_Fellow Citizens:_ It depends very much upon what we believe as to the
future of this country and the rights of the people, whether we rejoice
or mourn in consequence of the events in Mobile Bay and before Atlanta.
If it was true on the 30th day of last month that the people of this
country ought to take immediate efforts for the cessation of
hostilities, then, gentlemen, we have cause to mourn rather than to
rejoice. I understand that there were some people in this country,
who, before the 30th of August, since this was opened, had not, as an
aggregate body of men, expressed their opinions in reference to this
war, who then declared that it ought to cease. (A voice--"They're
few.") I observed in a newspaper published in this city two
observations within the last two days. One was that they were afraid
hard names would be used; and the other was that there was some
apprehension that this meeting to-night would have some political
aspect or influence. (Voices--"No! No!") I thought it likely
enough that it would (laughter and applause) because I observed in the
newspapers that it was called to express congratulations over the
events which had taken place in Mobile Bay and before Atlanta, and I
thought that I had observed that those events had rather a political
effect. (Renewed laughter.) Therefore I did not see exactly how it
was possible that men should assemble together to rejoice over events
having a political aspect without the meeting and the rejoicing having
a political aspect also. Well, now, gentlemen, I haven't come here
with any design that, so far as I am concerned, it shall have anything
but a political aspect. ("Good" and applause.) These times are too
serious for the acceptance of any suggestion that hard names are not
to be called if hard names are deserved. (Voices--"That is it!") The
question is not whether the meeting shall have a political influence,
but whether it is necessary to the salvation of the country that it
shall have a political influence. (Applause.) Well, gentlemen, I
observed while the person who last occupied the platform was speaking
certain indications, which I thought were a slight deviation from the
much talked-of right of free speech. (Laughter, and a voice--"Hit 'em
again.") Now, then, I am going to read a resolution adopted at
Chicago. I am going to make two propositions in reference to it. I am
then going to ask whether this assembly assents to or rejects those
propositions. If there is any man in this assembly who denies or
doubts those propositions, if I have the consent of the honored
chairman of this meeting to ten minutes of time in which I can engage
the ear of the assembly, I surrender it to that man, that he may have
the opportunity upon this platform to refute, if he can, the
propositions which I lay down. (Applause.) Now the second resolution
of this platform is in these words--
(At this point there was considerable disturbance in the rear of the
hall, created by one individual, and several voices cried out--"Free
speech!" "Out with him!")
Mr. Boutwell continued: He will be more useful to the country if he
remain here. If he goes away there is no chance for his conversion to
the truth: if he remain here he may be saved. (Laughter.) "The vilest
sinner may return, While the lamp holds out to burn." (Renewed laughter
and applause.) I hope gentlemen who favor free speech will listen
attentively to this resolution:
_"Resolved,_ That this convention does explicitly declare as the sense
of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore
the Union by the experiment of war, during which under pretence of
military necessity, or war power higher than the Constitution, the
Constitution has been disregarded in every part and public liberty and
private rights alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the
country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty and the public
welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of
hostilities with a view to an ultimate convention of all the States, or
other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practicable
moment peace may be restored on the basis of a Federal Union of the
States."
(The resolution was greeted with a feeble clapping of hands, a slight
attempt at cheers in the rear of the hall, and a storm of hisses. Mr.
Boutwell continued:)
If there are any gentlemen here who approve this resolution, I hope
they will have the opportunity to cheer. (About half a dozen persons
commenced to cheer, but abandoned it on hearing their own voices,
when a voice exclaiming "These are the Copperheads," caused loud
laughter. The speaker proceeded:)
Now then, gentlemen, the two propositions I lay down are these, and if
any one of those gentlemen who indulged in the luxury of a cheer just
now chooses to come upon this platform, I fulfill my pledge: The first
is that this resolution, so far as known, meets the approval of the
rebels in arms against this government. (Voices--"That's so," and
cheers.) The second is that this resolution meets the approval of all
the men in the North who sympathize with the cause of this rebellion
and desire its success. (Repeated cheers and "That's it.") Now, then,
if there is any one who would deny the truth of these propositions, let
him, with the leave of the chair, take ten minutes upon this platform.
(Some confusion ensued, several voices shouting "Make room for George
Lunt," "Where's Lunt?" etc., etc., etc. No one appearing, Mr. Boutwell
continued:) If there is nobody to refute these propositions, I take it
for granted that they meet the general assent of this vast assembly.
(cries of "Good" and cheers); and, if so, isn't this the time, when a
great convention professing to represent a portion of the American
people in time of war, not having spoken since hostilities commenced,
frame a leading resolution so as to meet the assent and approval of
the enemies of the Republic--isn't this the time, when such things are
done, for men who have a faith in the country and a belief in its right
to exist, to declare the reasons of that belief? (Voices--"Yes.") Now
I propose to discuss that resolution in some degree. First, it
proposes a cessation of hostilities. I have heard the word armistice
mentioned to-night. The declaration of that resolution is not for an
armistice. An armistice, according to its general acceptation and
use, implies a suspension of hostilities upon the expectation and
condition that they are to be resumed; and if hostilities are not to
be resumed then a cessation of hostilities is an abandonment of the
Government. It is treason. (Voices--"That's so," and loud and
continued cheers.) I declare here that the proposition for a
cessation of hostilities is moral and political treason (voices--
"Good"); and, further, every man who knowingly and after investigation,
and upon his judgment favors a cessation of hostilities, is a traitor.
(Loud cheers.) The issue, gentlemen, is no longer upon the tented
field. No danger there to the cause of the Union. The soldiers are
true to the flag and they will fight on and march on until the last
rebel has fallen to the dust or laid down his arms. The soldiers are
true, but the cause of the Union is in peril at home (voices--"That's
where it is"), where secret organizations are mustering their forces
and gathering in material of war for which there can be no possible use
except to revolutionize this country through the fearful experience of
civil war. (A voice--"Shame on them.") O how I long for some
knowledge of the English language so that I may select a word or a
phrase which shall fully express the enormity of this treason! (Voices
--"Hang them." "String them up.")
The rebels of the South have some cause. They believe in the
institution of slavery,--they have been educated under its influence.
They thought it in peril. They made war with some pretence on their
part for a reason for war, but what excuse, what palliation is there
for those men in the North, who, regardless of liberty, of justice, and
of humanity, ally themselves, openly some and secretly others, with the
enemies of the Republic? Spare, spare, your anathemas, gentlemen. Do
not longer employ the harsh language which you can command in
denunciation of Southern traitors. They of the North who give aid and
comfort to the enemy deserve to monopolize in the application all the
harsh words and phrases of the English language. (Applause.)
Cessation of hostilities--what follows? Dissolution of the Union
inevitably. Will not Jefferson Davis and his associates understand
that when we have ceased to make war, when our armies become
demoralized, public sentiment relaxed, when they have had opportunity
to gather up the materials for prosecuting this contest, that we
cannot renew the contest with any reasonable hope of success.
Therefore, if you abandon this contest now, it is separation--that is
what is meant, and nothing else can follow. But suppose that what
some gentlemen desire could be accomplished,--a reconstruction of the
Union by diplomatic relations inaugurated between this Government and
Jefferson Davis'--suppose the South should return--what follows? When
you have permitted Jefferson Davis and his associates to come back and
take their places in the government of this country, do you not see
that with the help of a small number of representatives from the North
whose services they are sure to command, they will assume the war debt
of the South. When you have assumed that debt, and taken the
obligation to pay it, these men of the South will treat the obligation
lightly, and upon the first pretext will renew secession and will
march straight out of the Union, and you, with your embarrassed
finance, will find yourselves unable to institute military proceedings
for their subjugation. Therefore I say that by the reconstruction
some men desire you render secession certain, bankruptcy throughout
the North certain. The repudiation of the Public Debt is not a matter
of expectation or fear, it is a matter of certainty, if you assent to
any reconstruction of this Union through the instrumentality of
Jefferson Davis and his associates. You must either drive them into
exile or exterminate them. Break down the military power of the
people, and exterminate or exile their leaders, and bring up men at
the South in favor of the Union--there is no other way of security to
yourselves. (Cheers.) Now, then, are you prepared to cease
hostilities with the expectation of negotiations with Jefferson Davis
for the dissolution of the Union or for its restoration? (Voices--
"No!") Either course is alike fatal to you, for the war must go on
until peace is conquered. (Loud cheers and voices--"That's so.") On
the one side they offer you as negotiators Franklin Pierce, perhaps,
and A. H. Stephens; on the other, possibly one of the Seymours, either
of Connecticut or New York, Wise of Virginia, Vallandingham of Ohio,
and Soule of Louisiana. The only negotiators, gentlemen, to be
trusted as long as the war continued or there is a rebel in arms--the
only negotiators are Grant upon one line and Sherman upon the other.
(Tremendous cheers.)