eminent fathers in the work of abolishing the Slave-trade and
Slavery. Lord Derby and Mr. Forster, whom I rejoice to see here,
have a hereditary connection with emancipation. The late Lord
Derby, then Mr. Stanley, was Colonial Secretary to the Liberal
Government of that day, which had set before it the task of
carrying through Parliament a measure which was to put a term to
Slavery in all the dependencies of the United Kingdom. Mr.
Forster's father, having taken his full share of the agitation
which led to the abolition of colonial Slavery, went to
Tennessee on an Anti-Slavery errand and died in that State.
There are glimpses, ladies and gentlemen, in Mr. Trevelyan's
'Life of Macaulay,' of the devotion with which this great
movement was carried on. Zachary Macaulay, father of our great
historian, was one of the chief workers in the cause, and it is
said of him that for forty years he was ever burdened with the
thought that he was called upon to wage war with this gigantic
evil. In some of the West India islands the apprenticeship
system produced worse evils than the servitude of the Slave. The
negroes were theoretically free, but practically Slaves. The
masters had been paid for their emancipation, but still held
them to service. In a year or two the term of apprenticeship was
shortened, and soon afterwards public opinion at home demanded
and effected its complete abolition. There were four years of
disappointment, trouble, dispute, and suffering in all the West
Indies, except the island of Antigua, where the planters had
preferred to make the change from Slavery to freedom at a single
step. Full emancipation of the colonies had to be enforced in
1838 by another Act, which abolished the transition stage, and
proclaimed universal and complete emancipation. This Act Only
completed the work which 1833 began. The battle in which so many
noble spirits had been engaged was practically won when the name
of Slavery was abolished. The negroes of the West Indies look
back to the 1st August, 1834, as the birthday of their race. The
Emancipation Act, which on that day came into force, spoke the
doom of Slavery all round the world.
"I have ventured on this occasion to touch on different topics
and dates which I thought would be of interest, but it is not my
wish to weary you with longer details. Allow me to thank you for
the kind way in which you have listened to the remarks I have
made, and to assure you how deeply I am with you on this
occasion, both heart and soul."
It was no formal compliment when Earl Granville, who followed the
President, said, that "the illustrious Prince, following the example of
his noble father, and of other members of the Royal Family, not only
presided on this occasion with dignity and grace, but had spoken with
earnestness and power on this great question." He also paid a generous
tribute to the memory of Lord Palmerston, under whom he had begun his
own official life, and who had laboured long and zealously in the
anti-slavery cause.
The speakers who succeeded, without exception, rose to the height of the
great argument. Sir Stafford Northcote, the Lord Iddesleigh of after
years, closed his speech with a noble peroration: "They had deep reason
to be thankful for the position which England had been allowed to take
in this great controversy. They knew what that great position was; they
knew how it astonished the world, and how it astonished ourselves, that
this island had spread itself in its intentions and designs over so
large a portion of the world's surface, and what responsibility it had
taken upon itself in consequence. This position had brought us into
communication with every portion of the globe where Slavery prevailed.
It gave us great opportunities, and we must see that they are not
neglected. England's mission was not to magnify herself and speak of the
greatness she had achieved: it was rather to look to the happiness and
the advancement of the world. There were lines written by a great poet
which were originally applied to the great Empire of Rome, but which
were applicable to England. They spoke of that which became an Imperial
race, and of the aptitude of other nations for other arts and pursuits.
It was the Imperial position and the boast of England to release the
captive, and set free the Slave; and, in the words of the poet to whom
he had referred, he would say: 'These are Imperial arts, and worthy
thee.'"
The Archbishop of Canterbury spoke of the duty of the clergy to promote
and direct public feeling on this question. Lord Derby, then Foreign
Secretary, in referring to direct action by England, said that
international diplomacy set limits to carrying out all that they might
wish in regard to foreign slavery. "The English Act of 1834 had
practically given the death-blow to slavery throughout the world. I do
not think this is saying too much, for we know the force of public
opinion." He concluded by saying that "the slave trade, although
somewhat checked, will never be thoroughly got rid of till Slavery dies
out in Asia, and in partially civilized countries. How this is to be
effected, when it can be done, and through what agencies, are questions
not to be settled by an off-hand sentence at a public meeting. But that
it ought to be done--that it can be done, and that in time it will be
done--are matters about which I entertain no doubt; and, that being so,
I have much pleasure in proposing this resolution."
The resolution ran as follows:--"That this meeting, while fully
recognising the great steps made by nearly all civilised nations in the
path of human freedom, has yet to contemplate with feelings of the
deepest sorrow the vast extent of Slavery still maintained among
Mohammedan and heathen nations, producing, as its consequence, the
indescribable horrors of the Central and East African Slave-trade, as
fatal to human life on shore as the dreadful Middle Passage formerly was
at sea; in view of this appalling state of things, this meeting pledges
itself to support the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in its
efforts to urge the Governments of all Slave-holding countries to put an
end to Slavery as the only certain method of stopping the Slave-trade."
Mr. Forster said that this resolution had been drawn with a temperance
of language which he feared he would not have been able to command. He
thought that the services which England had rendered to some nations
still encouraging Slavery and the Slave-trade, entitled her voice to be
raised with great authority. But he recognised the difficulties, which
should nerve them to greater earnestness in strengthening public opinion
in this country on the subject. "I greatly rejoice," said Mr. Forster,
"to see this meeting, and I believe this means a new departure, and a
determination to carry on the work, and to strengthen the hands of this
Society for what it has yet to do."
Cardinal Manning, in an earnest and eloquent appeal, also urged the
claims of the Society. "The reports published by it, as to the actual
state of Slavery and the Slave-trade, are too sadly true. We are told
that Livingstone, whose name cannot be mentioned in this hall or
anywhere without awaking the sympathy of all Christian men, has left it
on record as his belief that half-a-million of human lives are annually
sacrificed by this African Slave-trade. This horrible traffic runs in
three tracks, marked by skeletons, from the centre of Africa towards
Madagascar, towards Zanzibar, and towards the Red Sea. Also, we are
told, that of those who are carried away by force, some are so worn by
fatigue as to die, others falling by the way are slaughtered by the
sword, so that of this great multitude only one-third ever reaches the
end of their horrible destination. It would seem to me that never in the
Middle Passage was murder and misery so great."
What was thus said by Cardinal Manning has been since confirmed by his
Eminence Cardinal Lavigerie, Archbishop of Algiers and Carthage, when
recently in London, engaged in a righteous crusade to be preached by him
in all the Capitals of Europe. This African prelate, from his own
knowledge, during the last thirty years, as missionary and as prelate,
gave terrible details of the slave trade, as the curse of that dark
continent. The Cardinal says that the traffic can never be stopped,
except by force, and if the Governments of Europe cannot effect this, he
advocates a voluntary crusade of men, ready to form armed colonies of
blacks to protect the missionaries of religion and civilization, and to
defend the slave regions from the murderous raiders who invade them. The
success of Emin Pasha who has for ten years kept the whole of his great
Equatorial province free from the ravages of the slave-hunters shows
what can be done. But for the shameful abandonment of Gordon at
Khartoum, the slave trade would at this time have been almost at an end,
and the grand desires of Livingstone for the peace and welfare of Africa
would have been accomplished. Let us hope that Cardinal Lavigerie's
visit may not be in vain so far as England is concerned. He came quietly
and went quietly, only paying two visits after his public appearance at
Prince's Hall, one to the Marquis of Salisbury, and the other to the
Prince of Wales.
To return to the Guildhall, the loyal and hearty thanks of the meeting
were offered to His Royal Highness, on the motion of the Lord Mayor,
seconded by Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, and carried by acclamation. The
Prince, in reply, said:--
"I am not likely to forget this important day, and most
sincerely do I hope that important results may accrue from it.
We have to-day celebrated the past, but we have the future to
look to, as many speakers have said, and I cannot do better than
agree with my right hon. friend on my left (Mr. Forster) that we
must act with caution. But with due caution, and with the advice
and good example which have been set, I feel sure that in time
all countries will follow in the footsteps of England. The best
chance of a complete abolition of Slavery will lie in
civilisation, in opening up those great countries, Asia and
Africa, many parts of which are now known to but few Europeans,
and in disseminating education. In time people will see that
they have derived no benefit from having Slaves, that the
freeman will do his work far better than the one who is forced
to labour. I mentioned, in first speaking, the names of many men
connected with the subject on which we have met to-day. I will
now add the name of one who was taken from us a few months ago,
and who always had the deepest interest in this Society--I
allude to the eminent and much regretted statesman, Sir Bartle
Frere. And on this occasion his widow, Lady Frere, has sent to
us these slave irons [pointing to the chains in front], which
were brought some years ago from Zanzibar by Sir Bartle Frere,
and you will, by looking at these implements of the slavers, be
convinced more, perhaps, than by anything else, of the cruelty
and hardships which slaves in this part of Africa had to
undergo. I will not detain you longer, but I must thank you once
more for the kind support you have given me to-day, and also
those gentlemen, many of them old and valued friends of my own,
who have addressed you in such eloquent and exhaustive
speeches."
The Prince vacated the chair, which was then taken by the Lord Mayor,
and His Royal Highness left, amid loud cheers. His Royal Highness
afterwards graciously consented to become Patron of the British and
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.
VISIT TO IRELAND IN 1885.
_April 9th-17th._
Seventeen years had passed since the Prince and Princess of Wales had
been in Ireland, and had been received with generous and loyal
enthusiasm. It was feared by many that the spirit of loyalty in the
Irish people had died away and could never be revived. The selfish and
treasonable agitators who had long stirred up hostile and disloyal
feelings were vexed and angry when they heard of another Royal visit.
They used every means that a malign ingenuity could suggest to repress
the generous impulses of the Irish race, and did all in their power to
prepare for the Prince and Princess of Wales a reception different from
that which had been given on their former visits. When they found that
the mass of the people looked forward with joyful anticipation to the
coming of the Prince and Princess among them, they recommended, on the
part of what they called the national party, to maintain a "dignified
neutrality," and to abstain from joining in the loyal demonstration with
which it was evident the Royal visitors would be welcomed. The design
proved a failure. From the moment of landing at Kingstown to the day of
their departure, not in Dublin only, but in the progress through the
south of Ireland, the feeling of disaffection and disloyalty was
overborne by the spontaneous and hearty enthusiasm of the people.
The first manifestation of loyal feeling was displayed at Kingstown,
when an address was presented by the Commissioners of the township. The
reply of the Prince shows how the spirit of the address was
appreciated:--
"Mr. Chairman and Town Commissioners of Kingstown,--It has given
me great pleasure to receive the address with which you have
greeted me on my first landing in Ireland after some absence
from your shores, and I am grateful to you for the welcome which
you have accorded to the Princess of Wales and myself. I value,
I can assure you, very highly the expression of loyalty and
attachment to the Crown which your address contains, and I will
not fail to communicate to the Queen the sentiments of loyalty
and of devotion which you express towards Her Majesty. Most
certainly do I hope that this may not be the last visit which we
shall pay to a country where we have always been welcomed by
kindness, and where the hospitality which we have invariably
received on all former occasions has left so many pleasant
recollections impressed on our minds."
On arriving at Dublin the first address was presented by the City
Reception Committee, the citizens having, with the hearty co-operation
of all classes, undertaken to pay the common courtesies of welcome,
which rightly should have been done, and on former occasions were done,
by the Lord Mayor and Corporation. An address was at the same time
presented by the Chamber of Commerce. To both addresses the Prince thus
replied:--
"Mr. Martin, Mr. Guinness, and Gentlemen,--On behalf of the
Princess of Wales and myself, I thank you heartily for the
address you have read to me, and I am very grateful to the
citizens of Dublin who through you have welcomed me to their
city. It gives the Princess and myself much gratification once
more to visit a country where we have received so much kindness,
and I regret the length of the interval which has elapsed since
we last were in Ireland, and fully appreciate your sentiments of
loyalty to the Throne and Constitution, and I will take care to
communicate to the Queen your expressions of devotion and
attachment to Her Majesty. It will give me much pleasure to
renew my acquaintance with Dublin and see the results of the
civic and private enterprise to which you refer. The furtherance
of the welfare of all classes of the realm is an object which is
dear to me, and I trust that the efforts of the Commission of
which I am a member will tend to the improvement of the
dwellings of those who contribute by their labour to the
prosperity of our great towns, and will thus add to their public
utility as citizens as well as to their private and domestic
happiness. I hope to visit many parts of Ireland and see much of
the work, as well as share some of the amusements, of the Irish
people. The kindness with which you have greeted me encourages
me to look forward with pleasure to my visit to a country where
courtesy and hospitality have ever been the characteristics of
the people."
One passage in the address of the Chamber of Commerce the Prince did not
refer to, but it is of great importance. After the warm expressions of
loyalty to the Throne and the Constitution, and of devotion to the Queen
and the Royal Family, the address continued, "We earnestly desire that
your present visit may be productive of so much pleasure to your Royal
Highnesses that you may feel encouraged to honour Ireland hereafter by
visits of more frequent occurrence and of longer duration. We venture to
assure you that it would be a great gratification to Her Majesty's loyal
subjects in Ireland if a permanent Royal residence should be established
in our country, and if some members of the Royal Family should see fit
to make their home among us for some part of every year." About the
permanent Royal residence in Ireland, the Prince kept a judicious
silence, for it is a point which involves financial as well as political
questions. But the opinion of the best Irish, of all classes, may well
be considered, if the proposal is brought before Parliament.
The address of the Royal Dublin Society when the Royal party visited the
Agricultural Show elicited another appropriate speech from the Prince.
After acknowledging the expressions of loyalty to the Throne, and of
personal kindness in the welcome given, the Prince said:--
"The proceedings of your society have ever been a matter of deep
interest to me, as they were to my lamented father; and, having
been fortunate enough on many occasions to be a successful
exhibitor at agricultural shows, I am able to appreciate the
service rendered to agriculture generally, and to the rearing of
cattle and horses especially, by your labours. In your attitude
towards the geographical survey I rejoice to see a determination
which proves to me that the promotion of those objects which you
consider to be for the best interests of your country is
paramount in your minds. I most sincerely trust that success may
attend each and all of your important undertakings, for they
are designed to promote the prosperity of a people who, quick to
grapple with the difficulties of science and always ready to
take advantage of the benefits of commerce, are necessarily
dependent to a large extent on highly taught and scientific
agriculture."
Later in the day the Prince went to see for himself the condition of
some of the poorest parts of the city. His kindly sympathetic, manners
towards the poor, and the minute acquaintance which he showed with the
whole subject of the housing of the labouring classes, in all the
details of construction and sanitation, were the theme of universal
surprise and admiration. Of this inspection of the "slums" a reporter at
the time said, "The visit of the Prince to these parts of the city was
not publicly announced. But the people were not long in discovering who
their visitor was. He had come among them with his eldest son,
unattended by any guard, and the event showed that his confidence was
not misplaced. Cheers and welcomes and every outward demonstration of
loyal good feeling attended him along his whole course. It was a
reception which had been well earned, and it will certainly not be the
least pleasant recollection which the Prince will carry back when his
Irish visit is at an end."
The proceedings on the 10th of April were as many and as laborious as
those of the preceding day. The first duty was the reception of
addresses from various public bodies. There were no fewer than thirty
different addresses, presented by deputations of five persons for each.
They were received by the Prince, who wore the Order of St. Patrick. The
Princess of Wales was on his left, and Prince Albert Victor on her left.
All the addresses were handed in succession to the Prince, without being
read, which would have occupied too much time, and then the deputations
were requested to approach the daïs, when the Prince, in dear expressive
tones, read the following reply:--
"Your Graces, my Lords, and Gentlemen,--I have thought it more
for your convenience, as well as more within the compass of my
ability, that I should, with your permission, make a general
reply to the many kind addresses with which you have honoured
me, and copies of which have already by your courtesy been
before me, than that I should attempt a separate reply to each.
I feel myself highly honoured by having been welcomed in this
historic hall by so many bodies representing so many and so
varied interests as you do. Leaders of local administrations,
heads of religious communities, representatives of learning and
art, philanthropy and education, you have one and all greeted me
with the kindness and good will which has made a deep
impression upon me, and which I never shall forget. You have
alluded in terms of loyalty, which have much gratified me, to
your attachment to the Constitution, and have expressed in a
manner which I will not fail to communicate to the Queen your
devotion to Her Majesty.
"In varied capacities, and by widely different paths, you pursue
those great objects which, dear to you, are, believe me, dear
also to me--the prosperity and progress of Ireland, the welfare
and happiness of her people. That many difficulties from time to
time impede you I can well understand. Such is the natural
course of events. But I am glad to be able to gather from your
addresses that you are advancing steadily towards the goal which
you have in view. From my heart I wish you success, and I would
that time and my own powers would permit me to explain fully and
in detail the deep interest which I feel not only in the welfare
of this great Empire at large, but in the true happiness of
those several classes of the community on whose behalf you have
come here to-day. You have referred to the Princess of Wales,
who has accompanied me on this occasion, and for her I thank you
for your welcome to a country, of the past visits to which we
have pleasant recollections, and where we hope in future, as we
have in the past, to spend happy days."
The several deputations listened with great interest to the reply, and
at the close gave expression to their pleasure in cordial acclamations.
The next event set down in the programme of the day was one to which
great national importance is attached--namely, that of laying the
foundation stone of the new Museum of Science and Art in connection with
South Kensington. Elaborate preparations had been made for it, and the
grounds at each side of Leinster House, which is to be the central
building, were adorned with gay flags and fitted up with stands, from
which the entry of the Royal party and the ceremonial itself could be
seen. A guard of honour, contributed by the Cornwall Regiment, with
their band, was stationed on Leinster Lawn, opening upon Merrion Square,
through which the Royal party entered. On the route from the Castle to
Leinster House, the streets were everywhere densely crowded, and the
houses decorated. An open passage for the procession was kept by the
police without any difficulty, the populace behaving with exemplary
decorum. The Prince and Princess acknowledged most graciously the
enthusiastic greetings of the crowds, which were largely composed of the
working classes. The first stone having been duly laid, and a statement
having been made by Professor Ball of the objects of the new "Museum of
Science and Art, and of the National Library of Ireland," the Prince
replied:--
"Mr. Ball, my Lords, and Gentlemen,--I thank you heartily on
behalf of the Princess of Wales and myself for the very cordial
welcome which you leave given us to-day. It is peculiarly
satisfactory to me to have been able to take part in the
interesting ceremony of laying the foundation stone upon which
the superstructure of the new museum will, I hope, before long
be built. It gratified me to learn of the action which the
Science and Art Department had taken in reference to this museum
and to observe the support which that action received both from
the Royal Dublin Society and from the Royal Irish Academy. It is
by a united movement such as this that difficulties are overcome
and success made possible of attainment. I am glad to think that
the two great societies I have named have combined to smooth the
way for an institute which will, I trust, be useful to a large
number of the people of Ireland. I hope some day to see in full
working order the institution of which the first stone has been
laid this afternoon. When this is so, the magnificent
collections, which have obtained a wide reputation, will be open
to a public thoroughly capable of appreciating their merit and
deriving advantages from their amalgamation under one roof. The
Museum will worthily face the great library, where the efforts
of a State Department have been successfully combined with a
movement originated by the the citizens, and supported out of
the rates, the object of which is to give free facilities for
reading and study to the people of this metropolis. I am glad to
have been assisted to-day by the councils of the great societies
to which I have referred. To them, as well as to the visitors of
the Museum, and the trustees of the National Library, I offer my
warm thanks for the kindness of their reception, as well as for
the opportunity they have given me for sharing in a movement
calculated to make Leinster House even more worthy than
heretofore of the pride of the Irish nation, and the admiration
of literary and scientific bodies throughout the world."