PARIS, August 14, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am happy to find, by the letter of August the 1st, 1786,
which you did me the honor to write to me, that the modern dress for
your statue would meet your approbation. I found it strongly the
sentiment of West, Copley, Trumbull, and Brown, in London; after which,
it would be ridiculous to add, that it was my own. I think a modern in
an antique dress as just an object of ridicule as a Hercules or Marius
with a periwig and a chapeau bras.
I remember having written to you, while Congress sat at Annapolis, on
the water communication between ours and the western country, and to
have mentioned particularly the information I had received of the plain
face of the country between the sources of Big Beaver and Cayohoga,
which made me hope that a canal of no great expense might unite the
navigation of Lake Erie and the Ohio. You must since have had occasion
of getting better information on this subject, and if you have, you
would oblige me by a communication of it. I consider this canal, if
practicable, as a very important work.
I remain in hopes of great and good effects from the decision of the
Assembly over which you are presiding. To make our States one as to all
foreign concerns, preserve them several as to all merely domestic, to
give to the federal head some peaceable mode of enforcing its just
authority, to organize that head into legislative, executive, and
judiciary apartments, are great desiderata in our federal constitution.
Yet with all its defects, and with all those of our particular
governments, the inconveniences resulting from them, are so light in
comparison with those existing in every other government on earth, that
our citizens may certainly be considered as in the happiest political
situation which exists.
The Assemblée des Notables has been productive of much good in this
country. The reformation of some of the most oppressive laws has taken
place, and is taking place. The allotment of the State into subordinate
governments, the administration of which is committed to persons chosen
by the people, will work in time a very beneficial change in their
constitution. The expense of the trappings of monarchy, too, is
lightening. Many of the useless officers, high and low, of the King,
Queen, and Princes, are struck off. Notwithstanding all this, the
discovery of the abominable abuses of public money by the late
Comptroller General, some new expenses of the court, not of a piece
with the projects of reformation, and the imposition of new taxes,
have, in the course of a few weeks, raised a spirit of discontent in
this nation, so great and so general, as to threaten serious
consequences. The parliaments in general, and particularly that of
Paris, put themselves at the head of this effervescence, and direct its
object to the calling the States General, who have not been assembled
since 1614. The object is to fix a constitution, and to limit expenses.
The King has been obliged to hold a bed of justice, to enforce the
registering the new taxes; the parliament, on their side, propose to
issue a prohibition against their execution. Very possibly this may
bring on their exile. The mild and patriotic character of the new
ministry, is the principal dependence against this extremity.
The turn which the affairs of Europe will take, is not yet decided.
* * * * * * * *
A war, wherein France, Holland, and England should be parties, seems,
_prima facie_, to promise much advantage to us. But in the first place,
no war can be safe for us which threatens France with an unfavorable
issue; and in the next, it will probably embark us again into the ocean
of speculation, engage us to over-trade ourselves, convert us into
sea-rovers, under French and Dutch colors, divert us from agriculture,
which is our wisest pursuit, because it will in the end contribute most
to real wealth, good morals, and happiness. The wealth acquired by
speculation and plunder, is fugacious in its nature, and fills society
with the spirit of gambling. The moderate and sure income of husbandry
begets permanent improvement, quiet life, and orderly conduct, both
public and private. We have no occasion for more commerce than to take
off our superfluous produce, and the people complain that some
restrictions prevent this; yet the price of articles with us, in
general, shows the contrary. Tobacco, indeed, is low, not because we
cannot carry it where we please, but because we make more than the
consumption requires. Upon the whole I think peace advantageous to us,
necessary for Europe, and desirable for humanity. A few days will
decide, probably, whether all these considerations are to give way to
the bad passions of Kings, and those who would be Kings.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. August 15. The parliament is exiled to Troyes this morning.