she will change the system of Europe totally, by an alliance with the
two empires, to whom nothing would be more desirable. In the event of
such a coalition, not only Prussia, but the whole European world must
receive from them their laws. But France will probably endeavor to
preserve the present system, if it can be done, by sacrificing to a
certain degree, the pretensions of the Patriotic party in Holland. But
of all these matters, you can judge, in your position, where less
secrecy is observed, better than I can.
I have news from America as late as July the 19th. Nothing had
transpired from the federal convention. I am sorry they began their
deliberations by so abominable a precedent as that of tying up the
tongues of their members. Nothing can justify this example but the
innocence of their intentions, and ignorance of the value of public
discussions. I have no doubt that all their other measures will be good
and wise. It is really an assembly of demigods. General Washington was
of opinion, that they should not separate till October.
I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of friendship and respect,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.