PARIS, January 16, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Uncertain whether you might be at New York at the moment of
Colonel Franks' arrival. I have enclosed my private letters for
Virginia under cover to our delegation in general, which otherwise I
would have taken the liberty to enclose particularly to you, as best
acquainted with the situation of the persons to whom they are
addressed. Should this find you at New York, I will still ask your
attention to them.
In my letter to Mr. Jay, I have mentioned the meeting of the Notables,
appointed for the 29th instant. It is now put off to the 7th or 8th of
next month. This event, which will hardly excite any attention in
America, is deemed here the most important one which has taken place in
their civil line during the present century. Some promise their country
great things from it, some nothing. Our friend de La Fayette was placed
on the list originally. Afterwards his name disappeared, but finally
was reinstated. This shows that his character here is not considered as
an indifferent one, and that it excites agitation. His education in our
school has drawn on him a very jealous eye from a court whose
principles are the most absolute despotism. But I hope he has nearly
passed his crisis. The King, who is a good man, is favorably disposed
towards him, and he is supported by powerful family connections and by
the public good will. He is the youngest man of the Notables except one
whose office placed him on the list.
The Count de Vergennes has within these ten days had a very severe
attack of what is deemed an unfixed gout. He has been well enough,
however, to do business to-day. But anxieties for him are not yet
quieted. He is a great and good minister, and an accident to him might
endanger the peace of Europe.
The tumults in America I expected would have produced in Europe an
unfavorable opinion of our political state. But it has not. On the
contrary, the small effect of these tumults seems to have given more
confidence in the firmness of our governments. The interposition of the
people themselves on the side of government has had a great effect on
the opinion here. I am persuaded myself that the good sense of the
people will always be found to be the best army. They may be led astray
for a moment, but will soon correct themselves. The people are the only
censors of their governors; and even their errors will tend to keep
these to the true principles of their institution. To punish these
errors too severely would be to suppress the only safeguard of the
public liberty. The way to prevent these irregular interpositions of
the people, is to give them full information of their affairs through
the channel of the public papers, and to contrive that those papers
should penetrate the whole mass of the people. The basis of our
governments being the opinion of the people, the very first object
should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether
we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I
should mean that every man should receive those papers, and be capable
of reading them. I am convinced that those societies (as the Indians)
which live without government, enjoy in their general mass an
infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live under the
European governments. Among the former, public opinion is in the place
of law, and restrains morals as powerfully as laws ever did anywhere.
Among the latter, under pretence of governing, they have divided their
nations into two classes, wolves and sheep. I do not exaggerate. This
is a true picture of Europe. Cherish, therefore, the spirit of our
people, and keep alive their attention. Do not be too severe upon their
errors, but reclaim them by enlightening them. If once they become
inattentive to the public affairs, you and I, and Congress and
Assemblies, Judges and Governors, shall all become wolves. It seems to
be the law of our general nature, in spite of individual exceptions;
and experience declares that man is the only animal which devours his
own kind; for I can apply no milder term to the governments of Europe,
and to the general prey of the rich on the poor. The want of news has
led me into disquisition instead of narration, forgetting you have
every day enough of that. I shall be happy to hear from you sometimes,
only observing that whatever passes through the post is read, and that
when you write what should be read by myself only, you must be so good
as to confide your letter to some passenger, or officer of the packet.
I will ask your permission to write to you sometimes, and to assure you
of the esteem and respect with which I have honor to be, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.