In time of peace with the interior, there is a considerable trade

[p.189] with the Bedouins, and especially with the inhabitants of the

towns of Nedjed, who are in want of India goods, drugs, and articles of

dress, which they procure either from Medina, or at a cheaper rate from

Mekka. Coffee, so much used in the Desert, is imported by the people of

Nedjed themselves, who send their own caravans to the coffee country of

Yemen.

The Mekkawys, especially those who are not sufficiently opulent to trade

in India goods, (which require a good deal of ready cash, and lie

sometimes long on hand,) employ their capital during the interval of the

Hadj, in the traffic of corn and provisions. This was much more

profitable formerly than it is at present; for Mohammed Aly having made

these articles a monopoly, the people are now obliged to purchase the

grain in Djidda, at the Pasha’s own price, and to be contented with a

moderate gain on re-selling it at Mekka. After paying freight, however,

it still leaves a profit of fifteen or twenty per cent.; and it is a

species of traffic peculiarly attractive to the smaller capitals, as,

the prices being very variable, it is a lottery by which money may

sometimes be doubled in a short time.

At the approach of the pilgrimage, every kind of provision rises in

value; and, in a smaller proportion, every other article of trade. Those

who have warehouses filled with corn, rice, and biscuits, are sure to

obtain considerable profits. To provide food, during their stay, for an

influx of population amounting to sixty thousand human beings, and for

twenty thousand camels, together with provisions for their return

homewards, is a matter of no small moment, and Mohammed Aly has not yet

ventured to take the whole of it into his hands. Every Mekkawy

possessing a few dollars, lays them out in the purchase of some kind of

provision, which, when the Hadj approaches, he transports upon his ass

from Djidda to Mekka.

Whenever the interior of Arabia is open to caravans, Bedouins from all

the surrounding parts purchase their yearly provision of corn at Mekka;

which itself also, in time of peace, receives a considerable quantity of

corn from Yemen, especially Mokhowa, a town which is ten days’ journey

distant, at the western foot of the great chain, and the mart of the

Arabs who cultivate those mountains. I heard that

[p.190] the imports from Mokhowa amounted to half the demand of Mekka;

but this seems doubtful, though I have no means of forming a correct

estimate, as the route is at present unfrequented, and Mekka receives

its provisions wholly from Djidda. The consumption of grain, it may be

observed, is much greater in Arabia than in any of the surrounding

countries; the great mass of the population living almost entirely upon

wheat, barley, lentils, or rice; using no vegetables, but a great deal

of butter.

Unless a person is himself engaged in commercial concerns, or has an

intelligent friend among the wholesale merchants, it is difficult, if

not impossible, for him to obtain any accurate details of so extensive a

trade as that carried on by Mekka. I shall, therefore, abstain from

making any partial, and, on that account, probably erroneous remarks, on

its different branches, with which I am not well acquainted, and which I

could find no one at Mekka to explain to me.

It will naturally be supposed that Mekka is a rich town: it would be

still more so, if the lower classes did not so rapidly spend their gains

in personal indulgences. The wholesale merchants are rich; and as the

whole of their business is carried on with ready money, they are less

exposed to losses than other Eastern merchants. Most of them have an

establishment at Djidda, and the trade of both towns is closely

connected. During the time of the Wahabys, the interior of Arabia was

opened to Mekka; but the foreign imports, by sea and land, were reduced

to what was wanted for the use of the inhabitants. The great fair of the

pilgrimage no longer took place; and although some foreign hadjys still

visited the holy city, they did not trust their goods to the chance of

being seized by the Wahabys. Under these circumstances, the principal

inducement with the Mekkawys to remain in the town, namely, their

unceasing gains, no longer existed. The rich waited for a renewal of the

Hadj caravans; but many of the poor, unable longer to find subsistence,

retired from Mekka, and settled at Djidda, or other harbours on the Red

Sea; whither they have been followed by many of the more respectable

traders.

Trade is carried on by means of brokers, many of whom are Indians: in

general, the community of Indians is the wealthiest in

[p.191] Mekka. They are in direct intercourse with all the harbours of

Hindostan, and can often afford to undersell their competitors.

Many of them, as has been already observed, are stationary here, while

others are constantly travelling backward and forward between India and

the Hedjaz. They all retain their native language, which they teach

their children, and also many merchants of Mekka superficially, so that

most of the latter understand, at least, the Hindostanee numerals, and

the most ordinary phrases employed in buying and selling. The Indians

labour under great difficulties in learning Arabic; I never heard any of

them, however long resident in the Hedjaz, speak it with a tolerable

accent: in this respect they are inferior to the Turks, whose

pronunciation of Arabic so often affords subject of ridicule to the

Arabian mob. The children of Indians, born at Mekka, of course speak

Arabic as their native language. The Indians have the custom of writing

Arabic with Hindostanee characters.

They are said to be extremely parsimonious; and, from what I saw of them

in the houses of some of their first merchants, they seem to deserve the

character. They are shrewd traders, and an overmatch, sometimes, even

for the Arabians. They are despicable, from their want of charity; but

they display among themselves a spirited manner, which makes them

respected, and even sometimes dreaded, at Mekka. Many of them have

partners in India; consequently they receive their goods cheaper than

they can be bought from the Indian ships at Djidda: hence the inferior

dealers and shopkeepers at Mekka often find it more convenient to

purchase from them at short credit, than to go to Djidda, where every

thing must be paid for in ready money. With the exception of one or two

houses, no Arabian merchants of Mekka receive their goods direct from

India, but purchase them from the India fleet. Of all the people at

Mekka none are more strict in the performance of their religious rites

than the Indians.

Dealers, when bargaining in the presence of others from whom they wish

to conceal their business, join their right hands under the corner of

the gown or sleeve of one of the parties; by touching the different

joints of the fingers they note the numerals, and thus silently conclude

their bargain.

[p.192] The Mekkawys who do not ostensibly follow commerce, are attached

to the government, or to the establishment of the mosque; but as I have

already said, they all engage, more or less, in some branch of traffic,

and the whole population looks forward to the period of the Hadj as the

source of their income.

The persons attached to the mosque have regular salaries, partake in the

general presents made to it, expect many private donations from

charitable devotees, and share in the stipends which are brought by the

Syrian and Egyptian caravans. These stipends, called Surra, (of which I

have already given an account,) derive their origin principally from the

Sultans of Constantinople, who, upon their accession to the throne,

generally fix a certain yearly sum for the maintenance of the poor, and

the worthiest individuals of Mekka and Medina. They are distributed in

both towns by the Kadhy, as he thinks proper; but if a person has been

once presented with a stipend, he enjoys it for life, and it descends to

his children. He receives a ticket signed by the Kadhy, the Sherif, and

the Surra-writer, and his name is entered in a register at Mekka, of

which a duplicate is sent annually by the returning Hadj to

Constantinople, where the name is enrolled in the general Surra-book.

The Surra is made up at Constantinople in a great number of small

packets, each containing the stipulated sum, and indorsed with the name

of the individual to whom it is destined. If any fresh sum is sent to be

distributed, the Kadhy divides it, informs the inspector of the Surra at

Constantinople to whom the money has been given, and in the following

year the additional packages, addressed to the new pensioners, are added

to the former number. Some of the Surras are brought from Egypt, but the

far greater part from Constantinople, by way of Syria: this part is very

regularly received. Each caravan has its own Surra-writer, whose duty

also it is to distribute all the other money or tribute which the

caravan pays to Bedouins and Arabs, on its road to Mekka.

The Surra for Mekka is distributed in the mosque, under the windows of

the Kadhy’s house, after the departure of the Hadj. There are persons

who receive so small a sum as one piastre; the greater number from ten

to twenty piastres; but there are a few

[p.193] families who receive as much as two thousand piastres annually.

Although not always given to the most worthy, many poor families derive

support from this allowance. The tickets are transferable; the Kadhy and

the Sherif must sign the transfer; and the new name, a small compliment

being given to the Kadhy’s scribe, is registered and sent to

Constantinople. In former times a Mekkawy could scarcely be induced to

sell his Surra, which he considered an honour as well as the most

certain provision for his family. The value, however, of the Surra has

much changed. During the time of the Wahabys the tickets had almost

entirely lost their value, as for eight years their holders had received

no pay. They have now recovered a little; but some were lately sold at

two years and a half purchase, which may afford an idea of the opinion

current at Mekka as to the stability of the Turkish government, or the

probability of the return of the Wahabys.

The idlest, most impudent, and vilest individuals of Mekka adopt the

profession of guides (metowaf or delyl); and as there is no want of

those qualities, and a sufficient demand for guides during the Hadj,

they are very numerous. Besides the places which I have described in the

town, the metowafs accompany the hadjys to all the other places of

resort in the sacred district, and are ready to perform every kind of

service in the city. But their utility is more than counterbalanced by

their importunity and knavery. They besiege the room of the hadjy from

sun-rise to sun-set; and will not allow him to do any thing without

obtruding their advice: they sit down with him to breakfast, dinner, and

supper; lead him into all possible expenses, that they may pocket a

share of them; suffer no opportunity to pass of asking him for money;

and woe to the poor ignorant Turk who employs them as his interpreter in

any mercantile concern. My first delyl was the man of Medina at whose

house I lodged during the last days of Ramadhan. On returning to Mekka a

second time, I unfortunately met him in the street; and though I was far

from giving him a hearty welcome, having sufficient reason to suspect

his honesty, he eagerly embraced me, and forthwith made my new lodgings

his home. At first he accompanied me every day in my walks round the

Kaaba, to recite the prayers used on that occasion: these, however, I

soon learned

[p.194] by heart, and therefore dispensed with his services on the

occasion. He sat down regularly at dinner with me, and often brought a

small basket, which he ordered my slave to fill with biscuits, meat

vegetables or fruit, and carried away with him. Every third or fourth

day he asked for money: “It is not you who give it,” he said; “it is God

who sends it to me.” Finding there was no polite mode of getting rid of

him, I told him plainly, that I no longer wanted his services; language

to which a Mekka delyl is not accustomed. After three days, however, he

returned, as if nothing had happened, and asked me for a dollar. “God

does not move me to give you any thing,” I replied; “if he judged it

right, he would soften my heart, and cause me to give you my whole

purse.” “Pull my beard,” he exclaimed, “if God does not send you ten

times more hereafter than what I beg at present.” “Pull out every hair

of mine,” I replied, “if I give you one para, until I am convinced that

God will consider it a meritorious act.” On hearing this he jumped up,

and walked away, saying, “We fly for refuge to God, from the hearts of

the proud and the hands of the avaricious.” These people never speak ten

words without pronouncing the name of God or Mohammed; they are

constantly seen with the rosary in their hands, and mumble prayers even

during conversation. This character of the metowafs is so applicable to

the people of Mekka in general, that at Cairo they use the following

proverb, to repress the importunity of an insolent beggar: “Thou art

like the Mekkawy, thou sayest ‘Give me,’ and ‘I am thy master.’”

As I was obliged to have a delyl, I next engaged an old man of Tatar

origin, with whom having made a sort of treaty at the outset, I had

reason to be tolerably satisfied. What I paid at Mekka to the delyls,

and at the places of holy visit, amounted, perhaps, altogether to three

hundred and fifty piastres, or thirty dollars; but I gave no presents,

either to the mosque, or to any of its officers, which is done only by

great hadjys, or by those who wish to be publicly noticed. Some of the

delyls are constantly stationed near the Kaaba, waiting to be hired for

the walks round it; and if they see a pilgrim walking alone, they often,

unasked, take hold of his hand, and begin to recite the prayers. The

charge for this service is about half a piastre; and I

[p.195] have observed them bargaining with the hadjy at the very gate of

the Kaaba, in the hearing of every body. The poorer delyls are contented

with the fourth of a piastre. Many shopkeepers, and people of the third

class, send their sons who know the prayers by heart, to this station,

to learn the profession of delyl. Those who understand the Turkish

language earn great wages. As the Turkish hadjys usually arrive by way

of Djidda, in parties of from eight to twelve, who have quitted their

homes in company, and live together at Mekka, one delyl generally takes

charge of the whole party, and expects a fee in proportion to their

number. It often happens that the hadjys, on returning home, recommend

him to some other party of their countrymen, who, on reaching Djidda,

send him orders to provide lodgings for them in Mekka, to meet them at

Djidda, to superintend their short journey to the holy city, and to

guide them in the prayers that must be recited on first entering it.

Some of these delyls are constantly found at Djidda during the three

months immediately preceding the Hadj: I have seen them on the road to

Mekka, riding at the head of their party, and treated by them with great

respect and politeness. A Turk from Europe, or Asia Minor, who knows not

a word of Arabic, is overjoyed to find a smooth-tongued Arab who speaks

his language, and who promises all kinds of comforts in Mekka, which he

had been taught to consider as a place where nothing awaited him but

danger and fatigue. A delyl who has twelve Turkish hadjys under his care

for a month, generally gains as much as suffices for the expenses of his

house during the whole year, besides new clothing for himself and all

his children.

Some of these delyls have a very singular office. The Mohammedan law

prescribes that no unmarried woman shall perform the pilgrimage; and

that even every married woman must be accompanied by her husband, or at

least a very near relation (the Shafay sect does not even allow the

latter). Female hadjys sometimes arrive from Turkey for the Hadj; rich

old widows, who wish to see Mekka before they die; or women who set out

with their husbands, and lose them on the road by disease. In such

cases, the female finds at Djidda, delyls (or, as this class is called,

Muhallil) ready to facilitate their progress through the sacred

territory in the character of husbands.

[p.196] The marriage contract is written out before the Kadhy; and the

ladt, accompanied by her delyl, performs the pilgrimage to Mekka,

Arafat, and all the sacred places. This, however, is understood to be

merely a nominal marriage; and the delyl must divorce the woman on his

return to Djidda: if he were to refuse a divorce, the law cannot compel

him to it, and the marriage would be considered binding; but he could no

longer exercise the lucrative profession of delyl; and my informant

could only recollect two examples of the delyl continuing to be the

woman’s husband. I believe there is not any exaggeration of the number,

in stating that there are eight hundred full-grown delyls, besides boys

who are learning the profession. Whenever a shopkeeper loses his

customers, or a poor man of letters wishes to gain as much money as will

purchase an Abyssinian slave, he turns delyl. The profession is one of

little repute; but many a prosperous Mekkawy has, at some period of his

life, been a member of it.

From trade, stipends, and the profits afforded by hadjys, the riches

which annually flow into Mekka are very considerable, and might have

rendered it one of the richest cities in the East, were it not for the

dissolute habits of its inhabitants. With the exception of the first

class of merchants, who, though they keep splendid establishments,

generally live below their income, and a great part of the second class,

who hoard up money with the view of attaining the first rank, the

generality of Mekkawys, of all descriptions and professions, are loose

and disorderly spendthrifts. The great gains which they make during

three or four months, are squandered in good living, dress, and the

grossest gratifications; and in proportion as they feel assured of the

profits of the following year, they care little about saving any part of

those of the present. In the month of Moharram, as soon as the Hadj is

over, and the greater part of the pilgrims have departed, it is

customary to celebrate marriage and circumcision feasts. These are

celebrated at Mekka in a very splendid style; and a man that has not

more than three hundred dollars to spend in the year, will then throw

away half that sum in the marriage or the circumcision of his child.

Neither the sanctity of the holy city, nor the solemn injunctions of the

Koran, are able to deter the inhabitants of Mekka from the using of

[p.197] spirituous liquors, and indulging in all the excesses which are

the usual consequences of drunkenness. The Indian fleet imports large

quantities of raky in barrels. This spirit, mixed with sugar, and an

extract of cinnamon, is sold under the name of cinnamon-water. The

Sherifs in Mekka and Djidda, great merchants, olemas, and all the chief

people are in the habit of drinking this liquor, which they persuade

themselves is neither wine nor brandy, and therefore not prohibited by

the law. The less wealthy inhabitants cannot purchase so dear a

commodity; but they use a fermented liquor made from raisins, and

imported from Tayf, while the lower classes drink bouza. During my stay

at Tayf, a Turk belonging to the suite of Mohammed Aly Pasha distilled

brandy from grapes, and publicly sold it at forty piastres the bottle.

The Mekkawys are very expensive in their houses: the rooms are

embellished with fine carpets, and an abundance of cushions and sofas

covered with brocade: amidst the furniture is seen much beautiful china-

ware, and several nargiles adorned with silver. A petty shopkeeper would

be ashamed to receive his acquaintances in a house less splendidly

fitted up. Their tables also are better supplied than in any other

country of the East, where even respectable families live economically

in this respect. A Mekkawy, even of the lower class, must have daily on

his table meat which costs from one and a half to two piastres the

pound; his coffee-pot is never removed from the fire; and himself, his

women and children are almost constantly using the nargile, and the

tobacco which supplies it cannot be a very trifling expense.

The women have introduced the fashion, not uncommon in Turkey, of

visiting each other at least once a week with all their children; the

visit lasts the whole day, and an abundant entertainment is provided on

the occasion: the vanity of each mistress of a house makes her endeavour

to surpass her acquaintances in show and magnificence; thus a continual

expense is entailed on every family. Among the sources of expenditure

must be enumerated the purchasing of Abyssinian female slaves who are

kept by the men, or money bestowed on the public women whom several of

them frequent. Considerable sums are also lavished in sensual

gratification still more vicious and degrading, but

[p.198] unfortunately as prevalent in the towns of the Hedjaz as in some

other parts of Asia, or in Egypt under the Mamelouks. It has been

already observed that the temple of Mekka itself, the very sanctuary of

the Mohammedan religion, is almost publicly and daily contaminated by

practices of the grossest depravity: to these no disgrace is here

attached; the young of all classes are encouraged in them by the old,

and even parents have been so base as to connive at them for the sake of

money. From such pollution, however, the encampments of the Arabian

Bedouins are exempt; although their ancestors were not, in this respect,

immaculate, if we may credit some scandalous anecdotes recorded by

Eastern historians.

But my account of the public women (who are very numerous) must here be

resumed. I have already observed that the quarter called Shab Aamer was

the residence of the poorer class; those of the higher order are

dispersed over the town. Their outward behaviour is more decent than

that of any public women in the East, and it requires the experienced

eye of a Mekkawy to ascertain by a particular movement in her gait, that

the veiled female passing before him belongs to the venal tribe. I shall

not venture to speak of the married women of the Hedjaz: I have heard

anecdotes related, little to their credit; but in the East, as in other

countries, the young men sometimes boast of favours which they never

have enjoyed. The exterior demeanour of the women of Djidda and Mekka is

very decorous: few of them are ever seen walking or riding in the

street; a practice so common at Cairo, though contrary to Oriental ideas

of propriety: and I lived in three different houses at Mekka without

having seen the unveiled faces of the female inmates.

The great merchants of Mekka live very splendidly: in the houses of

Djeylany, Sakkat, Ageyl, and El Nour, are establishments of fifty or

sixty persons. These merchants obtained their riches principally during

the reign of Ghaleb, to whom Djeylany and Sakkat served as spies upon

the other merchants. Their tables are furnished daily in abundance with

every native delicacy, as well as with those which India and Egypt

afford. About twenty persons sit down to dinner with them; the favourite

Abyssinian slaves, who serve often as writers or

[p.199] cashiers, are admitted to the table of their master; but the

inferior slaves and the servants are fed only upon flour and butter. The

china and glass ware, in which the dishes are served up, is of the best

quality; rose-water is sprinkled on the beards of the guests after

dinner, and the room is filled with the odours of aloe-wood, burnt upon

the nargiles. There is great politeness without formality; and no men

appear in a more amiable light, than the great Mekkawys dispensing

hospitality to their guests. Whoever happens to be sitting in the outer

hall, when dinner is served up, is requested to join at table, which he

does without conceiving himself at all obliged by the invitation, while

the host, on his part, appears to think compliance a favour conferred

upon him.

The rich Mekkawys make two meals daily, one before mid-day, the other

after sun-set; the lower classes breakfast at sun-rise, and eat nothing

more till near sun-set. As in the negro countries, it is very indecorous

for a man to be seen eating in the streets: the Turkish soldiers, who

retain their native manners, are daily reprehended by the people of

Mekka for their ill-breeding in this respect.

Before the Turkish conquest, and the wars of the Sherif with the Wahabys

which preceded it, the merchants of Mekka led a very happy life. During

the months of May and June they went to attend the sale of India goods

at Djidda. In July and August (unless the Hadj happened in these months)

they retired to their houses at Tayf, where they passed the hottest

season, leaving their acting partners or writers at Djidda and Mekka.

During the months of the pilgrimage, they were of course always at

Mekka; and every wealthy Mekkawy family followed the Hadj to Arafat as a

tour of pleasure, and encamped for three days at Wady Muna.

In the month of Radjeb, which is the seventh after the month of the

Hadj, a caravan used always to set out from Mekka for Medina, composed

of several hundred merchants, mounted upon dromedaries. At that time a

large fair was held at Medina, and frequented by many of the surrounding

Bedouins, and people of the Hedjaz and Nedjed.

The merchandize for its supply was sent from Mekka by a heavy caravan of

camels, which set out immediately after the merchants, and

[p.200] was called Rukub el Medina. [In general, the Arabs of the Hedjaz

call the caravans Rukub; speaking of the Baghdad caravan, they say Rukub

es’ Shám, or Rukub el Erak.] They remained about twenty days at Medina,

and then returned to Mekka. This frequent, yet regular change of abode,

must have been very agreeable to the merchants, particularly in those

times, when they could calculate with certainty that the next pilgrimage

would be a source of new riches to them. Tayf and Medina being now half-

ruined, the merchants of Mekka resort to Djidda, as their only place of

recreation: but even those who have wives and houses there, talk of

their establishments at Mekka as their only real homes, and in it they

spend the greater part of the year.

The inhabitants of Mekka, Djidda, and (in a less degree) of Medina, are

generally of a more lively disposition than either the Syrians or

Egyptians. None of those silent, grave automatons are seen here, so

common in other parts of the Levant, whose insensibility, or stupidity

is commonly regarded among themselves as a proof of feeling, shrewdness,

and wisdom.

The character of the Mekkawy resembles, in this respect, that of the

Bedouin; and did not greediness of gain often distort their features,

the smile of mirth would always be on their lips. In the streets and

bazars, in the house, and even in the mosque, the Mekkawy loves to laugh

and joke. In dealing with each other, or in talking on grave subjects, a

proverb, a pun, or some witty allusion, is often introduced, and

produces laughter. As the Mekkawys possess, with this vivacity of

temper, much intellect, sagacity, and great suavity of manners, which

they well know how to reconcile with their innate pride, their

conversation is very agreeable; and whoever cultivates a mere

superficial acquaintance with them, seldom fails to be delighted with

their character. They are more polite towards each other, as well as

towards strangers, than the inhabitants of Syria and Egypt, and retain

something of the good-natured disposition of the Bedouins, from whom

they derive their origin. When they accost each other in

[p.201] the streets for the first time in the course of the day, the

young man kisses the elder’s hand, or the inferior that of his superior

in rank, while the latter returns the salute by a kiss upon the

forehead. Individuals of equal rank and age, not of the first class,

mutually kiss each other’s hands. [In shaking hands, the people of the

Hedjaz lay hold of each other’s thumbs with the whole hand, pressing it,

and again opening the hand three or four times. This is called Mesáfeha,

and is said to have been a habit of Mohammed.] They say to a stranger,

“O faithful,” or “brother;” and the saying of the prophet, “that all

faithful are brethren,” is constantly upon their lips. “Welcome, a

thousand times welcome,” says a shopkeeper to his foreign customer; “you

are the stranger of God, the guest of the holy city; my whole property

is at your disposal.” When the service of any one is wanted, the

applicant says, “Our whole subsistence, after God, is owing to you

pilgrims; can we do less than be grateful?” If in the mosque a foreigner

is exposed to the sun, the Mekkawy will make room for him in a shady

place; if he passes a coffee-shop, he will hear voices calling him to

enter and take a cup of coffee; if a Mekkawy takes a jar to drink from

any public water-seller, he will offer it, before he sets it to his

mouth, to any passenger; and upon the slightest acquaintance, he will

say to his new friend, “When will you honour me at home, and take your

supper with me?” When they quarrel among themselves, none of those

scurrilous names or vile language is heard, so frequently used in Egypt

and Syria; blows are only given on very extraordinary occasions, and the

arrival of a respectable person puts an immediate stop to any dispute,

on his recommending peace: “God has made us great sinners,” they will

then say, “but he has bestowed upon us, likewise, the virtue of easy

repentance.”

To these amiable qualities the Mekkawys add another, for which they must

also be commended: they are a proud race, and though their pride is not

founded upon innate worth, it is infinitely preferable to the cringing

servility of the other Levantines, who redeem their slavish deference to

superiors by the most overbearing haughtiness towards those below them.

The Mekkawys are proud of being

[p.202] natives of the holy city, of being the countrymen of their

prophet; of having preserved, in some degree, his manners; of speaking

his pure language; of enjoying, in expectation, all the honours in the

next world, which are promised to the neighbours of the Kaaba; and of

being much freer men than any of the foreigners whom they see crowding

to their city. They exhibit this pride to their own superiors, whom they

have taught to treat them with great forbearance and circumspection; and

they look upon all other Mohammedan nations as people of an inferior

order, to whom their kindness and politeness are the effect of their

condescension. Many good consequences might result from this pride,

without which a people cannot expect to sustain its rank among nations.

It has prevented the people of Mekka from sinking so deep into slavery

as some of their neighbours; but it excites them to nothing laudable,

while its more immediate effects are seen in the contempt which they

entertain for foreigners. This contempt, as I have already remarked, in

speaking of Djidda, is chiefly displayed towards the Turks, whose

ignorance of the Arabic language, whose dress and manners, the meanness

of their conduct whenever they cannot talk as masters; their cowardice

exhibited whenever the Hadj has been assailed in its route across the

Desert, and the little respect that was shown to them by the Governors

of Mekka, as long as the Sherif’s power was unbroken, have lowered them

so much in the estimation of the Arabians, that they are held in the

Hedjaz as little better than infidels; and although many of the Mekkawys

are of Turkish origin, they heartily join the rest of their townsmen in

vilifying the stock from which they sprang. The word Turky has become a

term of insult towards each other among the children. Noszrany

(Christians), or Yahoudy (Jews), are often applied to the Turks by the

people of Mekka; and their manners and language afford a perpetual

source of ridicule or reproach. The Syrians and Egyptians experience

similar effects from the pride of the people of the Hedjaz, but

especially the former, as the Egyptians, of all foreigners, approach

nearest to the people of Arabia in customs and language, and keep up the

most intimate intercourse with them. But the haughty Syrian Moslim, who

calls Aleppo or Damascus “Om el Donia,” (the mother of the

[p.203] world,) and believes no race of men equal to his own, nor any

language so pure as the Syrian, though it is undoubtedly the worst

dialect of the Arabic next to the Moggrebyn, is obliged to behave here

with great modesty and circumspection, and at least to affect

politeness. Although an Arab, he is reproached with dressing and living

like a Turk; and to the epithet Shámy (Syrian) the idea is attached of a

heavy, untutored clown. If the Arabians were to see the Turks in the

countries where they are masters, their dislike towards them would be

still greater; for it must be said, that their behaviour in the holy

city is, in general, much more decent and conformable to the precepts of

their religion, than in the countries from which they come.

The Mekkawys believe that their city, with all the inhabitants, is under

the especial care of Providence, and that they are so far favoured above

all other nations. “This is Mekka! this is the city of God!” they

exclaim, when any surprise is expressed at the greater part of them

having remained in the town during the stagnation of trade and the

absence of pilgrims: “None ever wants his daily bread [h]ere; none fears

here the incursion of enemies.” That Saoud saved the town from pillage;

that no plundering took place when the Turkish cavalry, under Mostafa

Bey, recaptured it from the Wahabys; that the capture of Sherif Ghaleb

led to no massacres within the precincts of Mekka, are to them so many

visible miracles of the Almighty, to prove the truth of that passage of

the Koran, (chap. 106.) in which it is said, “Let them adore the God of

the house (the Kaaba), who feeds them in hunger, and secures them from

all fear.” But they forget to look back to their own history, which

mentions many terrible famines and sanguinary battles, that have

happened in this sacred asylum. Indeed, the Hedjaz has suffered more

from famine than, perhaps, any other Eastern country. The historians

abound with descriptions of such lamentable events: I shall only mention

one that happened in 1664, when, as Asamy relates, many people sold

their own children at Mekka for a single measure of corn; and when, at

Djidda, the populace fed publicly on human flesh.

A Mekkawy related to me, that having once resolved to abandon the city,

in consequence of the non-arrival of Turkish hadjys, who supplied

[p.204] his means of subsistence, an angel appeared to him in his sleep

on the night previous to his intended departure. The angel had a flaming

sword in his hand, and stood upon the gate of Mekka, through which the

dreamer was about to leave the town, and exclaimed, “Unbeliever, remain!

the Mekkawys shall eat honey, while all the other people of the earth

shall be content with barley bread!” In consequence of this vision he

abandoned his project, and continued to live in the town.

The exterior politeness of the people of Mekka is in the same proportion

to their sincerity, as are their professions of zealous faith and

adherence to their religion, with the observance of its precepts. Many

of them, especially those who have no particular interest in imposing

upon the hadjys by an appearance of extreme strictness, are very relaxed

in observing the forms of their religion, thinking it quite sufficient

to be Mekkawys and to utter pious ejaculations in public, or supposing

that the rigid practice of its precepts is more particularly incumbent

upon foreign visitors, who see Mekka only once in their life. Like the

Bedouins, many of them are either very irregular in their prayers, or do

not pray at all. During the Friday’s prayers, which every Moslim

resident in a town is bound to attend, the mosque is filled chiefly with

strangers, while many of the people of Mekka are seen smoking in their

shops. After the pilgrims have left the town, the service in the mosque

is very thinly attended. They never distribute alms, excusing themselves

by saying that they were placed by Providence in this town to receive

charity, and not to bestow it. They ape the manners recorded of

Mohammed, but in his most trifling habits only: their mustachios are cut

short, and their beard kept regularly under the scissors, because it was

the prophet’s custom to do so. In like manner they allow the end of the

turban to fall loosely over the cap; every other day they put kohhel or

antimony on their eye-lids, and have always in their hands a messouak or

tooth-brush made of a thin branch of the shrub Arak, or one imported by

the Persian hadjys. They know by heart many passages of the Koran and

Hadyth, (or sacred traditions,) and allude to, or quote them every

moment; but they forget that these precepts were given for rules of

conduct, and not for mere repetition. Intoxicating liquors are sold at

[p.205] the very gates of the mosque: the delyls themselves act in

direct contradiction of the law by loudly reciting prayers in the mosque

to their pupils the hadjys, in order to allure by their sonorous voices

other pilgrims to their guidance, carrying at the same time the common

large stick of the Mekkawys. It is also a transgression against the law,

when the intoxicating hashysh is openly smoked: cards are played in

almost every Arab coffee-house, (they use small Chinese cards,) though

the Koran directly forbids games of hazard. The open protection afforded

by the government to persons both male and female of the most profligate

character, is a further encouragement to daily transgressions against

the rigid principles of the Mohammedan law. Cheating and false swearing

have ceased to be crimes among them. They are fully conscious of the

scandal of these vices: every delyl exclaims against the corruption of

manners, but none set an example of reformation; and while acting

constantly on principles quite opposite to those which they profess,

they unanimously declare that times are such, as to justify the saying,

“In el Haram fi belád el Harameyn,” “that the cities forbidden to

infidels abound with forbidden things.”

In a place where there is no variety of creeds, persecution cannot show

itself; but it is probable that the Mekkawys might easily be incited to

excesses against those whom they call infidels: for I have always

remarked in the East, that the Muselmans most negligent in performing

the duties of their religion are the most violent in urging its precepts

against unbelievers; and that the grossest superstition is generally

found among those who trifle with their duties, or who, like many

Osmanlys, even deride them, and lay claim to free-thinking. There is no

class of Turks more inveterate in their hatred against Christians than

those who, coming frequently into intercourse with them, find it

convenient to throw off for a while the appearance of their prejudices.

In all the European harbours of the Mediterranean, the Moggrebyns live

like unbelievers; but when at home, nothing but fear can induce them to

set bounds to their fanaticism. It is the same with the Turks in the

Archipelago, and I might adduce many examples from Syria and Egypt in

corroboration of this assertion. If fanaticism has somewhat decreased

within the last twenty years throughout the

[p.206] Turkish empire, the circumstance, I think, may be ascribed

solely to the decreasing energy of the inhabitants, and the growing

indifference for their own religion, and certainly not to a diffusion of

more philanthropic or charitable principles. The text of the Mohammedan

law is precise in inciting its followers to unceasing hatred and

contempt of all those who profess a different creed. This contempt has

not decreased; but animosity gives way to an exterior politeness,

whenever the interest of the Mohammedan is concerned. The degree of

toleration enjoyed by the Christians, depends upon the interest of the

provincial government under which they live: and if they happen to be

favoured by it, the Turkish subject bows to the Christian. In all the

eastern countries which I have visited, more privileges are allowed to

Christians in general than the Moslim code prescribes; but their

condition depends upon the fiat of the governor of the town or district;

as they experienced about seven years since at Damascus, under Yousef

Pasha, when they were suddenly reduced to their former abject state.

Twenty years ago, a Copt of Egypt was in much the same situation as a

Jew is now in Barbary; but at present, when the free-thinking, though

certainly not liberal, Mohammed Aly finds it his interest to conciliate

the Christians, a Greek beats a Turk without much fear of consequences

from the mob; and I know an instance of an Armenian having murdered his

own Muselman servant, and escaped punishment, on paying a fine to

government, although the fact was publicly known. Convinced as the Turks

must now be, in many parts of the East, of the superiority of these

Europeans, whom they cannot but consider as the brethren of their

Christian subjects, their behaviour towards the latter will,

nevertheless, be strictly regulated by the avowed sentiments of their

governors; and it would be as easy for Mohammed Aly by a single word to

degrade the Christians in Egypt, as he found it to raise them to their

present consideration, superior, I believe, to what they enjoy in any

other part of Turkey.

The hatred against Christians is nearly equal in every part of the

Ottoman empire; and if the Moslims sacrifice that feeling, it is not to

the principles of charity or humanity, but to the frown of those who

happen to be in power; and their baseness is such, that they will kiss

[p.207] to-day the hands of him whom they have trodden under foot

yesterday. In examining into the fanatical riots, many of which are

recorded in the chanceries of the European consuls in the Levant, it

will generally be found that government had a share in the affrays, and

easily succeeded in quelling them. The late Sultan Selim, in his

regenerating system, which led him to favour the Christians, found no

opposition from the mass of his people, but from the jealous

Janissaries; and when the latter had prevailed, the demi-Gallicized

grandees of Constantinople easily sunk again into Sunnys. Sometimes,

indeed, a rash devotee, or mad Sheikh or Dervish at the head of a few

partisans, affords an exception to these general statements; and will

insult a Christian placed in the highest favour with the public

authorities, as happened at Damascus in 1811, to the Greek Patriarch,

after Yousef Pasha had been repulsed: but his countrymen, although

cherishing the same principles, and full of the same uncharitableness,

seldom have the courage to give vent to their feelings, and to follow

the example of the Saint. None of those genuine popular commotions,

which were once so frequent in Europe, when the members of the reigning

church saw individuals of a rival persuasion extending their influence,

are now witnessed in the East. Whatever may be thought of it in a moral

point of view, we must respect the energy of a man who enters headlong

into a contention, of at least uncertain issue, and generally

detrimental to his own worldly interests, merely because he fancies or

believes that his religious duty commands his exertions. The Moslim of

the Turkish empire, as far as I have had an opportunity of remarking,

easily suppresses his feelings, his passions, the dictates of his

conscience, and what he supposes agreeable to the will of the Almighty,

at the dictates of his interest, or according to the wish or example of

the ruling power.

In the time of the Sherif, Christians were often ill treated at Djidda;

they could not wear the European dress, or approach the quarter of the

town situated towards the gate of Mekka. But since the arrival of

Mohammed Aly’s army, they walk about, and dress as they like. In

December 1814, when two Englishmen passed the gate of Mekka on a walk

round the town, (the first persons, probably, in a

[p.208] European dress, who had ever passed the holy boundary,) a woman

was heard to exclaim, “Truly the world must be near its end, if Kafirs

(or infidels) dare to tread upon this ground!” Even now, if a Christian

dies there, it is not permitted that he should be interred on shore; the

body is carried to a small desert island in the harbour. When, in 1815,

the plague raged in the Hedjaz, an event which had never before been

known, the Kadhy of Djidda, with the whole body of olemas, waited upon

the Turkish governor of the city, to desire him to demolish a windmill

which some Greek Christians from Cairo had built withoutside one of the

gates, by order of Mohammed Aly. They were certain, they said, that the

hand of God had visited them on account of this violation of the sacred

territory by Christians. Some years ago an English ship was wrecked near

Djidda, and among various spoils obtained from the wreck by Sherif

Ghaleb was a large hog, an animal probably never before seen at Djidda:

this hog, turned loose in the town with two ostriches, became the terror

of all the sellers of bread and vegetables; for the mere touching of so

unclean an animal as the hog, even with the edge of the gown, renders

the Moslim impure, and unable to perform his prayers without previous

ablution. The animal was kept for six months, when it was offered by the

Sherif to an American captain for fifty dollars; but such a price being

of course refused, it soon after died of a surfeit, to the great

satisfaction of the inhabitants.

The Mekkawys, however, tolerate within their walls notorious heretics. I

have already mentioned the Ismaylys, an idolatrous sect from India, who

appear here in the garb of Moslims. The Persian hadjys, well known as

sectaries of Aly, and revilers of Mohammed and his immediate followers,

are not subjected to any particular inconveniences. The Sherif tolerated

them, but levied a capitation-tax on each. The Sherifs, however,

themselves, as I shall presently explain, are mostly of the sect of

Zyoud, Muselmans who dispute with the orthodox Sunnyes (the great

opponents of the Persian sectaries,) several of their principal dogmas.

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