CHAPTER II

DIXEY BULL, THE FIRST PIRATE IN NEW ENGLAND WATERS AND SOME OTHERS WHO

FOLLOWED HIM

The doubtful honor of having been the first pirate to plunder the

small shipping of the New England colonists belongs to one Dixey Bull

who was living in London in 1631 and who came over late that fall

and for a short time was living at Boston. He probably was sent over

by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and certainly was associated with him in a

large grant of land lying east of Agamenticus, at York, on the coast

of Maine. He came of a respectable family but was of an adventurous

disposition and soon after reaching New England became a “trader for

bever,” spending much of his time on the Maine coast bartering with the

Indians and the scattered white settlers.

In June, 1632, he was trading in Penobscot Bay when a roving company

of Frenchmen in a pinnace came upon him and seized his shallop and

stock of “coats, ruggs, blanketts, bisketts, etc.” These Frenchmen had

previously rifled the trading post on the Penobscot maintained by the

Pilgrim Colony at Plymouth, where “many French complements they used,

and Congees they made.”[20]

Having lost his slender stock of trading goods Bull seems to have

become desperate and getting together a small company of wanderers,

located here and there along the coast, he proposed a venture against

the French. Governor Winthrop relates that Bull added to his own crew

“fifteen more of the English who kept about the East,” and with these

men he sailed along the coast in the late summer hoping to fall in

with some Frenchmen and so retrieve his losses. But the French kept out

of sight and badly in need of supplies he took and plundered two or

three small vessels owned by colonial traders and from them forced four

or five men to join his company.

The next venture was to sail into the harbor at Pemaquid and loot

that trading station of goods to the value of over £500. He met with

practically no resistance while the plundering was going on and the

goods were safely got on board the shallop. But just as they were

weighing anchor, a well-aimed musket shot from shore killed the

second in command. This was the first blood that had been shed and as

the entire company, so far as known, had had no previous piratical

experience, the fatal outcome and the sight of human blood seems to

have been somewhat of a shock. Capt. Anthony Dicks, a Salem skipper,

fell into their hands not long after and some of them told him of what

had happened at Pemaquid and expressed great fear and horror so “that

they were afraid of the very Rattling of the Ropes.”[21]

Bull tried to persuade Captain Dicks to pilot them to Virginia which

may have been an excellent refuge at that time for a New England

pirate, for a contemporaneous Puritan writer describes the Virginia

colony as “a nest of rogues, whores, dissolute and rooking persons.”

The Salem skipper, however, refused to serve Bull and his company and

so the voyage to Virginia was abandoned for the time and it was decided

to continue attacks on other trading posts. The company then adopted

a body of articles to govern their acts and among them a law against

excessive drinking. “At such times as other ships use to have prayer,

they would assemble upon the deck, and one sing a song, or speak a few

senseless sentences, etc. They also sent a writing, directed to all the

governors, signifying their intent not to do harm to any more of their

countrymen, but to go to the southward, and to advise them not to send

against them; for they were resolved to sink themselves rather than be

taken: signed underneath, _Fortune le garde_, and no name to it.”[22]

The threat of piratical attack on the trading posts was soon spread

abroad by men returning from the Penobscot and then “perils did abound

as thick as thought could make them.” Late in November the authorities

in the Massachusetts Bay sent out a pinnace with twenty armed men

to join with four small pinnaces and shallops and about forty men

already sent out from Piscataqua and the united expedition in time

reached Pemaquid where it lay windbound for nearly three weeks. This

was the first hostile fleet fitted out in New England and the first

naval demonstration made in the colonies. Samuel Maverick who lived on

Noddle’s Island, now East Boston, was the “husband and merchant of the

pinnace sent out to take Dixie Bull.”

The pirate shallop was nowhere to be found and after two months of

winter weather the hostile expedition returned home. Early in February,

1633, three men who had served under Bull and deserted, reached their

homes. They claimed that he had sailed eastward and gone over to the

French. Governor Winthrop, two years later, repeated this version of

his disappearance, but Capt. Roger Clap of Dorchester, relates in his

“Memoirs,” that Bull at last safely reached England. Whatever his

fortune or fate he disappears from New England leaving behind him the

badly earned fame of having been the first pirate captain in these

waters.

Dixey Bull’s captures do not seem to have been followed by any other

piratical venture in New England for some years. Shipping sailing to

and from England was obliged to run the gauntlet of the Dutch and

French privateers and the so-called pirates sailing out of Flushing and

Ostend made several captures that effected the fortunes of the Boston

traders. Nov. 12, 1644, the Great and General Court of Massachusetts

granted a commission to Capt. Thomas Hawkins of Boston “to take any

ship that shall assault him, or any other that hee shall have certeine

knowledge to have taken either ship or ships of ours, or to take any

ship that hath commission to make prize of any of ours.” Fourteen

days later he sailed for Spain in the “Seafort,” of four hundred

tons, a ship that he had just built and which was loaded with bolts,

tobacco, etc. As he neared the Spanish coast very early one morning

he thought he saw some Turkish vessels and preparing for attack stood

towards them. Unhappily the ship soon went aground about two miles

from the shore and nineteen were drowned. Captain Hawkins was a London

shipbuilder who came to New England in 1632 and engaged in shipbuilding

and commerce. It was his grandson Thomas, who was tried in Boston in

1690 for piracy as is told elsewhere in this volume.

At the Nov. 12, 1644 session of the General Court, a commission was

also granted to Capt. Thomas Bredcake for twelve months, to take

Turkish pirates, thereby meaning the Algerines who were a constant

danger to shipping trading with Spain. John Hull, the Boston

mint-master, records in his diary in 1671 that William Foster, one of

his neighbors, had been taken by the Turks as he was going to Bilboa

with fish. He afterwards was redeemed and reached home safely in

November, 1673.

Capt. Thomas Cromwell of Boston, master of the ship “Separation,”

obtained a commission in 1645 from the Earl of Warwick, the Lord

Admiral of the Long Parliament, and after capturing several rich

prizes in the West Indies, came into Massachusetts Bay and was forced

by a strong northwest wind to take refuge in Plymouth Harbor where

he remained for two weeks. There were about eighty men in his crew

and they “did so distemper themselves with drink as they became like

madd-men; ... they spente and scattered a great deale of money among

the people, and yet more sine than money.”[23]

From Plymouth, he sailed for Boston where he presented Governor

Winthrop with a sedan that he had captured. It had been sent by the

Viceroy of Mexico as a present to his sister and by capture reached

Puritan hands. Captain Cromwell had formerly been known about Boston as

a common sailor and on his appearance possessed of a great fortune, the

Governor offered him for his use one of the best houses in the town.

But the captain refused and took lodgings in “a poor thatched house”

saying that in his former “mean estate that poor man entertained him,

when others would not, and therefore he would not leave him now, when

he might do him good.” Governor Winthrop says of Cromwell:--“He was

ripped out of his mother’s belly, and never sucked, nor saw father nor

mother, nor they him.”[24] He died in Boston in 1649, and by will gave

to the town “my six bells.”

Another Boston man who sailed under a commission from the Long

Parliament was Capt. Edward Hull, the brother of John Hull, the

mint-master who made the “pine tree shillings.” His vessel, the barque

“Swallow frigott,” was owned by his father and brother and he had sent

them word that he was engaged in a design for the good of the English

nation and for the glory of God. He sailed from Boston in the spring of

1653, and captured several vessels from the French and the Dutch and

while in Rhode Island waters sent some of his men to Block Island with

orders to seize the trading stock in the house of Capt. Kempo Sebada,

which afterwards was valued at nearly one hundred pounds. He then sold

the bark and dividing the plunder went for England. Sebada afterwards

brought suit for damages against the Hulls, the owners of the bark; but

they claimed that the vessel was engaged in privateering wholly without

their knowledge and consent and the court gave the verdict to them. It

is interesting to note that Edward Hull is styled a “pirate” in the

court records and that his father deposed that when he learned of his

son’s exploits he did not protest for fear that he would never see him

or the vessel again.

Rev. Cotton Mather, the pastor of the North Church, Boston, in his

“History of Some Criminals Executed in this Land,” relates the story

of the seizure of the ship “Antonio,” in 1672, off the Spanish coast.

She was owned in England and her crew quarrelled with the master and

at last rose and turned him adrift in the ship’s longboat with a

small quantity of provisions. With him went some of the officers of

the ship. The mutineers, or pirates as they were characterized at the

time, then set sail for New England and on their arrival in Boston they

were sheltered and for a time concealed by Major Nicholas Shapleigh, a

merchant in Charlestown. He also was accused of aiding them in their

attempt to get away. Meanwhile, “by a surprizing providence of God, the

Master, with his Afflicted Company, in the Long-boat, also arrived;

all, Except one who Dyed of the Barbarous Usage.

“The Countenance of the _Master_, was now become Terrible to the

Rebellious _Men_, who, though they had _Escaped the Sea_, yet

_Vengeance would not suffer them to Live a Shore_. At his Instance and

Complaint, they were Apprehended; and the Ringleaders of this Murderous

Pyracy, had sentence of Death Executed on them, in _Boston_.”

The three men who were executed were William Forrest, Alexander Wilson

and John Smith. As for Major Shapleigh; he was fined five hundred

pounds which amount was afterwards abated to three hundred pounds

because “his estate not being able to beare it.”

The extraordinary circumstances of this case probably induced the

General Court to draw up the law that was enacted on Oct. 15, 1673.

By it piracy became punishable by death according to the local laws.

Before then a kind of common law was in force in the colony based upon

Biblical law as construed by the leading ministers. Of course the laws

of England were theoretically respected, but Massachusetts, in the

wilderness, separated from England by three thousand miles of stormy

water, in practice actually governed herself and made her own laws.

“The Court observing the wicked and unrighteous practices of evill

men to encrease, some piratically seizing of shipps, ketches, &c.

with their goods, and others by rising up against their commanders,

officers, and imployers, seizing their vessells and goods at sea,

exposing theire persons to hazard, &c. for the prevention whereof,

and that due witnes may be borne against such bold and notorious

transgressions,--

“This Court doeth order, & be it hereby ordered & enacted,

that what person or persons soever shall piratically or

ffelloniously seize any ship or other vessell, whither in the

harbour or on the seas, or shall rise up in rebellion against

the master, officers, merchant or owners of any such ship or

other sea vessell and goods, and dispoyle or dispossess them

thereof, and excluding the right owner or those betrusted

therewith, every such offender, together with their complices,

if found in this jurisdiction, shall be apprehended, and, being

legally convicted thereof, shall be put to death; provided

allwayes, that any such of the said company (who through feare

or force have binn draune to comply in such wicked action),

that shall, upon their first arrival in any of our ports or

harbours, by the first opperturnity, repaire to some magistrate

or others in authority, and make discovery of such a practise,

shall not be liable to the aforesaid poenalty of death.”[25]

In July, 1684, this order was revised and it became unlawful for

any person to “enterteyne, harbour, counsel, trade, or hold any

correspondence by letter or otherwise with any person or persons

that shall be deemed or adjudged to be privateers, pyrates, or

other offenders within the construction of this Act.” The highest

commissioned officer in any town or harbor was also impowered to issue

warrants for the seizure of suspected privateers and pirates and he

could raise and levy armed men to inforce the apprehension of such

persons.

[Illustration:

Pillars of Salt.

An HISTORY

OF SOME

CRIMINALS Executed in this Land

FOR

Capital Crimes.

With some of their Dying

Speeches;

Collected and Published,

For the WARNING of such as _Live_ in

Destructive _Courses_ of Ungodliness.

Whereto is added,

For the better Improvement of this History,

A Brief Discourse about the Dreadful

_Justice_ of God, in Punishing of

SIN, with SIN.

Deut. 19, 20.

_Those which remain shall hear & fear, and shall henceforth

commit no more any such Evil among you._

_BOSTON_ in _New-England_.

Printed by _B. Green_ and _J. Allen_, for _Samuel Phillips_

at the Brick Shop near the Old Meeting House, 1699.

]

On the evening of July 6, 1685, a small ketch hailing from New London,

Conn., came to anchor before the town of Boston and the next morning

the master, Capt. John Prentice, appeared before the General Court and

gave information that he had been chased by a pirate until he had come

in sight of the Brewster’s, at the mouth of the harbor. He deposed

that while at New London, on July 1st, a sloop had put into that port

commanded by one Captain Veale, and with him was one Harvey who was the

merchant on board. Captain Veale asked Captain Prentice if he might

“set his mast by the said Prentice’s Katches side,” which was done.

A little later there came in a vessel from Pennsylvania commanded by

Capt. Daniel Staunton who at once accused Veale and Harvey of piracy

committed in Virginia. Staunton went before the local magistrate and

repeated his charge and demanded that Veale and Harvey be arrested and

tried as pirates. But the magistrate was a little uncertain of his

authority and asked for security. While the matter was being discussed

Harvey “went away from them in great hast, & got on bord & speedily

sailed away in the said Sloop.”

Not long after Captain Prentice set sail in his ketch and on clearing

the mouth of the harbor he saw a shallop at anchor with Veale’s and

Harvey’s sloop hove to near by. A boat passed from the shallop to the

sloop and soon the sloop stood to seaward firing guns several times

and catching sight of Captain Prentice’s ketch made after her, the

chase continuing until darkness came on when the course of the ketch

was changed and in the morning nothing was seen of the sloop. Three

days later, however, early in the morning, the sloop was sighted ahead

under easy sail and after a time she bore up toward the ketch. Captain

Prentice then ordered guns to be fired and also “spread his antient”

and braced to for the sloop to come up. But Captain Veale brought to

as well and kept to the windward for about an hour all the while

firing guns. A severe thunder storm then coming up the sloop fell to

the leeward but continued in chase of the ketch until the Brewster’s,

off Boston harbor, came in sight, when the sloop bore away towards Cape

Ann and Captain Prentice came to an anchorage before the town without

further molestation.

Captain Prentice also reported that one Graham was in command of the

shallop seen in company with Veale and that fourteen men were said to

be on board. Captain Veale, while at New London, tried to buy of John

Wheeler several small carriage guns offering three times their value.

At the time he was well supplied with money. Nicholas Hallam, a sailor

on board the ketch, testified before the magistrates that the men on

board the suspected sloop had some silver plate with the letters and

marks scratched out and also some fine clothing, including a plush

cloak, a broadcloth petty-coat trimmed with broad gold lace and also “a

pair of staies of cloth-of-Tishue.”[26]

The Court at once ordered drums to be forthwith beat up for a

convenient number of volunteers not exceeding forty to man Mr. Richard

Patteshall’s brigantine. Soon the Court was informed that the men

did not readily offer themselves to the service of the country in

the expedition against Veale and Graham, whereupon it was ordered

“for their Incouragemt that free plunder be offered to such as shall

Voluntarily list themselves or that a sufficient number of men be

forthwith Impressed to that service.” Those willing to serve were

directed to report “with sufficient & compleate Arms” to Mr. John Vyall

at the ship Tavern “where Capt. Sampson Waters will enter their names

& direct them presently to goe on board the Brigantine whereof Mr.

Richard Patteshall is master.”

The directions given to Capt. Sampson Waters required him “in all

difficulties to consult with Mr. Richard Pattishall endeavoring to

maintain a good correspondence with him.” All goods seized were to be

brought back for a legal condemnation; prisoners were to be brought

to Boston for trial and care was to be taken to “beware of killing any

of the enemy unnecessarily or exposing your own company to any hazard

without necessity.”[27]

The expedition at last got away and after cruising about the Bay for

several days returned empty-handed like many other similar expeditions

that were sent out in following years.

Piracy now began to be more common on the New England coast.

Buccaneering in the West Indies was disappearing and some of these bold

adventurers raised a black flag against all nations. Desperate sailors

out of a berth also became rovers. The number of sporadic appearances

of these men in northern waters can only be touched upon in these

pages. They came upon the coast and then sailed away leaving little

behind save a mention of their coming.

In the summer of 1687 the ketch “Sparrow,” Richard Narramore, master,

owned by Nicholas Paige of Boston, arrived in the harbor from the

Barbadoes and the Isle of Eleuthera. She had sailed from Boston ten

months before bound for Virginia with English goods. Captain Narramore

loaded with provisions at Maryland and at Roanoke and then sailed

for the Barbadoes where the lading was sold for plate and money. At

the Isle of Eleuthera he loaded with dyeing wood and took on board

eighteen passengers under an agreement that they should be landed at

Newfoundland for forty pieces of eight, per man, passage money. One of

these men, John Danson, shipped as mate and came to Boston in the ketch

but the rest changed their minds as to their intended destination and

asked to be landed at different points. Two men were put ashore at the

easternmost end of Long Island; six landed at Gardiner’s Island; five

at “Martin’s” Vineyard; one was taken to the “Sackadehock” on the Maine

coast and two were left at “Damaras Cove” near there. Captain Narramore

claimed that he had learned the names of none of these men; but he

admitted that they had brought on board two heavy chests which were

taken off at Gardiner’s Island.

Strange stories began to circulate about the wharves and Captain

Narramore and his mate were soon sent for by the magistrates. A

search of Danson’s chest discovered nine hundred pieces of eight--not

a very large fortune for a successful pirate! Danson deposed that

he had sailed from Boston four years before in a private man-of-war

commanded by one Henley, “bound for the Rack,” and afterwards had gone

into the Red Sea where they had plundered and taken what they could

from the Malabars and the Arabs. He left Henley and took passage with

one Wollery, a consort of Henley, for the Isle of Eleuthera where he

shipped with Captain Narramore. He acknowledged that Henley was now

considered a pirate. Thomas Scudder, one of the passengers who had come

to Boston, had gone on board a ketch bound for Salem, where his family

lived, and Christopher Goffe had gone ashore at Gardiner’s Island.[28]

A warrant was issued for the arrest of Scudder and the seizure of any

plate, money or goods in his possession. The sheriff in Essex County

also arrested several other supposed pirates who were sent to Boston

for examination.

Christopher Goffe came into Newport, R. I., in a ship commanded by

William Wollery who was supposed to have come from the Great South Sea.

A shot was fired across their forefoot whereupon they came to anchor

but the next day sailed for Andrews Island where the vessel was burnt

and the men dispersed.[29] In November, 1687, Goffe appeared in Boston

and surrendered himself in pursuance of His Majesty’s “Proclamation for

Calling in and Suppressing Pyrates and Privateers.” He was then very

sick and weak and gave a bond, also signed by two Boston citizens, that

as soon as he recovered he would go to England and receive the King’s

pardon.

Nothing seems to have come of the lengthy investigations made by the

magistrates. The plate and money that had been seized was returned to

Captain Narramore and John Danson and two of the suspected passengers

who had been taken--Edward Calley and Thomas Dunston--were freed and

their money, plate and “a parcel of stones” returned to them.

About the same time a man named William Douglass applied to Edward

Randolph, the English Agent, for relief. He had been a passenger on

board a small vessel sailing between the Barbadoes and the Carolinas

and had been taken by Henry Holloway, the pirate, from whom he had

escaped as the pirate ship rode at anchor in Casco Bay, Maine.

Christopher Goffe recovered from his sickness and in August, 1691, was

commissioned by Governor Bradstreet, to cruise with his ship “Swan”

between Cape Cod and Cape Ann and off the Isles of Shoals for the

safeguard of the coast. This came about as the result of the capture

at Piscataqua, now Portsmouth, N. H., of a vessel commanded by Capt.

Thomas Wilkinson, inward bound from Cadiz. She was taken by two

privateers commanded respectively by Capt. Thomas Griffin and Captain

Dew. Captain Griffin landed at Portsmouth and sent a letter to the

Governor in which he claimed that he carried a privateering commission

and that he had mistaken Captain Wilkinson for a French vessel said to

be on the coast. But as he had found prohibited goods on board he had

seized her after firing three great shot and a volley of small arms.

Captain Griffin wrote that he feared if he brought the prize to Boston

he “should be unkindly dealt with.” He also quite gratuitously accused

the Bostonians of furnishing the French at Fort Royal with arms,

ammunition and cloth in truck for beaver and other goods. Griffin and

Dew first carried their prize into the Isle of Shoals and afterwards

into the river at Portsmouth where part of the cargo was disposed of

without trial or adjudication.

Meanwhile, Captain Goffe was anchored near Portsmouth. On August 14th

he wrote to the Governor:--“I shall obay your honors Comand in making

Seasuer of Capt. Griffin and Capt. Dew If it lies in my power to meet

with them ... one of them is now in site standing of and on between

this place and the Isle of Sholes.... They sayle two foot to ower

one.... Ower Bread and beare is all most Expended.” A few days later he

asked to be recalled to Nantasket to provide necessary supplies, “the

Docters chest Espeshely,”[30] and there the episode seems to have ended.

The ketch “Elinor,” William Shortrigs, master, came to anchor at

Nantasket road, near the mouth of Boston harbor, early in the afternoon

of Nov. 20, 1689. She was inward bound from the island of Nevis, loaded

with sugar and indigo, and the wind failing and the flood tide being

almost spent, the captain was obliged to anchor as most of his men were

sick or disabled with the cold. Leaving the vessel in charge of James

Thomas, he took his mate and one other man and started for Boston in

the ship’s boat to get help to bring the vessel into harbor. Provisions

also were running short. The next day his owner, Mr. Thomas Cooper,

was unable to secure a permit to bring her up because there had been

smallpox on board but on the 22d he told the captain that she might be

brought up as far as the Castle, so four men were sent down the harbor.

The next morning they returned and astonished the captain with the news

that the ketch had disappeared from her anchorage. Mr. Cooper at once

sent out a “hue and cry” according to law and hired a sloop to go in

search of the missing ketch which was found two days later run ashore

within Cape Cod hook.

About seven o’clock in the evening of the day on which Captain

Shortrigs had started to row up to Boston, Thomas was between decks

and had just called the boy to turn the glass and mind the pump, when

he heard a noise on deck and going up to investigate found that four

armed men and a boy had come aboard. One of the men at once gave Thomas

a blow on the head with the butt of his musket and ordered him to keep

quiet. Soon after he was forced under the half-deck and the scuttle was

shut and a tarpaulin put over it. The leader of the party then came

down into the cabin and asked how many were on board, finding four men,

two boys and a woman, all sick save Thomas and one of the boys. The

armed men then cut the cable, which was about half in, and two of them

went aloft to cut the gaskets and loose the sails after which a course

was taken for Cape Cod.

The next morning was Friday and early in the day they came to anchor at

Cape Cod and shot a musket to call a shallop. The leader asked Thomas

if he would go to England with them when they were revictualled and

when he refused they threatened his life. When the shallop came out

to them an agreement was made for a supply of provisions which were

brought out the next morning, but only a small supply--a gallon of rum,

some biscuits and some cheese. The shallop-men said the ketch must be

brought in nearer shore. About midnight, at full sea, they loosed the

cable and let it run out and not long after the ketch went ashore. At

low water the armed party went off and soon disappeared.

Such was the homely tale of the appearance and disappearance of the

ketch “Elinor.” The sequel was soon found in the new stone gaol in

Boston where William Coward, Peleg Heath, Thomas Storey and Christopher

Knight were to be seen confined and in irons. What became of the boy

does not appear. Thomas Pound, Thomas Hawkins, Thomas Johnston and

other more valorous pirates were also confined there at the same time.

Justice moved swiftly that year and notwithstanding the claim made

by Coward, the leader of the party that boarded the ketch, that his

crime had been committed upon the high seas without the jurisdiction

of the court, he was found guilty of piracy and sentenced to be hanged

on January 27, 1690.[31] His companions also were found guilty and

sentenced to death but afterwards reprieved and eventually allowed to

go free.

The story of the capture of James Gillam, a notorious pirate in his

time, is best told by the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of Massachusetts,

in a letter written to the Council of Trade and Plantations on Nov. 29,

1699.

“I gave you an account, Oct. 24, of my taking Joseph Bradish and Tee

Wetherley, and writ that I hoped in a little time to be able to send

news of my taking James Gillam, the Pirate that killed Capt. Edgecomb,

commander of the Mocha frigate for the East India Co., and that with

his own hand while the Captain was asleep. Gillam is supposed to be

the man that encouraged the ship’s company to turn pirates, and the

ship has been ever since robbing in the Red Sea and Seas of India. If

I may believe the reports of men lately come from Madagascar, she has

taken above £2,000,000 sterling. I have been so lucky as to take James

Gillam and he is now in irons in the gaol of this town, and at the

same time we seized one Francis Dole, in whose house he was harboured,

who proves to be one of Hore’s crew, one of Col. Fletcher’s pirates,

commissioned by him from N. York. Dole is also committed to gaol.

My taking of Gillam was so very accidental, one would believe there

was a strange fatality in that man’s stars. On Saturday, 11th inst.,

late in the evening, I had a letter from Col. Sanford, Judge of the

Admiralty Court in Rhode Island, giving me an account that Gillam had

been there, but was come towards Boston a fortnight before, in order to

ship himself for some of the Islands, Jamaica or Barbadoes; that he was

troubled he knew it not sooner and was afraid his intelligence would

come too late to me; that the messenger he sent knew the mare Gillam

rode on to this town. I was in despair of finding the man because Col.

Sandford writ to me that he was come to this town so long a time as a

fortnight before that. However, I sent for an honest constable I had

made use of in apprehending Kidd and his men, and sent him with Col.

Sandford’s messenger to search all the inns in town for the mare, and

at the first inn they went to they found her tied up in the yard. The

people of the inn reported that the man that brought her thither had

lighted off her about a quarter of an hour before, had then tied her,

but went away without saying anything. I gave orders to the master

of the inn that if anybody came to look after the mare, he should be

sure to seize him, but nobody came for her. Next morning, which was

Sunday, I summoned a Council, and we published a proclamation wherein

I promised a reward of 200 [pieces of eight] for the seizing and

securing Gillam, whereupon there was the strictest search made all that

day and the next that was ever made in this part of the world, but we

had missed of him, if I had not been informed of one Capt. Knot as an

old pirate, and therefore likely to know where Gillam was concealed.

I sent for Knot and examined him, promising him, if he would make an

ingenious confession, I would not molest him. He seemed much disturbed,

but would not confess anything to purpose. I then sent for his wife

and examined her on oath apart from her husband, and she confessed

that one who went by the name of James Kelly had lodged several nights

in her house, but for some nights past he lodged, as she believed, in

Charlestown, cross the river. I knew he went by the name of Kelly. Then

I examined Capt. Knot again, telling him his wife had been more free

and ingenious than him, which made him believe she had told all, and

then he told me of Francis Dole in Charlestown, and that he believed

Gillam would be found there. I sent half a dozen men immediately over

the water, to Charlestown and Knot with ’em; they beset the house and

searched it, but found not the man, Dole affirming he was not there,

neither knew he any such man. Two of the men went through a field

behind Dole’s house and passing through a second field they met a man

in the dark (for it was 10 o’clock at night) whom they seized at all

adventures, and it happened as oddly as luckily to be Gillam; he had

been treating two young women some few miles off in the country and was

returning at night to his landlord Dole’s house. I examined him, but

he denied everything, even that he came with Kidd from Madagascar, or

ever saw him in his life; but Capt. Davies who came thence with Kidd,

and all Kidd’s men, are positive he is the man and that he went by his

true name Gillam all the while he was on the voyage with ’em, and Mr.

Campbell, Postmaster of this town, whom I sent to treat with Kidd,

offers to swear this is the man he saw on board Kidd’s sloop under the

name of James Gillam. He is the most inpudent, hardened villain I ever

saw. That which led me to a search after this man was the information

of William Cuthbert, which I sent your Lordships with my packet of

July 26th, wherein he says that it was commonly reported that Gillam

had killed Capt. Edgecomb with his own hands, that he had served the

Mogul, turned Mohammedan and was circumcised. I had him searched by a

surgeon and a Jew in this town: they have both declared on oath that he

is circumcised. I recommend the perusal of the evidence I enclose as

what will inform you of the strange countenance given to pirates by the

Government and people of Rhode Island. In searching Capt. Knot’s house

[a sma]ll trunk was found with some remnants of E. India goods and a

letter from Kidd’s wife to Capt. Thomas Pain, an old pirate living on

Canonicot Island in Rhode Island government. He made an affidavit to

me when I was at Rhode Island that he had received nothing from Kidd’s

sloop, when she lay at anchor there, yet by Knot’s deposition he was

sent with Mrs. Kidd’s letter to Pain for 24 ounces of gold, which Knot

accordingly brought, and Mrs. Kidd’s injunction to Pain to keep all the

rest that was left with him till further order was a plain indication

that there was a good deal of treasure still behind in Pain’s custody.

Therefore I posted away a message to Gov. Cranston and Col. Sanford to

make a strict search of Pain’s house before he could have notice. It

seems nothing was then found, but Pain has since produced 18 ounces and

odd weight of gold, as appears by [Gov.] Cranston’s letter, Nov. 25,

and pretends ’twas bestowed on him by Kidd, hoping that may [pass for]

a salvo for the oath he made. I think ’tis plain he foreswore himself

and I am of opinion he has a great deal more of Kidd’s goods still in

his hands, [but] he is out of my power and being in that government

I cannot compel him to deliver up the [rest]. Your Lordships will

find in Capt. Coddington’s narrative, sent with my report Nov. 27, an

inventory of gold and jewels in Gov. Cranston’s hands, which he took

from a pirate. I see no reason why he should keep them, [but] so far

from that, that he ought to be called to an account for conniving at

the pirates making that Island their sanctuary, and suffering some to

escape from justice. If there be an order sent to him to deliver all

goods and treasure which he has at any time received from privateers or

pirates into my hands for the use of his Majesty, and that upon oath,

I will see the order executed and give a faithful account thereof.

Four pounds weight of the gold brought from Gardiner’s Island, which

I formerly acquainted your Lordships of, and all the jewels belonged

to Gillam, as Mr. Gardiner’s letter to Mr. Dummer, a merchant in

this town and one of the Committee appointed by me and the Council

to receive all the treasure brought in Kidd’s sloop, will prove, and

there is some proof of it in Capt. Coddington’s narrative and Capt.

Knot’s deposition. I am told that as Vice [Admiral] of these provinces

I am entitled to 1/3 part of Gillam’s gold and jewels; I know not wh

[ether I] am or no, but if it be my right I hope you will represent to

the King accordingly. ’Tis a great prejudice to the King’s [service]

that here is no revenue or other fund to answer any occasion of His

Majesty’s. I [have been] forced to disburse the 200 pieces of eight

out of my own little stock, and also to defray my expenses in going to

Rhode Island to execute the King’s Commission; both accounts I now

send and beg your Lordships’ favour in promoting. Capt. Gullock tells

me that 15 or 16 of the ship’s company that would not be concerned with

Gillam went home in the _America_ belonging to the E. I. company. I

should think an advertisement in the _Gazette_ requiring some of those

men to appear before one of the Secretaries of State to give their

evidence would be proper.

“Your Lordships will meet with a pass among the other papers to Sion

Arnold, one of the pirates brought from Madagascar by Shelley of N.

York, signed by Governor Basse, which is a bold step in Basse after

such positive orders as he received from Mr. Secretary Vernon, but

I perceive plainly the meaning of it, he took several pirates at

Burlington in West Jerzey and a good store of money with them as ’tis

said: and I dare say he would be glad they [?should] escape, for when

they are gone who can witness what money he seized with ’em? I know

the man so well that I verily believe that’s his plot. John Carr

mentioned in some of the [?papers to] be in Rhode Island was one of

Hore’s crew. There are abundance of other pirates in that island at

this time, but they are out of my power. Mr. Brinley, Col. Sanford,

and Capt. Coddington are honest men and of the best estates in the

island, and because they are heartily weary of the maladministrations

of that Government, and because I commissioned ’em, by virtue of H.

M. Commission to me, to [make] enquiry into the irregularities of

those people, they are become strangely odious to ’em and are often

affronted by ’em; neither will they make ’em Justices of the Peace,

so that when they would commit pirates to gaol, they are forced to go

to the Governor, for his warrant, and very [comm]only the pirates get

notice and avoid the warrant. Gardiner, the Dep. Collector, is accused

to have been once a pirate, in one of the papers enclosed. I doubt he

will forswear himself rather than part with Gillam’s gold which is

in his hands. ’Tis impossible for me to transmit to the Lords of the

Treasury these proofs against Gardiner, being so jaded with writing,

but I could wish they were made acquainted with his character and would

send over honest, in[tellige]nt men to be Collectors of Rhode Island,

Connecticut and N. Hampshire, and that they [would] hasten Mr. Brenton

hither to his post or send some other Collector in his room. I could

wish Mr. Weaver were ordered to hasten to N. York. Captain Knot in one

of his depositions accuses Gillam to have pirated four years together

in the South Sea against the Spaniards. We have advice that Burk, an

Irishman and pirate, that committed sea-robberies on the coast of

Newfoundland, is drowned with all his ship’s company, except 7 or 8,

somewhere to the southward, in the hurricane about the end of July or

the beginning of Aug. last. ’Tis good news, he was very strong and said

to have had a good ship with 140 men and 24 guns.”[32]

John Halsey was a Boston privateersman who heard of the good fortune of

those who scoured the Red Sea and the Arabian coast and so abandoned

cruising on the banks of Newfoundland and set a course for Madagascar.

He was the son of James and Dinah Halsey and was born Mar. 1, 1670. As

a boy he followed the sea and in time became master of small vessels

trading with the Southern Colonies and the West Indies. In April, 1693,

while master of the sloop “Adventure,” of Boston, he testified in

court in relation to a seaman shipped by him the previous November on

a voyage to Virginia. At that time he deposed that he was twenty-three

years old.

While Joseph Dudley was governor, he was given the command of the

brigantine “Charles,” and sent out with a privateering commission to

cruise against French vessels on the fishing banks. From there he went

to the Canaries where he took a Spanish “barcalonga” which he plundered

and sunk. Having determined on a free life in the Indian Ocean he

wooded and watered at one of the Cape Verdes and then stood away for

the Cape of Good Hope and Madagascar.

For a time Captain Halsey was followed by ill-fortune. He was

nearly taken by a Dutchman of sixty guns and later was chased by the

“Albemarle,” East Indiaman, and only got clear because he could show a

better share of heels. In the Strait of Babelmandeb, a Moorish fleet

of twenty-five sail came upon him and the brigantine was only saved

from being taken when they fell to with their oars. Three days later

their luck changed and two English ships fell into their hands after

brisk fighting. The loot amounted to over £50,000 in money and also

many bale goods, so they steered for Madagascar where they shared their

booty. Here, Captain Halsey fell sick of a fever and died in 1716 and

was buried with great ceremony. His sword and pistols were laid on his

coffin, which was covered with a ship’s jack, and minute guns were

fired. He was a brave man and died regretted by his men and the friends

he had made in Madagascar. “His Grave was made in a Garden of Water

Melons and fenced in with Pallisades to prevent his being rooted up by

wild Hogs, of which there are Plenty in those Parts.”[33]

Another Massachusetts pirate was Joseph Bradish of Cambridge, who was

born there Nov. 28, 1672. In March, 1698 he was in London, England, out

of a berth and so shipped as boatswain’s mate on board “the ship or

hakeboat Adventure,” Thomas Gulleck, commander, bound for the island of

Borneo on an interloping trade. The ship was about 350 tons burthen and

carried twenty-two guns. The following September, while at the island

of Polonais for water, most of the officers and passengers being on

shore, the rest of the ship’s company cut the cable and ran away with

the ship. There were about twenty-five men aboard and Joseph Bradish

was chosen their commander because of his skill in navigation. Sail

was made for Mauritius where they refitted the ship and took on fresh

provisions and then a course was set for New England.

Not long after rounding the Cape of Good Hope a sharing was made of

the money found on board which was contained in nine chests stowed in

the breadroom. Each man received over fifteen hundred Spanish dollars

and the captain was assigned two and a half shares. Later there was a

sharing of the broadcloths, serges and other goods in the lading of the

ship.

The “Adventure” arrived at the east end of Long Island on March 19,

1699 and Captain Bradish went on shore at Nassau Island taking with

him most of his money and jewels. He sent a pilot on board to bring

the ship around to Gardiner’s Island, but the wind not favoring, Block

Island was made instead. Two men were then sent to Rhode Island to buy

a sloop but the Governor, suspecting them to be pirates, ordered them

seized. A day or two later several sloops sailing near the “Adventure”

were hailed and after some bartering one of them was bought and another

hired. The sloopmen were allowed to take what they pleased out of the

ship and having transferred their money and some of the richer of the

lading to the two sloops, the “Adventure” was sunk. Some of the crew

were set ashore at different landings where they reached farmhouses and

purchased horses and departed for parts unknown.

Captain Bradish and others of his company ventured into Massachusetts

early in April, but the news of their arrival at Long Island had

preceded them and soon the captain and ten of his men were lodged

in the stone gaol in Boston where Caleb Ray, his kinsman, was the

gaol-keeper. Bradish and his men were examined by the authorities and

several of them confessed. Money and goods to the value of about £3000,

were seized and Bradish’s jewels, which had been left with Col. Henry

Peirson at Nassau Island, were sent for and taken to New York to be

inventoried. Ten or more of his crew were also captured on Rhode Island.

Bradish lay in gaol for nearly two months and it does not appear that

he was placed in irons which was the fate of Captain Kidd a few weeks

later. Governor Bellomont ordered Kidd placed in irons weighing sixteen

pounds and not content with that paid the gaoler forty shillings a week

above his salary in the hope of keeping him honest. This all came about

because Bradish was allowed to escape. Caleb Ray, the gaol-keeper, was

a relative of Bradish, a fact unknown to the authorities, and doubtless

not many days passed before family influences were exerted in his

behalf.

On the morning of June 25th, Ray found the prison door open and

Bradish and Tee Wetherly, one of his company, who had but one eye,

were missing. The Governor was angry and finding the Council slow to

take action he became still more enraged. Learning that prisoners had

mysteriously escaped at other times, Ray finally was dismissed and a

prosecution ordered.

Meantime, Bellomont had devoted much of his time to pirates and piracy.

Kidd had been taken and his spoil sequestered. A ship had arrived at

New York bringing sixty pirates from Madagascar and a vast deal of

treasure. The New York owners were said to have cleared £30,000 by

the voyage. He learned that about two hundred Madagascar pirates were

intending to take passage for New York in Frederick Phillips’ ships

at £50 each. A great ship had been seen off the Massachusetts coast

supposed to be commanded by Maise, the pirate, and laded with much

wealth taken in the Red Sea. There was a sloop in at Rhode Island,

undoubtedly a pirate as the crew went ashore daily and spent their gold

freely. He also was occupied in manning out a ship to go in quest of

the “Quidah Merchant,” Kidd’s ship, left by him in the West Indies.

Long reports were sent to the Lords of Trade and Plantations by the

busy Governor in one of which he mentions “having writ myself almost

dead.”

[Illustration: RICHARD COOTE, EARL OF BELLOMONT, GOVERNOR OF

MASSACHUSETTS, 1699-1700

From a rare engraving in the Harvard College Library]

When Bradish and Wetherly stole out of gaol they made their way to the

eastward and Governor Bellomont offered a reward of two hundred pieces

of eight for the recapture of Bradish and one hundred pieces for

Wetherly. He also wrote to the Governors of Canada and St. Johns. There

happened to be in Boston at the time, an Indian sachem, Essacambuit,

who had come to make submission in behalf of the Kennebeck Indians

and the reward sent him on the trail of the fleeing pirates with such

success that they were taken and brought into the fort at Saco. On

Oct. 24th, they were again in Boston gaol, this time well secured with

irons. During the following months they made two unsuccessful attempts

to escape. Once they broke through the floor, but that failing them

a night or two later they filed off their fetters, whereupon they

were manacled and chained to one another. “I believe this new gaoler

I have got is honest; otherwise I should be very uneasy,” wrote the

Governor.[34]

On Feb. 3, 1700, the man-of-war “Advice” arrived in Boston harbor

for the express purpose of conveying Kidd, Bradish and other pirates

to London, for trial before an Admiralty Court and on April 8th they

arrived there, still in irons.

Justice was summarily meted out to Bradish and his men and their fate

became well-known to sailormen and pirates in all seas. Twenty years

later when Capt. Bart. Roberts captured a Boston-bound ship, the

captain was told by some of the pirate crew that they never would “go

to Hope-Point, to be hang’d up a Sun drying, as Kidd’s and Braddish’s

Company were; but that if they should ever be overpower’d, they would

set Fire to the Powder, with a Pistol, and go all merrily to Hell

together.”

FOOTNOTES

[20] Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_, Boston, 1856, p. 293.

[21] Capt. Roger Clap’s _Memoirs_, p. 35.

[22] Winthrop’s _Journal_, New York, 1908, Vol. I, p. 96.

[23] Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_, p. 441.

[24] Winthrop’s _Journal_, New York, 1908, Vol. II, p. 273.

[25] _Records of the Massachusetts Bay Colony_, Vol. IV, Part II, p.

563.

[26] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. LXI, leaf 280.

[27] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. LXI, leaf 280.

[28] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 10.

[29] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 191.

[30] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. XXXVII, leaf 117.

[31] See chapter on Capt. Thomas Pound.

[32] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1699, pp.

551-554.

[33] Johnson, _The History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[34] _Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1699, p.

1011.

The pirates of the New England coast, 1630-1730 · 第 2 / 20 章