CHAPTER XII.

CHARACTER OF MAXIMILIAN II.--SUCCESSION OF RHODOLPH III.

From 1576 to 1604.

Character of Maximilian.--His Accomplishments.--His Wife.--Fate of his

Children.--Rhodolph III.--The Liberty of Worship.--Means of

Emancipation.--Rhodolph's Attempts against Protestantism.--Declaration

of a higher Law.--Theological Differences.--The Confederacy at

Heilbrun.--The Gregorian Calendar.--Intolerance in Bohemia.--The Trap of

the Monks.--Invasion of the Turks.--Their Defeat.--Coalition with

Sigismond.--Sale of Transylvania.--Rule of Basta.--The Empire captured

and recaptured.--Devastation of the Country.--Treatment of Stephen

Botskoi.

It is indeed refreshing, in the midst of the long list of selfish and

ambitious sovereigns who have disgraced the thrones of Europe, to meet

with such a prince as Maximilian, a gentleman, a philosopher, a

philanthropist and a Christian. Henry of Valois, on his return from

Poland to France, visited Maximilian at Vienna. Henry was considered one

of the most polished men of his age. He remarked in his palace at Paris

that in all his travels he had never met a more accomplished gentleman

than the Emperor Maximilian. Similar is the testimony of all his

contemporaries. With all alike, at all times, and under all

circumstances, he was courteous and affable. His amiability shone as

conspicuously at home as abroad, and he was invariably the kind husband,

the tender father, the indulgent master and the faithful friend.

In early life he had vigorously prosecuted his studies, and thus

possessed the invaluable blessing of a highly cultivated mind. Fond of

the languages, he not only wrote and conversed in the Latin tongue with

fluency and elegance, but was quite at home in all the languages of his

extensive domains. Notwithstanding the immense cares devolving upon the

ruler of so extended an empire, he appropriated a portion of time every

day to devotional reading and prayer; and his hours were methodically

arranged for business, recreation and repose. The most humble subject

found easy access to his person, and always obtained a patient hearing.

When he was chosen King of Poland, some ambassadors from Bohemia

voluntarily went to Poland to testify to the virtues of their king. It

was a heartfelt tribute, such as few sovereigns have ever received.

"We Bohemians," said they, "are as happy under his government as if he

were our father. Our privileges, laws, rights, liberties and usages are

protected and defended. Not less just than wise, he confers the offices

and dignities of the kingdom only on natives of rank, and is not

influenced by favor or artifice. He introduces no innovations contrary

to our immunities; and when the great expenses which he incurs for the

good of Christendom render contributions necessary, he levies them

without violence, and with the approbation of the States. But what may

be almost considered a miracle is, the prudence and impartiality of his

conduct toward persons of a different faith, always recommending union,

concord, peace, toleration and mutual regard. He listens even to the

meanest of his subjects, readily receives their petitions and renders

impartial justice to all."

Not an act of injustice sullied his reign, and during his administration

nearly all Germany, with the exception of Hungary, enjoyed almost

uninterrupted tranquillity. Catholics and Protestants unite in his

praises, and have conferred upon him the surname of the Delight of

Mankind. His wife Mary was the daughter of Charles V. She was an

accomplished, exemplary woman, entirely devoted to the Catholic faith.

For this devotion, notwithstanding the tolerant spirit of her husband,

she was warmly extolled by the Catholics. Gregory XIII. called her the

firm column of the Catholic faith, and Pius V. pronounced her worthy of

being worshiped. After the death of her husband she returned to Spain,

to the bigoted court of her bigoted brother Philip. Upon reaching Madrid

she developed the spirit which dishonored her, in expressing great joy

that she was once more in a country where no heretic was tolerated. Soon

after she entered a nunnery where she remained seven years until her

death.

It is interesting briefly to trace out the history of the children of

this royal family. It certainly will not tend to make one any more

discontented to move in a humbler sphere. Maximilian left three

daughters and five sons.

Anne, the eldest daughter, was engaged to her cousin, Don Carlos, only

son of her uncle Philip, King of Spain. As he was consequently heir to

the Spanish throne, this was a brilliant match. History thus records the

person and character of Don Carlos. He was sickly and one of his legs

was shorter than the other. His temper was not only violent, but

furious, breaking over all restraints, and the malignant passions were

those alone which governed him. He always slept with two naked swords

under his pillow, two loaded pistols, and several loaded guns, with a

chest of fire-arms at the side of his bed. He formed a conspiracy to

murder his father. He was arrested and imprisoned. Choking with rage, he

called for a fire, and threw himself into the flames, hoping to

suffocate himself. Being rescued, he attempted to starve himself.

Failing in this, he tried to choke himself by swallowing a diamond. He

threw off his clothes, and went naked and barefoot on the stone floor,

hoping to engender some fatal disease. For eleven days he took no food

but ice. At length the wretched man died, and thus Anne lost her lover.

But Philip, the father of Don Carlos, and own uncle of Anne, concluded

to take her for himself. She lived a few years as Queen of Spain, and

died four years after the death of her father, Maximilian.

Elizabeth, the second daughter, was beautiful. At sixteen years of age

she married Charles IX., King of France, who was then twenty years old.

Charles IX. ascended the throne when but ten years of age, under the

regency of his infamous mother, Catherine de Medici, perhaps the most

demoniac female earth has known. Under her tutelage, her boy, equally

impotent in body and in mind, became as pitiable a creature as ever

disgraced a throne. The only energy he ever showed was in shooting the

Protestants from a window of the Louvre in the horrible Massacre of St.

Bartholomew, which he planned at the instigation of his fiend-like

mother. A few wretched years the youthful queen lived with the monster,

when his death released her from that bondage. She then returned to

Vienna, a young and childless widow, but twenty years of age. She built

and endowed the splendid monastery of St. Mary de Angelis, and having

seen enough of the pomp of the world, shut herself up from the world in

the imprisonment of its cloisters, where she recounted her beads for

nineteen years, until she died in 1592.

Margaret, the youngest daughter, after her father's death, accompanied

her mother to Spain. Her sister Anne soon after died, and Philip II.,

her morose and debauched husband, having already buried four wives, and

no one can tell how many guilty favorites, sought the hand of his young

and fresh niece. But Margaret wisely preferred the gloom of the cloister

to the Babylonish glare of the palace. She rejected the polluted and

withered hand, and in solitude and silence, as a hooded nun, she

remained immured in her cell for fifty-seven years. Then her pure spirit

passed from a joyless life on earth, we trust, to a happy home in

heaven.

Rhodolph, the eldest son, succeeded his father, and in the subsequent

pages we shall record his career.

Ernest, the second son, was a mild, bashful young man, of a temperament

so singularly melancholy that he was rarely known to smile. His brother

Rhodolph gave him the appointment of Governor of Hungary. He passed

quietly down the stream of time until he was forty-two years of age,

when he died of the stone, a disease which had long tortured him with

excruciating pangs.

Matthias, the third son, became a restless, turbulent man, whose deeds

we shall have occasion to record in connection with his brother

Rhodolph, whom he sternly and successfully opposed.

Maximilian, the fourth son, when thirty years of age was elected King of

Poland. An opposition party chose John, son of the King of Sweden. The

rival candidates appealed to the cruel arbitration of the sword. In a

decisive battle Maximilian's troops were defeated, and he was taken

prisoner. He was only released upon his giving the pledge that he

renounced all his right to the throne. He rambled about, now governing a

province, and now fighting the Turks, until he died unmarried, sixty

years of age.

Albert, the youngest son, was destined to the Church. He was sent to

Spain, and under the patronage of his royal uncle he soon rose to

exalted ecclesiastical dignities. He, however, eventually renounced

these for more alluring temporal honors. Surrendering his cardinal's

hat, and archiepiscopal robes, he espoused Isabella, daughter of Philip,

and from the governorship of Portugal was promoted to the sovereignty of

the Netherlands. Here he encountered only opposition and war. After a

stormy and unsuccessful life, in which he was thwarted in all his plans,

he died childless.

From this digression let us return to Rhodolph III., the heir to the

titles and the sovereignties of his father the emperor. It was indeed a

splendid inheritance which fell to his lot. He was the sole possessor of

the archduchy of Austria, King of Bohemia and of Hungary, and Emperor of

Germany. He was but twenty-five years of age when he entered upon the

undisputed possession of all these dignities. His natural disposition

was mild and amiable, his education had been carefully attended to, his

moral character was good, a rare virtue in those days, and he had

already evinced much industry, energy and talents for business. His

father had left the finances and the internal administration of all his

realms in good condition; his moderation had greatly mitigated the

religious animosities which disturbed other portions of Europe, and all

obstacles to a peaceful and prosperous reign seemed to have been

removed.

But all these prospects were blighted by the religious bigotry which had

gained a firm hold of the mind of the young emperor. When he was but

twelve years of age he was sent to Madrid to be educated. Philip II., of

Spain, Rhodolph's uncle, had an only daughter, and no son, and there

seemed to be no prospect that his queen would give birth to another

child. Philip consequently thought of adopting Rhodolph as his successor

to the Spanish throne, and of marrying him to his daughter. In the court

of Spain where the Jesuits held supreme sway, and where Rhodolph was

intrusted to their guidance, the superstitious sentiments which he had

imbibed from his mother were still more deeply rooted. The Jesuits found

Rhodolph a docile pupil; and never on earth have there been found a set

of men who, more thoroughly than the Jesuits, have understood the art of

educating the mind to subjection. Rhodolph was instructed in all the

petty arts of intrigue and dissimulation, and was brought into entire

subserviency to the Spanish court. Thus educated, Rhodolph received the

crown.

He commenced his reign with the desperate resolve to crush out

Protestantism, either by force or guile, and to bring back his realms to

the papal church. Even the toleration of Maximilian, in those dark days,

did not allow freedom of worship to any but the nobles. The wealthy and

emancipated citizens of Vienna, and other royal cities, could not

establish a church of their own; they could only, under protection of

the nobles, attend the churches which the nobles sustained. In other

words, the people were slaves, who were hardly thought of in any state

arrangements. The nobles were merely the slaveholders. As there was not

difference of color to mark the difference between the slaveholder and

the slaves or vassals, many in the cities, who had in various ways

achieved their emancipation, had become wealthy and instructed, and were

slowly claiming some few rights. The country nobles could assemble their

vassals in the churches where they had obtained toleration. In some few

cases some of the citizens of the large towns, who had obtained

emancipation from some feudal oppressions, had certain defined political

privileges granted them. But, in general, the nobles or slaveholders,

some having more, and some having less wealth and power, were all whom

even Maximilian thought of including in his acts of toleration. A

learned man in the universities, or a wealthy man in the walks of

commerce, was compelled to find shelter under the protection of some

powerful noble. There were nobles of all ranks, from the dukes, who

could bring twenty thousand armed men into the field, down to the most

petty, impoverished baron, who had perhaps not half a dozen vassals.

Rhodolph's first measure was to prevent the _burghers_, as they were

called, who were those who had in various ways obtained emancipation

from vassal service, and in the large cities had acquired energy, wealth

and an air of independence, from attending Protestant worship. The

nobles were very jealous of their privileges, and were prompt to combine

whenever they thought them infringed. Fearful of rousing the nobles,

Rhodolph issued a decree, confirming the toleration which his father had

granted the nobles, but forbidding the burghers from attending

Protestant worship. This was very adroitly done, as it did not interfere

with the vassals of the rural nobles on their estates; and these

burghers were freed men, over whom the nobles could claim no authority.

At the same time Rhodolph silenced three of the most eloquent and

influential of the Protestant ministers, under the plea that they

assailed the Catholic church with too much virulence; and he also

forbade any one thenceforward to officiate as a Protestant clergyman

without a license from him. These were very decisive acts, and yet very

adroit ones, as they did not directly interfere with any of the

immunities of the nobles.

The Protestants were, however, much alarmed by these measures, as

indicative of the intolerant policy of the new king. The preachers met

together to consult. They corresponded with foreign universities

respecting the proper course to pursue; and the Protestant nobles met to

confer upon the posture of affairs. As the result of their conferences,

they issued a remonstrance, declaring that they could not yield to such

an infringement of the rights of conscience, and that "they were bound

to obey God rather than man."

Rhodolph was pleased with this resistance, as it afforded him some

excuse for striking a still heavier blow. He declared the remonstrants

guilty of rebellion. As a punishment, he banished several Protestant

ministers, and utterly forbade the exercise of any Protestant worship

whatever, in any of the royal towns, including Vienna itself. He

communicated with the leading Catholics in the Church and in the State,

urging them to act with energy, concert and unanimity. He removed the

Protestants from office, and supplied their places with Catholics. He

forbade any license to preach or academical degree, or professorship in

the universities from being conferred upon any one who did not sign the

formulary of the Catholic faith. He ordered a new catechism to be drawn

up for universal use in the schools, that there should be no more

Protestant education of children; he allowed no town to choose any

officer without his approbation, and he refused to ratify any choice

which did not fall upon a Catholic. No person was to be admitted to the

rights of burghership, until he had taken an oath of submission to the

Catholic priesthood. These high-handed measures led to the outbreak of a

few insurrections, which the emperor crushed with iron rigor. In the

course of a few years, by the vigorous and unrelenting prosecution of

these measures, Rhodolph gave the Catholics the ascendency in all his

realms.

While the Catholics were all united, the Protestants were shamefully

divided upon the most trivial points of discipline, or upon abstruse

questions in philosophy above the reach of mortal minds. It was as true

then, as in the days of our Saviour, that "the children of this world

are wiser in their generation than the children of light." Henry IV., of

France, who had not then embraced the Catholic faith, was anxious to

unite the two great parties of Lutherans and Calvinists, who were as

hostile to each other as they were to the Catholics. He sent an

ambassador to Germany to urge their union. He entreated them to call a

general synod, suggesting, that as they differed only on the single

point of the Lord's Supper, it would be easy for them to form some basis

of fraternal and harmonious action.

The Catholic church received the doctrine, so called, of

_transubstantiation_; that is, the bread and wine, used in the Lord's

Supper, is converted into the actual body and blood of Jesus Christ,

that it is no longer bread and wine, but real flesh and blood; and none

the less so, because it does not appear such to our senses. Luther

renounced the doctrine of transubstantiation, and adopted, in its stead,

what he called _consubstantiation_; that is, that after the consecration

of the elements, the body and blood of Christ are substantially _present

with_ (cum et sub,) with and under, the substance of the bread and wine.

Calvin taught that the bread and wine represented the real body and

blood of Christ, and that the body and blood were _spiritually present_

in the sacrament. It is a deplorable exhibition of the weakness of good

men, that the Lutherans and the Calvinists should have wasted their

energies in contending together upon such a point. But we moderns have

no right to boast. Precisely the same spirit is manifested now, and

denominations differ and strive together upon questions which the human

mind can never settle. The spirit which then animated the two parties

may be inferred from the reply of the Lutherans.

"The partisans of Calvin," they wrote, "have accumulated such numberless

errors in regard to the person of Christ, the communication of His

merits and the dignity of human nature; have given such forced

explanations of the Scriptures, and adopted so many blasphemies, that

the question of the Lord's Supper, far from being the principal, has

become the least point of difference. An outward union, merely for

worldly purposes, in which each party is suffered to maintain its

peculiar tenets, can neither be agreeable to God nor useful to the

Church. These considerations induced us to insert into the formulary of

concord a condemnation of the Calvinistical errors; and to declare our

public decision that false principles should not be covered with the

semblance of exterior union, and tolerated under pretense of the right

of private judgment, but that all should submit to the Word of God, as

the only rule to which their faith and instructions should be

conformable."

They, in conclusion, very politely informed King Henry IV. himself, that

if he wished to unite with them, he must sign their creed. This was

sincerity, honesty, but it was the sincerity and honesty of minds but

partially disinthralled from the bigotry of the dark ages. While the

Protestants were thus unhappily disunited, the pope coöperated with the

emperor, and wheeled all his mighty forces into the line to recover the

ground which the papal church had lost. Several of the more enlightened

of the Protestant princes, seeing all their efforts paralyzed by

disunion, endeavored to heal the schism. But the Lutheran leaders would

not listen to the Calvinists, nor the Calvinists to the Lutherans, and

the masses, as usual, blindly followed their leaders.

Several of the Calvinist princes and nobles, the Lutherans refusing to

meet with them, united in a confederacy at Heilbrun, and drew up a long

list of grievances, declaring that, until they were redressed, they

should withhold the succors which the emperor had solicited to repel the

Turks. Most of these grievances were very serious, sufficiently so to

rouse men to almost any desperation of resistance. But it would be

amusing, were it not humiliating, to find among them the complaint that

the pope had changed the calendar from the Julian to the Gregorian.

By the Julian calendar, or Old Style as it was called, the solar year

was estimated at three hundred and sixty-five days and six hours; but it

exceeds this by about eleven minutes. As no allowance was made for these

minutes, which amount to a day in about one hundred and thirty years,

the current year had, in process of ages, advanced ten days beyond the

real time. Thus the vernal equinox, which really took place on the 10th

of March, was assigned in the calendar to the 21st. To rectify this

important error the New Style, or Gregorian calendar, was introduced, so

called from Pope Gregory XII. Ten days were dropped after the 4th of

October, 1582, and the 5th was called the 15th. This reform of the

calendar, correct and necessary as it was, was for a long time adopted

only by the Catholic princes, so hostile were the Protestants to any

thing whatever which originated from the pope. In their list of

grievances they mentioned this most salutary reform as one, stating that

the pope and the Jesuits presumed even to change the order of times and

years.

This confederacy of the Calvinists, unaided by the Lutherans,

accomplished nothing; but still, as year after year the disaffection

increased, their numbers gradually increased also, until, on the 12th of

February, 1603, at Heidelberg they entered into quite a formidable

alliance, offensive and defensive.

Rhodolph, encouraged by success, pressed his measure of intolerance with

renovated vigor. Having quite effectually abolished the Protestant

worship in the States of Austria, he turned his attention to Bohemia,

where, under the mild government of his father, the Protestants had

enjoyed a degree of liberty of conscience hardly known in any other part

of Europe. The realm was startled by the promulgation of a decree

forbidding both Calvinists and Lutherans from holding any meetings for

divine worship, and declaring them incapacitated from holding any

official employment whatever. At the same time he abolished all their

schools, and either closed all their churches, or placed in them

Catholic preachers. These same decrees were also promulgated and these

same measures adopted in Hungary. And still the Protestants, insanely

quarreling among themselves upon the most abstruse points of theological

philosophy, chose rather to be devoured piecemeal by their great enemy

than to combine in self-defense.

The emperor now turned from his own dominions of Austria, Hungary and

Bohemia, where he reigned in undisputed sway, to other States of the

empire, which were governed by their own independent rulers and laws,

and where the power of the emperor was shadowy and limited. He began

with the city of Aix-la-Chapelle, in a Prussian province on the Lower

Rhine; sent an army there, took possession of the town, expelled the

Protestants from the magistracy, driving some of them into exile,

inflicting heavy fines upon others, and abolishing entirely the exercise

of the Protestant religion.

He then turned to Donauworth, an important city of Bavaria, upon the

Upper Danube. This was a Protestant city, having within its walls but

few Catholics. There was in the city one Catholic religious

establishment, a Benedictine abbey. The friars enjoyed unlimited freedom

of conscience and worship within their own walls, but were not permitted

to occupy the streets with their processions, performing the forms and

ceremonies of the Catholic church. The Catholics, encouraged by the

emperor, sent out a procession from the walls of the abbey, with

torches, banners, relics and all the pageants of Catholic worship. The

magistrates stopped the procession, took away their banners and sent

them back to the abbey, and then suffered the procession to proceed.

Soon after the friars got up another procession on a funeral occasion.

The magistrates, apprehensive that this was a trap to excite them to

some opposition which would render it plausible for the emperor to

interfere, suffered the procession to proceed unmolested. In a few days

the monks repeated the experiment. The populace had now become excited,

and there were threats of violence. The magistrates, fearful of the

consequences, did every thing in their power to soothe the people, and

urged them, by earnest proclamation, to abstain from all tumult. For

some time the procession, displaying all the hated pomp of papal

worship, paraded the streets undisturbed. But at length the populace

became ungovernable, attacked the monks, demolished their pageants and

pelted them with mire back into the convent.

This was enough. The emperor published the ban of the empire, and sent

the Duke of Bavaria with an army to execute the decree. Resistance was

hopeless. The troops took possession of the town, abolished the

Protestant religion, and delivered the churches to the Catholics.

The Protestants now saw that there was no hope for them but in union.

Thus driven together by an outward pressure which was every day growing

more menacing and severe, the chiefs of the Protestant party met at

Aschhausen and established a confederacy to continue for ten years. Thus

united, they drew up a list of grievances, and sent an embassy to

present their demands to the emperor. And now came a very serious turn

in the fortunes of Rhodolph. Notwithstanding the armistice which had

been concluded with the Turks by Rhodolph, a predatory warfare continued

to rage along the borders. Neither the emperor nor the sultan, had they

wished it, could prevent fiery spirits, garrisoned in fortresses

frowning at each other, from meeting occasionally in hostile encounter.

And both parties were willing that their soldiers should have enough to

do to keep up their courage and their warlike spirit. Aggression

succeeding aggression, sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other,

the sultan at last, in a moment of exasperation, resolved to break the

truce.

A large army of Turks invaded Croatia, took several fortresses, and

marching up the valley of the Save, were opening before them a route

into the heart of the Austrian States. The emperor hastily gathered an

army to oppose them. They met before Siseck, at the confluence of the

Kulpa and the Save. The Turks were totally defeated, with the loss of

twelve thousand men. Exasperated by the defeat, the sultan roused his

energies anew, and war again raged in all its horrors. The advantage was

with the Turks, and they gradually forced their way up the valley of the

Danube, taking fortress after fortress, till they were in possession of

the important town of Raab, within a hundred miles of Vienna.

Sigismond, the waivode or governor of Transylvania, an energetic,

high-spirited man, had, by his arms, brought the provinces of Wallachia

and Moldavia under subjection to him. Having attained such power, he was

galled at the idea of holding his government under the protection of the

Turks. He accordingly abandoned the sultan, and entered into a coalition

with the emperor. The united armies fell furiously upon the Turks, and

drove them back to Constantinople.

The sultan, himself a man of exceedingly ferocious character, was

thoroughly aroused by this disgrace. He raised an immense army, placed

himself at its head, and in 1596 again invaded Hungary. He drove the

Austrians everywhere before him, and but for the lateness of the season

would have bombarded Vienna. Sigismond, in the hour of victory, sold

Transylvania to Rhodolph for the governorship of some provinces in

Silesia, and a large annual pension. There was some fighting before the

question was fully settled in favor of the emperor, and then he placed

the purchased and the conquered province under the government of the

imperial general Basta.

The rule of Basta was so despotic that the Transylvanians rose in

revolt, and under an intrepid chief, Moses Tzekeli, appealed to the

Turks for aid. The Turks were rejoiced again to find the Christians

divided, and hastened to avail themselves of the coöperation of the

disaffected. The Austrians were driven from Transylvania, and the Turks

aided in crowning Tzekeli Prince of Transylvania, under the protection

of the Porte. The Austrians, however, soon returned in greater force,

killed Tzekeli in the confusion of battle, and reconquered the country.

During all this time wretched Hungary was ravaged with incessant wars

between the Turks and Austrians. Army after army swept to and fro over

the smoldering cities and desolated plains. Neither party gained any

decisive advantage, while Hungary was exposed to misery which no pen can

describe. Cities were bombarded, now by the Austrians and now by the

Turks, villages were burned, harvests trodden down, every thing eatable

was consumed. Outrages were perpetrated upon the helpless population by

the ferocious Turks which can not be told.

The Hungarians lost all confidence in Rhodolph. The bigoted emperor was

so much engaged in the attempt to extirpate what he called heresy from

his realms, that he neglected to send armies sufficiently strong to

protect Hungary from these ravages. He could have done this without much

difficulty; but absorbed in his hostility to Protestantism, he merely

sent sufficient troops to Hungary to keep the country in a constant

state of warfare. He filled every important governmental post in Hungary

with Catholics and foreigners. To all the complaints of the Hungarians

he turned a deaf ear; and his own Austrian troops frequently rivaled the

Turks in devastation and pillage. At the same time he issued the most

intolerant edicts, depriving the Protestants of all their rights, and

endeavoring to force the Roman Catholic religion upon the community.

He allowed, and even encouraged, his rapacious generals to insult and

defraud the Protestant Hungarian nobles, seizing their castles,

confiscating their estates and driving them into exile. This oppression

at last became unendurable. The people were driven to despair. One of

the most illustrious nobles of Hungary, a magnate of great wealth and

distinction, Stephen Botskoi, repaired to Prague to inform the emperor

of the deplorable state of Hungary and to seek redress. He was treated

with the utmost indignity; was detained for hours in the ante-chamber of

the emperor, where he encountered the most cutting insults from the

minions of the court. The indignation of the high-spirited noble was

roused to the highest pitch. And when, on his return to Hungary, he

found his estates plundered and devastated by order of the imperial

governor, he was all ready to head an insurrection.

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