freely on the subject of slavery. He states that the General had three
hundred slaves distributed in log houses in different parts of his
plantation of ten thousand acres. "They were treated," he said, "with
the greatest humanity; well fed, well clothed, and kept to moderate
labor. They bless God without ceasing for having given them so good a
master. It is a task worthy of a soul so elevated, so pure and so
disinterested, to begin the revolution in Virginia to prepare the way
for the emancipation of the negroes. This great man declared to me
that he rejoiced at what was doing in other States on the subject [of
emancipation--alluding to the recent formation of several state
societies]; that he sincerely desired the extension of it in his own
State; but he did not dissemble that there were still many obstacles
to be overcome; that it was dangerous to strike too vigorously at a
prejudice which had begun to diminish; that time, patience, and
information would not fail to vanquish it. Almost all the Virginians,
he added, believe that the liberty of the blacks can not become
general. This is the reason why they do not wish to form a society
which may give dangerous ideas to their slaves. There is another
obstacle--the great plantations of which the state is composed, render
it necessary for men to live so dispersed that frequent meetings of a
society would be difficult.
"I replied, that the Virginians were in an error; that evidently,
sooner or later, the negroes would obtain their liberty everywhere. It
is then for the interests of your countrymen to prepare the way to
such a revolution, by endeavoring to reconcile the restitution of the
rights of the blacks, with the interest of the whites. The means
necessary to be taken to this effect can only be the work of a
society; and it is worthy the saviour of America to put himself at the
head, and to open the door of liberty to 300,000 unhappy beings of his
own State. He told me that he desired the formation of a society, and
that he would second it; but that he did not think the moment
favorable. Doubtless more elevated views filled his soul. The destiny
of America was just ready to be placed a second time in his hands."
Ed. of 1792, pp. 290, 291.
"The strongest objection to freeing the negroes lies in the character,
the manners, and habits of the Virginians. They seem to enjoy the
sweat of slaves. They are fond of hunting; they love the display of
luxury, and disdain the idea of labor. This order of things will
change when slavery shall be no more." Id., p. 281.
Patrick Henry, in the Virginia Constitutional Convention, opposing the
adoption of the Federal Constitution, said: "In this State there are
236,000 blacks. May Congress not say that every black man must fight?
Did we not see a little of this in the last war? We were not so hard
pushed as to make emancipation general; but acts of Assembly passed
that every slave who would go to the army should be free. Another
thing will contribute to bring this event [emancipation] about.
Slavery is detested. We feel its fatal effects; we deplore it with all
the pity of humanity. Have they [Congress] not power to provide for
the general defense and welfare? May they not think that these call
for the abolition of slavery? May they not pronounce all slaves free,
and will they not be warranted by that power?
"I repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one
of my fellow-beings were emancipated. As we ought, with gratitude, to
admire that decree of Heaven which has numbered us among the free, we
ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in
bondage. But is it practicable, by any human means, to liberate them
without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences?"
Elliott's Debates, Va., pp. 590, 591.
George Mason, in the same convention, speaking against article 1,
section 9, of the Constitution, which forbids Congress from
prohibiting the importation of slaves before the year 1808, said: "It
[the importation of slaves] was one of the great causes of our
separation from Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a principal
object of this State, and most of the States of the Union. The
augmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade is
diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind: yet, by this
Constitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value a
union of all the States, I would not admit the Southern States into
the Union, unless they agree to the discontinuance of this disgraceful
trade, because it brings weakness, and not strength, to the Union."
Elliott's Debates, Va., p. 452.
[11] Mr. Jefferson's doubts, and his timidity, as a person of
political aspirations, in treating the subject of slavery in a
practical manner, reduced his conduct to the verge of cowardice, if
not of duplicity. While writing to Dr. Price in this assured tone, and
urging him to exhort the young men of the College of William and Mary,
on the evils of slavery, he was afraid to have these same students see
what he had himself written on the same subject, in his "Notes on
Virginia." M. de Chastelleux had written to him, desiring to print
some extracts from the "Notes on Virginia," in the _Journal de
Physique_. Mr. Jefferson replied, June 7, 1785, only two months before
he wrote the above letter to Dr. Price, saying: "I am not afraid that
you should make any extracts you please for the _Journal de Physique_,
which come within their plan of publication. The strictures on
slavery, and on the constitution of Virginia, are not of that kind and
they are the parts which I do not wish to have made public; at least,
till I know whether their publication would do most harm or good. It
is possible that, in my own country, these strictures might produce an
irritation which would indispose the people toward the two great
objects I have in view; that is, the emancipation of their slaves, and
the settlement of their constitution on a firmer and more permanent
basis. If I learn from thence that they will not produce that effect,
have printed and reserved just copies enough to be able to give one to
every young man at the College." Works, i, p. 339.
Writing from Paris, August 13, 1786, to George Wythe, Mr. Jefferson
says: "Madison, no doubt, informed you why I sent only a single copy
of my 'Notes' to Virginia. Being assured by him that they will not do
the harm I had apprehended; but, on the contrary, may do some good, I
propose to send thither the copies remaining on hand, which are fewer
than I intended." Works, ii, p. 6. Mr. Madison's communications to Mr.
Jefferson on the subject are in his "Letters and other Writings," i,
pp, 202, 211. M. Brissot de Warville proposed to Mr. Jefferson to
become a member of the Philanthropic Society of Paris. Mr. Jefferson
replied, February 12, 1788, as follows: "I am very sensible of the
honor you propose to me, of becoming a member of the society for the
abolition of the slave trade. You know that nobody wishes more
ardently to see an abolition, not only of the trade, but of the
condition of slavery; and certainly nobody will be more willing to
encounter every sacrifice for that object. But the influence and
information of the friends to this proposition in France, will be far
above the need of my association. I am here as a public servant; and
those whom I serve, having never yet been able to give their voice
against the practice, it is decent for me to avoid too public
demonstration of my wishes to see it abolished. Without serving the
cause here, it might render me less able to serve it beyond the water.
I trust you will be sensible of the prudence of those motives,
therefore, which govern my conduct on this occasion and be assured of
my wishes for the success of your undertaking." Works, ii, p. 357.
Compare this record with Mr. Garrison's, which he put forth in the
"Liberator," in 1831. He had been accused of using plain and harsh
language. He says: "My country is the world, and my countrymen are all
mankind. I will be as harsh as truth, and as uncompromising as
justice. I am in earnest; I will not equivocate; I will not excuse; I
will not retreat a single inch; and _I will be heard_."
[12] Mr. Jefferson's indecision in dealing with an institution he so
much abhorred, is seen in the anti-slavery provision of his ordinance.
He would allow slavery to get a foot-hold in the western territories,
and at the end of sixteen years would prohibit it. By southern votes,
this clause was fortunately stricken out. Every northern state voted
to retain Mr. Jefferson's fifth article of compact, and its rejection,
which was regarded at the time, as a public calamity, was soon seen to
be a piece of good fortune. Timothy Pickering, writing to Rufus King,
nearly a year later (March 8, 1785), says: "I should indeed have
objected to the period proposed (1800) for the exclusion of slavery;
for the admission of it for a day, or an hour, ought to have been
forbidden. It will be infinitely easier to prevent the evil at first,
than to eradicate it, or check it, at any future time. To suffer the
continuance of slaves till they can be gradually emancipated, in
states already overrun with them, may be pardonable; but to introduce
them into a territory where none now exist, can never be forgiven. For
God's sake, let one more effort be made to prevent so terrible a
calamity."
Mr. King, eight days later, moved, in Congress, to attach an article
of compact to Mr. Jefferson's ordinance, in the place of the one
stricken outs in substantially the words that stand in the Ordinance
of 1787: "That there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude in any of the states described in the resolve of Congress of
April 23, 178-." The matter was referred to a committee; but was never
taken up and acted on. If Mr. King's resolution had passed, it would
have excluded slavery from Kentucky, Tennessee, and all the Western
territories.
[13] George Keith, a Quaker, about the year 1693, printed a pamphlet
in which he charged his own religious denomination, "that they should
set their negroes at liberty, after some reasonable time of service."
Samuel Sewall, Judge of the Superior Court of Massachusetts, in 1700,
printed a tract against slavery, entitled, "The Selling of Joseph, a
Memorial," which he gave to each member of the General Court, to
clergymen, and to literary gentlemen with whom he was acquainted. This
tract is reprinted in Moore's "Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts," p.
83. These were the earliest publications on slavery in this country.
Dr. Franklin having mentioned Keith's pamphlet, says: "About the year
1728 or 1729, I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford, another of
your friends in this city, against keeping negroes in slavery; two
editions of which he distributed gratis. And about the year 1736, I
printed another book on the same subject for Benjamin Lay, who also
professed being one of your friends, and he distributed the books
chiefly among them." Works, x, 403.
The earliest statute for the suppression of slavery in the colonies
may be seen in Rhode Island Records, i, 248, under the date of May 19,
1652, which, however, was never enforced.
The earliest legislative protest against man-stealing, is the
following: "The General Court, conceiving themselves bound by the
first opportunity, to bear witness against the heinous and crying sin
of man-stealing, and also to prescribe such timely redress for what is
past, and such a law for the future, as may sufficiently deter all
others belonging to us to have to do in such vile and most odious
courses, justly abhorred of all good and just men--do order that the
negro interpreter, with others unlawfully take, be, by the first
opportunity, (at the charge of the country for present) sent to his
native country of Guinea, and a letter with him of the indignation of
the Court thereabouts, and justice hereof--desiring our honored
Governor would please to put this order in execution." November 4,
1646, Massachusetts Records, ii, p. 168.
[14] Patrick Henry, in a letter dated January 18, 1773, to Robert
Pleasants, afterwards President of the Virginia Abolition Society,
said: "Believe me, I shall honor the Quakers for their noble efforts
to abolish slavery. It is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion
to show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. I
exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution. I believe a time
will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this
lamentable evil." Wm. Goodell's Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 70.
[15] The preamble of the Constitution then adopted was as follows:
"Whereas, there are in this and the neighboring states a number of
negroes and others kept in a state of slavery, who, we apprehend, from
different causes and circumstances, are justly entitled to their
freedom by the laws and Constitution under which we live, could their
particular cases be candidly and openly debated, and evidence to the
best advantage for them procured; but as in their situation, they,
being tied by the strong cords of oppression, are rendered incapable
of asserting their freedom, and many through this inability remain
unjustly in bondage through life; it therefore has appeared necessary
that some aid should be extended towards such poor unhappy sufferers,
wherever they may be discovered, either in this city or its
neighborhood; and, as loosing the bonds of wickedness, and setting the
oppressed free, is evidently a duty incumbent on all professors of
Christianity, but more especially at a time when justice, liberty, and
the laws of the land are the general topics among most ranks and
stations of men. Therefore, being desirous, as much as in us lies, to
contribute towards obtaining relief for all such as are kept thus
unjustly in thralldom, we have agreed to inspect and take charge of
all the particular cases which may hereafter come to our knowledge;
and that our good intentions may operate the more successfully, and be
of general utility to such as stand in need of our assistance, we
judge it expedient to form ourselves into a regular society, by the
name of "The Society for the Relief of Free Negroes unlawfully held in
Bondage." The officers elected were John Baldwin, President; Samuel
Davis, Treasurer; Thomas Harrison, Secretary. Six members were also
appointed a Committee of Inspection, and a number of cases were
forthwith committed to their care. Edw. Needles's Historical Memoir of
the Pennsylvania Society, p. 15.
[16] Appended to the Rules and Regulations, is the act of 1780,
providing for the gradual abolition of slavery in Pennsylvania. The
members of the Philadelphia Society were especially active in
procuring the passage of this act. Anthony Benezet held private
interviews with every member of the government on the subject. The act
passed the assembly by a vote of 34 to 21. The minority entered a
protest against it on several grounds: First, because it would be
offensive to other states, and would weaken the bonds of union with
them; Second, while they approved of the justice and humanity of
manumitting slaves in time of peace, this was not the proper time;
Third, they did not approve of slaves becoming citizens, of their
voting and being voted for, of intermarrying with white persons, etc.;
Fourth, because the motion to postpone to the next session of the
Assembly had been overruled.
[17] James Pemberton and Jonathan Penrose were chosen Vice-Presidents;
James Starr, Treasurer; and Wm. Lewis, John D. Cox, Miers Fisher, and
Wm. Rawle, Counselors. Thirty-six new members were elected at this
meeting. The preamble of the new organization was as follows: "It
having pleased the Creator of the world to make of one flesh all the
children of men, it becomes them to consult and promote each other's
happiness, as members of the same family, however diversified they may
be by color, situation, religion, or different states of society. It
is more especially the duty of those persons who profess to maintain
for themselves the rights of human nature, and who acknowledge the
obligations of Christianity, to use such means as are in their power
to extend the blessings of freedom to every part of the human race;
and in a more particular manner to such of their fellow-creatures as
are entitled to freedom by the laws and constitutions of any of the
United States, and who, notwithstanding, are detained in bondage by
fraud or violence. From a full conviction of the truth and obligation
of these principles; from a desire to diffuse them wherever the
miseries and vices of slavery exist, and in humble confidence of the
favor and support of the Father of mankind, the subscribers have
associated themselves, under the title of 'The Pennsylvania Society
for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroes
unlawfully held in Bondage, and for improving the condition of the
African race.'" Needles's Memoir, p. 30.
[18] The secretaries were directed to have one thousand copies of the
Constitution printed, together with the names of the officers of the
society, and the acts of the Legislature of Pennsylvania for the
gradual abolition of slavery. They were also to prepare letters to be
sent to each of the Governors of the United States, with a copy of the
Constitution and laws, and a copy of Clarkson's essay on "The Commerce
and Slavery of the Africans." They were also directed to write letters
to the Society in New York, to Thomas Clarkson and Dr. Price of
London, and to the Abbé Raynall, in France. Needles's Memoir, p. 30.
Dr. Franklin drew up a "Plan for Improving the Condition of the Free
Blacks." It embraced: First, a Committee of Inspection, who shall
superintend the morals, general conduct, and ordinary situation of the
free negroes, and afford them advice and instruction, protection from
wrongs, and other friendly offices. Second, a Committee of Guardians,
who shall place out children and young people with suitable persons,
that they may, during a moderate time of apprenticeship or servitude,
learn some trade, other business of subsistence. Third, a Committee of
Education, who shall superintend the school instruction, of the
children and youth of the free blacks. Fourth, a Committee of Employ,
who shall endeavor to procure constant employment for those free
negroes who are able to work, as the want of this would occasion
poverty, idleness, and many vicious habits. The entire plan may be
seen in Dr. Franklin's Works, ii, pp. 513, 514. Immediately following,
in the same volume, is "An Address to the Public," from the
Pennsylvania Society, also written by Dr. Franklin in aid of raising
funds for carrying out the purposes of the society.
M. Brissot de Warville, who visited the New York and Philadelphia
Societies in 1788, says: "It is certainly a misfortune that such
societies do not exist in Virginia and Maryland, for it is to the
persevering zeal of those of Philadelphia and New York, that we owe
the progress of this [anti-slavery] revolution in America, and the
formation of the Society in London." He speaks of the impressions he
received in attending the meetings of these societies. "What serenity
in the countenances of the members! What simplicity in their
discourses; candor in their discussions; beneficence and energy in
their decisions! With what joy they learned that a like Society was
formed in Paris! They hastened to publish it in their gazettes, and
likewise a translation of the first discourse [his own] pronounced in
that society. These beneficent societies are at present contemplating
new projects for the completion of their work of justice and humanity.
They are endeavoring to form similar institutions in other states, and
have succeeded in the state of Delaware. The business of these
societies is not only to extend light and information to legislatures
and to the people at large, and to form the blacks by early
instruction in the duties of citizens; but they extend gratuitous
protection to them in all cases of individual oppression, and make it
their duty to watch over the execution of the laws, which have been
obtained in their favor. Mr. Myers Fisher, one of the first lawyers of
Philadelphia, is always ready to lend them his assistance, which he
generally does with success, and always without reward. These
societies have committees in different parts of the country to take
notice of any infractions of these laws of liberty, and to propose to
the legislature such amendments as experience may require"--pp.
291-294.
In an appendix, written in 1791, he says: "My wishes have not been
disappointed. The progress of these societies is rapid in the United
States; there is one already formed even in Virginia." His English
translator adds, that there has also one been formed in the state of
Connecticut.
In Needles' Memoir are the names of the following persons who were
officers, and served on committees, of the Pennsylvania Society before
the year 1800: John Baldwin, Samuel Davis, Thomas Harrison, Anthony
Benezet, Thomas Meredith, John Todd, James Starr, Samuel Richards,
James Whitehall, Wm. Lippencott, John Thomas, Benjamin Horner, John
Evans, Lambert Wilmore, Edward Brooks, Thomas Armit, John Warner,
Daniel Sidrick, Thomas Barton, Robert Evans, Benj. Miers, Robert Wood,
John Eldridge, Jonathan Penrose, Wm. Lewis, Francis Baily, Norris
Jones, Tench Cox, Wm. Jackson, Benj. Rush, Benj. Franklin, James
Pemberton, John D. Cox, Wm. Rawle, Miers Fisher, Temple Franklin, John
Andrews, Richard Peters, Thomas Paine, Caleb Lownes, S. P. Griffiths,
John Olden, John Todd, Jr., John Kaighn, Wm. Rogers, Benj. Say, Thomas
Parker, Robert Waln, Samuel Pancoast, Thomas Savery, Robert Taggert,
John Poultney, Wm. Zane, Joseph Moore, Joseph Budd, Wm. McIllhenny,
Samuel Baker, Jonathan Willis, Richard Jones, Ellis Yarnall, Thomas
Arnott, Philip Benezet, Samuel Emlen, Jr., Jacob Shoemaker, Jr.,
Richard Wells, Bart. Wistar, R. Wells, J. McCrea, Nathan Boys, J.
Proctor, Robert Patterson, Walter Franklin, Edward Farris, John Ely,
Samuel M. Fox, Sallows Shewell, John Woodside, Wm. Garrum, Thomas
Ross, Joseph Sharpless, Joseph Cruikshanks, G. Williams, Wm. Webb,
Geo. Williams, David Thomas, Samuel Bettle, Edward Garrigues.
[19] At the end of M. Brissot de Warville's oration at Paris, February
19, 1788, on the necessity of establishing such a society, is a note,
which states that, after the Paris Society had been formed, "in the
space of six weeks, ninety others, distinguished for their nobility,
for their offices, and as men of letters, have made application to be
admitted into the Society. The Marquis de la Fayette is one of the
founders of this Society, and he gives it a support, so much the more
laudable, as the Society of Paris has many great difficulties to
encounter, which are unknown to the societies in London and America."
[20] M. Brissot, writing in September, 1788, speaks of the Delaware
Society as then existing. Warner Mifflin was its most enterprising
member. M. Brissot says of him: "One of the ardent petitioners to
Congress in this cause was the respectable Warner Mifflin. His zeal
was rewarded with atrocious calumnies, which he always answered with
mildness, forgiveness, and argument"--p. 300. A petition which Mr.
Mifflin made to Congress in November, 1792, for the abolition of
slavery, was, by vote of the House, returned to him by the clerk.
Annals of Congress, iii, p. 71. On March 23, 1790, the following
resolution on the subject of emancipation, after discussion in
committee of the whole House, was adopted: "That Congress have no
authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the
treatment of them in any of the states, it remaining with the several
States alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity and
true policy may require." Annals, i. p. 1523.
[21] _Constitution of the Maryland Society for promoting the Abolition
of Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroes and others unlawfully held
in Bondage._
The present attention of Europe and America to slavery, seems to
constitute that crisis in the minds of men when the united endeavors
of a few may greatly influence the public opinion, and produce, from
the transient sentiment of the times, effects, extensive, lasting, and
useful.
The common Father of mankind created all men free and equal; and his
great command is, that we love our neighbor as ourselves--doing unto
all men as we would they should do unto us. The human race, however
varied in color or intellects, are all justly entitled to liberty; and
it is the duty and the interest of nations and individuals, enjoying
every blessing of freedoms to remove this dishonor of the Christian
character from amongst them. From the fullest impression of the truth
of these principles; from an earnest wish to bear our testimony
against slavery in all its forms, to spread it abroad as far as the
sphere of our influence may extend, and to afford our friendly
assistance to those who may be engaged in the same undertaking; and in
the humblest hope of support from that Being, who takes, as an
offering to himself, what we do for each other--
We, the subscribers, have formed ourselves into the "MARYLAND SOCIETY
for promoting the ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, and the RELIEF OF FREE NEGROES
and OTHERS unlawfully held in bondage."
THE CONSTITUTION.