"In the County of Ogle they were so numerous, strong, and well

organized that they could not be convicted for their crimes. By getting

some of their numbers on the juries, by producing a host of witnesses

to sustain their defense, by perjured evidence, and by changing the

venue of one County to another, by continuances from term to term, and

by the inability of witnesses to attend from time to time at distant

and foreign Counties, they most generally managed to be acquitted." [2]

There was a combination of horse-thieves extending from Galena to

Alton. There were counterfeiters engaged in merchandising, trading,

and store-keeping in most of the cities and villages, and in some

districts, I have been credibly informed by men to whom they have

disclosed their secrets, the judges, sheriffs, constables, and jailors,

as well, as professional men, were more or less associated with them.

These had in their employ the most reckless, abandoned wretches, who

stood ready to carry into effect the most desperate enterprises,

and were careless alike of human life and property. Their object in

persecuting the Mormons was in part to cover their own rascality, and

in part to prevent them from exposing and prosecuting them; but the

principal reason was plunder, believing that if they could be removed

or driven they would be made fat on Mormon spoils, besides having in

the deserted city a good asylum for the prosecution of their diabolical

pursuits.

This conglomeration of apostate Mormons, religious bigots, political

fanatics and black-legs, all united their forces against the Mormons,

and organized themselves into a party, denominated anti-Mormons. Some

of them, we have reason to believe, joined The Church in order to

cover their infamous practices, and when they were expelled for their

unrighteousness only raged with greater violence. They circulated

every kind of falsehood that they could collect or manufacture against

the Mormons. They also had a paper to assist them in their nefarious

designs, called the _Warsaw Signal_, edited by a Mr. Thomas Sharp, a

violent and unprincipled man, who shrunk not from any enormity. The

anti-Mormons had public meetings, which were very numerously attended,

where they passed resolutions of the most violent and inflammatory

kind, threatening to drive, expel and exterminate the Mormons from the

State, at the same time accusing them of every evil in the vocabulary

of crime.

They appointed their meetings in various parts of Hancock, M'Donough,

and other counties, which soon resulted in the organization of

armed mobs, under the direction of officers who reported to their

headquarters, and the reports of which were published in the

anti-Mormon paper, and circulated through the adjoining counties. We

also published in the _Times and Seasons_ and the _Nauvoo Neighbor_

(two papers published and edited by me at that time) an account, not

only of their proceedings, but our own. But such was the hostile

feeling, so well arranged their plans, and so desperate and lawless

their measures, that it was with the greatest difficulty that we could

get our papers circulated; they were destroyed by postmasters and

others, and scarcely ever arrived at the place of their destination,

so that a great many of the people, who would have been otherwise

peaceable, were excited by their misrepresentations, and instigated to

join their hostile or predatory bands.

Emboldened by the acts of those outside, the apostate Mormons,

associated with others, commenced the publication of a libelous paper

in Nauvoo, called the _Nauvoo Expositor_. This paper not only reprinted

from the others, but put in circulation the most libelous, false, and

infamous reports concerning the citizens of Nauvoo, and especially

the ladies. It was, however, no sooner put in circulation than the

indignation of the whole community was aroused; so much so, that they

threatened its annihilation; and I do not believe that in any other

city of the United States, if the same charges had been made against

the citizens, it would have been permitted to remain one day. As it was

among us, under these circumstances, it was thought best to convene

the city council to take into consideration the adoption of some

measures for its removal, as it was deemed better that this should be

done legally than illegally. Joseph Smith, therefore, who was mayor,

convened the city council for that purpose; the paper was introduced

and read, and the subject examined. All, or nearly all present,

expressed their indignation at the course taken by the _Expositor_,

which was owned by some of the aforesaid apostates, associated with

one or two others. Wilson Law, Dr. Foster, Charles Ivins and the

Higbees before referred to, some lawyers, storekeepers, and others in

Nauvoo who were not Mormons, together with the anti-Mormons outside of

the city, sustained it. The calculation was, by false statements, to

unsettle the minds of many in the city, and to form combinations there

similar to the anti-Mormon associations outside of the city. Various

attempts had heretofore been made by the party to annoy and irritate

the citizens of Nauvoo; false accusations had been made, vexatious

lawsuits instituted, threats made, and various devices resorted to,

to influence the public mind, and, if possible, to provoke us to the

commission of some overt act that might make us amenable to the law.

With a perfect knowledge, therefore, of the designs of these infernal

scoundrels who were in our midst, as well as those who surrounded us,

the city council entered upon an investigation of the matter. They felt

that they were in a critical position, and that any move made for the

abating of that press would be looked upon, or at least represented,

as a direct attack upon the liberty of speech, and that, so far from

displeasing our enemies, it would be looked upon by them as one of

the best circumstances that could transpire to assist them in their

nefarious and bloody designs. Being a member of the city council, I

well remember the feeling of responsibility that seemed to rest upon

all present; nor shall I soon forget the bold, manly, independent

expressions of Joseph Smith on that occasion in relation to this

matter. He exhibited in glowing colors the meanness, corruption, and

ultimate designs of the anti-Mormons; their despicable characters and

ungodly influences, especially of those who were in our midst. He told

of the responsibility that rested upon us, as guardians of the public

interest, to stand up in the defense of the injured and oppressed, to

stem the current of corruption, and, as men and Saints, to put a stop

to this flagrant outrage upon this people's rights.

He stated that no man was a stronger advocate for the liberty of

speech and of the press than himself: yet, when this noble gift is

utterly prostituted and abused, as in the present instance, it loses

all claim to our respect, and becomes as great an agent for evil as it

can possibly be for good; and notwithstanding the apparent advantage

we should give our enemies by this act, yet it behooved us, as men, to

act independent of all secondary influences, to perform the part of men

of enlarged minds, and boldly and fearlessly to discharge the duties

devolving upon us by declaring as a nuisance, and removing this filthy,

libelous, and seditious sheet from our midst.

The subject was discussed in various forms, and after the remarks made

by the mayor, every one seemed to be waiting for some one else to speak.

After a considerable pause, I arose and expressed my feelings frankly,

as Joseph had done, and numbers of others followed in the same strain;

and I think, but am not certain, that I made a motion for the removal

of that press as a nuisance. This motion was finally put, and carried

by all but one; and he conceded that the measure was just, but

abstained through fear.

Several members of the city council were not in The Church. The

following is the bill referred to:

_Bill for Removing of the Press of the_ "_Nauvoo Expositor_." [3]

Resolved by the city council of the city of Nauvoo, that the

printing-office from whence issues the _Nauvoo Expositor_ is a

public nuisance; and also of said _Nauvoo Expositors_ which may

be or exist in said establishment; and the mayor is instructed to

cause said establishment and papers to be removed without delay, in

such manner as he shall direct.

Passed June 10th, 1844. GEO. W. HARRIS, President _pro tem_.

W. RICHARDS, Recorder.

After the passage of the bill, the marshal, John P. Greene, was ordered

to abate or remove, which he forthwith proceeded to do by summoning a

posse of men for that purpose. The press was removed or broken, I don't

remember which, by the marshal, and the types scattered in the street.

This seemed to be one of those extreme cases that require extreme

measures, as the press was still proceeding in its inflammatory course.

It was feared that, as it was almost universally execrated, should it

continue longer, an indignant people might commit some overt act which

might lead to serious consequences, and that it was better to use legal

than illegal means.

This, as was foreseen, was the very course our enemies wished us to

pursue, as it afforded them an opportunity of circulating a very

plausible story about the Mormons being opposed to the liberty of the

press and of free speech, which they were not slow to avail themselves

of. Stories were fabricated, and facts perverted; false statements

were made, and this act brought in as an example to sustain the whole

of their fabrications; and, as if inspired by Satan, they labored

with an energy and zeal worthy of a better cause. They had runners to

circulate their reports, not only through Hancock County, but in all

the surrounding counties. These reports were communicated to their

anti-Mormon societies, and these societies circulated them in their

several districts. The anti-Mormon paper, the _Warsaw Signal_, was

filled with inflammatory articles and misrepresentations in relation

to us, and especially to this act of destroying the press. We were

represented as a horde of lawless ruffians and brigands, anti-American

and anti-republican, steeped in crime and iniquity, opposed to freedom

of speech and of the press, and all the rights and immunities of a free

and enlightened people; that neither person nor property were secure:

that we had designs upon the citizens of Illinois and of the United

States, and the people were called upon to rise _en masse_, and put us

down, drive us away, or exterminate us as a pest to society, and alike

dangerous to our neighbors, the State, and commonwealth.

These statements were extensively copied and circulated throughout the

United States. A true statement of the facts in question was published

by us both in the _Times and Seasons_ and the _Nauvoo Neighbor;_ but

it was found impossible to circulate them in the immediate counties,

as they were destroyed in the post-offices or otherwise by the agents

of the anti-Mormons, and in order to get the mail to go abroad, I had

to send the papers a distance of thirty or forty miles from Nauvoo,

and sometimes to St. Louis (upward of two hundred miles), to insure

their proceeding on their route, and then one-half or two-thirds of the

papers never reached the place of destination, being intercepted or

destroyed by our enemies.

These false reports stirred up the community around, of whom many, on

account of religious prejudice, were easily instigated to join the

anti-Mormons and embark in any crusade that might be undertaken against

us: hence their ranks swelled in numbers, and new organizations were

formed, meetings were held, resolutions passed, and men and means

volunteered for the extirpation of the Mormons.

On these points Governor Ford writes: "These also were the active

men in blowing up the fury of the people, in hopes that a popular

movement might be set on foot, which would result in the expulsion or

extermination of the Mormon voters. For this purpose public meetings

had been called, inflammatory speeches had been made, exaggerated

reports had been extensively circulated, committees had been appointed,

who rode night and day to spread the reports and solicit the aid of

neighboring counties, and at a public meeting at Warsaw resolutions

were passed to expel or exterminate the Mormon population. This was

not, however, a movement which was unanimously concurred in. The county

contained a goodly number of inhabitants in favor of peace, or who at

least desired to be neutral in such a contest. These were stigmatized

by the name of Jack-Mormons, and there were not a few of the more

furious exciters of the people who openly expressed their intention to

involve them in the common expulsion or extermination.

"A system of excitement and agitation was artfully planned and executed

with tact. It consisted in spreading reports and rumors of the most

fearful character. As examples: On the morning before my arrival at

Carthage, I was awakened at an early hour by the frightful report,

which was asserted with confidence and apparent consternation, that the

Mormons had already commenced the work of burning, destruction, and

murder, and that every man capable of bearing arms was instantly wanted

at Carthage for the protection of the county.

"We lost no time in starting; but when we arrived at Carthage we could

hear no more concerning this story. Again, during the few days that the

militia were encamped at Carthage, frequent applications were made to

me to send a force here, and a force there, and a force all about the

country, to prevent murders, robberies, and larcenies which, it was

said, were threatened by the Mormons. No such forces were sent, nor

were any such offenses committed at that time, except the stealing of

some provisions, and there was never the least proof that this was done

by a Mormon. Again, on my late visit to Hancock County, I was informed

by some of their violent enemies that the larcenies of the Mormons had

become unusually numerous and insufferable.

"They admitted that but little had been done in this way in their

immediate vicinity, but they insisted that sixteen horses had been

stolen by the Mormons in one night near Lima, and, upon inquiry, was

told that no horses had been stolen in that neighborhood, but that

sixteen horses had been stolen in one night in Hancock County. This

last informant being told of the Hancock story, again changed the venue

to another distant settlement in the northern edge of Adams." [4]

In the meantime legal proceedings were instituted against the members

of the city council of Nauvoo. A writ, here subjoined, was issued

upon the affidavit of the Laws, Fosters, Higbees, and Ivins, by Mr.

Morrison, a justice of the peace in Carthage, the county seat of

Hancock, and put into the hands of one David Bettesworth, a constable

of the same place.

_Writ issued upon affidavit by Thomas Morrison, J. P., State of

Illinois, Hancock County, ss_.

"The people of the State of Illinois, to all constables, sheriffs,

and coroners of said State, greeting:

"Whereas complaint hath been made before me, one of the justices

of the peace in and for the county of Hancock aforesaid, upon the

oath of Francis M. Higbee, of the said county, that Joseph Smith,

Samuel Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps, Hyrum Smith, John

P. Greene, Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington, Jonathan Dunham,

Stephen Markham, William Edwards, Jonathan Holmes, Jesse P.

Harmon, John Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, Harvey D. Redfield, Porter

Rockwell, and Levi Richards, of said county, did, on the tenth day

of June instant, commit a riot at and within the county aforesaid,

wherein they with force and violence broke into the printing office

of the _Nauvoo Expositor_, and unlawfully and with force burned and

destroyed the printing press, type and fixtures of the same, being

the property of William Law, Wilson Law, Charles Ivins, Francis M.

Higbee, Chauncey L. Higbee, Robert D. Foster and Charles A. Foster.

"These are therefore to command you forthwith to apprehend the

said Joseph Smith, Samuel Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps,

Hyrum Smith, John P. Greene, Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington,

Jonathan Dunham, Stephen Markham, William Edwards, Jonathan

Holmes, Jesse P. Harmon, John Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, Harvey D.

Redfield, Porter Rockwell, and Levi Richards, and bring them before

me, or some other justice of the peace, to answer the premises, and

farther to be dealt with according to law.

"Given under my hand and seal at Carthage, in the county aforesaid,

this 11th day of June, A. D. 1844.

"THOMAS MORRISON, J. P." (Seal.) [5]

The council did not refuse to attend to the legal proceedings in the

case, but as the law of Illinois made it the privilege of the persons

accused to go "or appear before the issuer of the writ, or any other

justice of the peace," they requested to be taken before another

magistrate, either in the city of Nauvoo or at any reasonable distance

out of it.

This the constable, who was a mobocrat, refused to do; and as this

was our legal privilege we refused to be dragged, contrary to law, a

distance of eighteen miles, when at the same time we had reason to

believe that an organized band of mobocrats were assembled for the

purpose of extermination or murder, and among whom it would not be safe

to go without a superior force of armed men. A writ of _habeas corpus_

was called for, and issued by the municipal court of Nauvoo, taking us

out of the hands of Bettesworth, and placing us in the charge of the

city marshal. We went before the municipal court and were dismissed.

Our refusal to obey this illegal proceeding was by them construed into

a refusal to submit to law, and circulated as such, and the people

either did believe, or professed to believe, that we were in open

rebellion against the laws and the authorities of the State. Hence mobs

began to assemble, among which all through the country inflammatory

speeches were made, exciting them to mobocracy and violence. Soon they

commenced their depredations in our outside settlements, kidnapping

some, and whipping and otherwise abusing others.

The persons thus abused fled to Nauvoo as soon as practicable, and

related their injuries to Joseph Smith, then mayor of the city,

and lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion. They also went before

magistrates, and made affidavits of what they had suffered, seen

and heard. These affidavits, in connection with a copy of all our

proceedings were forwarded by Joseph Smith to Mr. Ford, then governor

of Illinois, with an expression of our desire to abide law, and a

request that the governor would instruct him how to proceed in the case

of arrival of an armed mob against the city. The governor sent back

instructions to Joseph Smith that, as he was lieutenant general of the

Nauvoo Legion, it was his duty to protect the city and surrounding

country, and issued orders to that effect. Upon the reception of these

orders Joseph Smith assembled the people of the city, and laid before

them the governor's instructions; he also convened the officers of the

Nauvoo Legion for the purpose of conferring in relation to the best

mode of defense. He also issued orders to the men to hold themselves in

readiness in case of being called upon. On the following day General

Joseph Smith, with his staff, the leading officers of the Legion, and

some prominent strangers who were in our midst, made a survey of the

outside boundaries of the city, which was very extensive, being about

five miles up and down the river, and about two and a half back in the

center, for the purpose of ascertaining the position of the ground, and

the feasibility of defense, and to make all necessary arrangements in

case of an attack.

It may be well here to remark that numbers of gentlemen, strangers to

us, either came on purpose or were passing through Nauvoo, and upon

learning the position of things, expressed their indignation against

our enemies, and avowed their readiness to assist us by their counsel

or otherwise. It was some of these who assisted us in reconnoitering

the city, and finding out its adaptability for defense, and how to

protect it best against an armed force. The Legion was called together

and drilled, and every means made use of for defense. At the call of

the officers, old and young men came forward, both from the city and

the country, and mustered to the number of about five thousand.

In the meantime our enemies were not idle in mustering their forces

and committing depredations, nor had they been; it was, in fact, their

gathering that called ours into existence; their forces continued to

accumulate; they assumed a threatening attitude, and assembled in large

bodies, armed and equipped for war, and threatened the destruction and

extermination of the Mormons.

An account of their outrages and assemblages was forwarded to

Governor Ford almost daily; accompanied by affidavits furnished by

eye-witnesses of their proceedings. Persons were also sent out to

the counties around with pacific intentions, to give them an account

of the true state of affairs, and to notify them of the feelings and

dispositions of the people of Nauvoo, and thus, if possible, quell the

excitement. In some of the more distant counties these men were very

successful, and produced the salutary influence upon the minds of many

intelligent and well-disposed men. In neighboring counties, however,

where anti-Mormon influence prevailed, they produced little effect. At

the same time guards were stationed around Nauvoo, and picket guards

in the distance. At length opposing forces gathered so near that more

active measures were taken; reconnoitering parties were sent out, and

the city proclaimed under martial law. Things now assumed a belligerent

attitude, and persons passing through the city were questioned as to

what they knew of the enemy, while passes were in some instances given

to avoid difficulty with the guards. Joseph Smith continued to send on

messengers to the governor, (Philip B. Lewis and other messengers were

sent.) Samuel James, then residing at La Harpe, carried a message and

dispatches to him, and in a day or two after Bishop Edward Hunter and

others went again with fresh dispatches, representations, affidavits,

and instructions; but as the weather was excessively wet, the rivers

swollen, and the bridges washed away in many places, it was with great

difficulty that they proceeded on their journeys. As the mobocracy had

at last attracted the governor's attention, he started in company with

some others from Springfield to the scene of trouble, and missed, I

believe, both Brothers James and Hunter on the road, and, of course,

did not see their documents. He came to Carthage, and made that place,

which was a regular mobocratic den, his headquarters; as it was the

county seat, however, of Hancock County, that circumstance might, in a

measure, justify his staying there.

To avoid the appearance of all hostility on our part, and to fulfill

the law in every particular, at the suggestion of Judge Thomas, judge

of that judicial district, who had come to Nauvoo at the time, and who

stated that we had fulfilled the law, but, in order to satisfy all he

would council us to go before Esquire Wells, who was not in our Church,

and have a hearing, we did so, and after a full hearing we were again

dismissed.

The governor on the road collected forces, some of whom were

respectable, but on his arrival in the neighborhood of the difficulties

he received as militia all the companies of the mob forces who united

with him. After his arrival at Carthage he sent two gentlemen from

there to Nauvoo as a committee to wait upon General Joseph Smith,

informing him of the arrival of his excellency, with a request that

General Smith would send out a committee to wait upon the governor and

represent to him the state of affairs in relation to the difficulties

that then existed in the county. We met this committee while we were

reconnoitering the city, to find out the best mode of defense as

aforesaid. Dr. J. M. Bernhisel and myself were appointed as a committee

by General Smith to wait upon the governor. Previous to going, however,

we were furnished with affidavits and documents in relation both to our

proceedings and those of the mob; in addition to the general history of

the transaction, we took with us a duplicate of those documents which

had been forwarded by Bishop Hunter, Brother James, and others. We

started from Nauvoo in company with the aforesaid gentlemen at about

7 o'clock on the evening of the 21st of June, and arrived at Carthage

about 11 p. m.

We put up at the same hotel with the governor, kept by a Mr. Hamilton.

On our arrival we found the governor in bed, but not so with the other

inhabitants. The town was filled with a perfect set of rabble and

rowdies, who, under the influence of Bacchus, seemed to be holding a

grand saturnalia, whooping, yelling and vociferating as if Bedlam had

broken loose.

On our arrival at the hotel, and while supper was preparing, a man came

to me, dressed as a soldier, and told me that a man named Daniel Garn

had just been taken prisoner, and was about to be committed to jail,

and wanted me to go bail for him. Believing this to be a ruse to get me

out alone, and that some violence was intended, after consulting with

Dr. Bernhisel, I told the man that I was well acquainted with Mr. Garn,

that I knew him to be a gentleman, and did not believe that he had

transgressed law, and, moreover, that I considered it a very singular

time to be holding courts and calling for security, particularly as the

town was full of rowdyism.

I informed him that Dr. Bernhisel and myself would, if necessary go

bail for him in the morning, but that we did not feel ourselves safe

among such a set at that late hour of the night.

After supper, on retiring to our room, we had to pass through another,

which was separated from ours only by a board partition, the beds in

each room being placed side by side, with the exception of this fragile

partition. On the bed that was in the room which we passed through I

discovered a man by the name of Jackson, a desperate character, and a

reputed, notorious cut-throat and murderer. I hinted to the doctor that

things looked rather suspicious, and looked to see that my arms were

in order. The doctor and I occupied one bed. We had scarcely laid down

when a knock at the door, accompanied by a voice announced the approach

of Chauncey Higbee, the young lawyer and apostate before referred to.

He addressed himself to the doctor, and stated that the object of

his visit was to obtain the release of Daniel Garn; that Garn he

believed to be an honest man; that if he had done anything wrong, it

was through improper counsel, and that it was a pity that he should

be incarcerated, particularly when he could be so easily released;

he urged the doctor, as a friend, not to leave so good a man in such

an unpleasant situation; he finally prevailed upon the doctor to go

and give bail, assuring him that on his giving bail Garn would be

immediately dismissed.

During this conversation I did not say a word.

Higbee left the doctor to dress, with the intention of returning and

taking him to the court. As soon as Higbee had left, I told the doctor

that he had better not go; that I believed this affair was all a ruse

to get us separated; that they knew we had documents with us from

General Smith to show to the governor; that I believed their object

was to get possession of those papers, and, perhaps, when they had

separated us, to murder one or both. The doctor, who was actuated by

the best of motives in yielding to the assumed solicitude of Higbee,

coincided with my views; he then went to Higbee, and told him that he

had concluded not to go that night, but that he and I would both wait

upon the justice and Mr. Garn in the morning.

That night I lay awake with my pistols under my pillow, waiting for any

emergency. Nothing more occurred during the night. In the morning we

arose early, and after breakfast sought an interview with the governor,

and were told that we could have an audience, I think, at ten o'clock.

In the meantime we called upon Mr. Smith, a justice of the peace, who

had Mr. Garn in charge. We represented that we had been called upon

the night before by two different parties to go bail for a Mr. Daniel

Garn, whom we were informed he had in custody, and that, believing Mr.

Garn to be an honest man, we had now come for that purpose, and were

prepared to enter into recognizances for his appearance, whereupon Mr.

Smith, the magistrate, remarked that, under the present excited state

of affairs, he did not think he would be justified in receiving bail

from Nauvoo, as it was a matter of doubt whether property would not be

rendered valueless there in a few days.

Knowing the party we had to deal with, we were not much surprised at

this singular proceeding; we then remarked that both of us possessed

property in farms out of Nauvoo in the country, and referred him to

the county records. He then stated that such was the nature of the

charge against Mr. Garn that he believed he would not be justified in

receiving any bail. We were thus confirmed in our opinion that the

night's proceedings before, in relation to their desire to have us give

bail, was a mere ruse to separate us. We were not permitted to speak

with Garn, the real charge against whom was that he was traveling in

Carthage or its neighborhood: what the fictitious one was, if I knew, I

have since forgotten, as things of this kind were of daily occurrence.

After waiting the governor's pleasure for some time we had an audience;

but such an audience!

He was surrounded by some of the vilest and most unprincipled men in

creation; some of them had an appearance of respectability, and many of

them lacked even that. Wilson, and, I believe, William Law, were there,

Foster, Frank and Chauncey Higbee, Mr. Mar, a lawyer from Nauvoo, a

mobocratic merchant from Warsaw, the aforesaid Jackson, a number of

his associates, among whom was the governor's secretary, in all, some

fifteen or twenty persons, most of whom were recreant to virtue, honor,

integrity, and everything that is considered honorable among men. I can

well remember the feelings of disgust that I had in seeing the governor

surrounded by such an infamous group, and on being introduced to men

of so questionable a character; and had I been on private business, I

should have turned to depart, and told the governor that if he thought

proper to associate with such questionable characters, I should beg

leave to be excused; but coming as we did on public business, we could

not, of course, consult our private feelings.

We then stated to the governor that, in accordance with his request,

General Smith had, in response to his call, sent us to him as a

committee of conference; that we were acquainted with most of the

circumstances that had transpired in and about Nauvoo lately, and were

prepared to give him all information; that, moreover, we had in our

possession testimony and affidavits confirmatory of what we should

say, which had been forwarded to his excellency by Messrs. Hunter,

James, and others, some of which had not reached their destination,

but of which we had duplicates with us. We then, in brief, related an

outline of the difficulties, and the course we had pursued from the

commencement of the trouble up to the present, and handing him the

documents, respectfully submitted the whole.

During our conversation and explanations with the governor we were

frequently, rudely and impudently contradicted by the fellows he had

around him, and of whom he seemed to take no notice.

He opened and read a number of the documents himself, and as he

proceeded he was frequently interrupted by, "that's a lie!" "that's

a God damned lie!" "that's an infernal falsehood!" "that's a blasted

lie!" etc.

These men evidently winced at the exposure of their acts, and thus

vulgarly, impudently, and falsely repudiated them. One of their

number, Mr. Mar, addressed himself several times to me while in

conversation with the governor. I did not notice him until after a

frequent repetition of his insolence, when I informed him that "my

business at that time was with Governor Ford," whereupon I continued my

conversation with his excellency. During the conversation, the governor

expressed a desire that Joseph Smith, and all parties concerned in

passing or executing the city law in relation to the press, had better

come to Carthage; that, however repugnant it might be to our feelings,

he thought it would have a tendency to allay public excitement, and

prove to the people what we professed, that we wished to be governed

by law. We represented to him the course we had taken in relation to

this matter, and our willingness to go before another magistrate other

than the municipal court; the illegal refusal of our request by the

constable; our dismissal by the municipal court, a legally constituted

tribunal; our subsequent trial before Squire Wells at the instance of

Judge Thomas, the circuit judge, and our dismissal by him; that we had

fulfilled the law in every particular; that it was our enemies who were

breaking the law, and, having murderous designs, were only making use

of this as a pretext to get us into their power. The governor stated

that the people viewed it differently, and that, notwithstanding our

opinions, he would recommend that the people should be satisfied. We

then remarked to him that, should Joseph Smith comply with his request,

it would be extremely unsafe, in the present excited state of the

country, to come without an armed force; that we had a sufficiency of

men, and were competent to defend ourselves, but there might be danger

of collision should our forces and those of our enemies be brought into

such close proximity. He strenuously advised us not to bring our arms,

and _pledged his faith as governor, and the faith of the State, that we

should be protected, and that he would guarantee our perfect safety_.

We had at that time about five thousand men under arms, one thousand of

whom would have been amply sufficient for our protection.

At the termination of our interview, and previous to our withdrawal,

after a long conversation and the perusal of the documents which we

had brought, the governor informed us that he would prepare a written

communication for General Joseph Smith, which he desired us to wait

for. We were kept waiting for this instrument some five or six hours.

About five o'clock in the afternoon we took our departure with not the

most pleasant feelings. The associations of the governor, the spirit he

manifested to compromise with these scoundrels, the length of time that

he had kept us waiting, and his general deportment, together with the

infernal spirit that we saw exhibited by those whom he had admitted to

his counsels, made the prospect anything but promising.

We returned on horseback, and arrived at Nauvoo, I think, at about

eight or nine o'clock at night, accompanied by Captain Yates in

command of a company of mounted men, who came for the purpose of

escorting Joseph Smith and the accused in case of their complying with

the governor's request, and going to Carthage. We went directly to

Brother Joseph's, when Captain Yates delivered to him the governor's

communication. A council was called, consisting of Joseph's brother,

Hyrum, Dr. Richards, Dr. Bernhisel, myself, and one or two others.

We then gave a detail of our interview with the governor. Brother

Joseph was very much dissatisfied with the governor's letter and with

his general deportment, and so were the council, and it became a

serious question as to the course we should pursue. Various projects

were discussed, but nothing definitely decided upon for some time.

In the interim two gentlemen arrived; one of them, if not both, sons of

John C. Calhoun. They had come to Nauvoo, and were very anxious for an

interview with Brother Joseph.

These gentlemen detained him for some time; and, as our council was

held in Dr. Bernhisel's room in the Mansion House, the doctor lay down;

and as it was now between 2 and 3 o'clock in the morning, and I had

had no rest on the previous night, I was fatigued, and thinking that

Brother Joseph might not return, I left for home and rest.

Being very much fatigued, I slept soundly, and was somewhat surprised

in the morning by Mrs. Thompson entering my room about 7 o'clock, and

exclaiming in surprise, "What, you here! the brethren have crossed the

rive some time since."

"What brethren?" I asked.

"Brother Joseph, and Hyrum, and Brother Richards," she answered.

I immediately arose upon learning that they had crossed the river, and

did not intend to go to Carthage. I called together a number of persons

in whom I had confidence, and had the type, stereotype plates, and most

of the valuable things removed from the printing office, believing

that, should the governor and his force come to Nauvoo, the first

thing they would do would be to burn the printing office, for I knew

they would be exasperated if Brother Joseph went away. We had talked

over these matters the night before, but nothing was decided upon. It

was Brother Joseph's opinion that, should we leave for a time, public

excitement, which was then so intense, would be allayed; that it would

throw on the governor the responsibility of keeping the peace; that

in the event of an outrage, the onus would rest upon the governor,

who was amply prepared with troops, and could command all the forces

of the State to preserve order; and that the act of his own men would

be an overwhelming proof of their seditious designs, not only to the

governor, but to the world. He moreover thought that, in the east,

where he intended to go, public opinion would be set right in relation

to these matters, and its expression would partially influence the

west, and that, after the first ebullition, things would assume a shape

that would justify his return.

I made arrangements for crossing the river, and Brother Elias Smith

and Joseph Cain, who were both employed in the printing office with

me, assisted all that lay in their power together with Brother Brower

and several hands in the printing office. As we could not find out

the exact whereabouts of Joseph and the brethren, I crossed the river

in a boat furnished by Brother Cyrus H. Wheelock and Alfred Bell; and

after the removal of the things out of the printing office, Joseph Cain

brought the account books to me, that we might make arrangements for

their adjustment; and Brother Elias Smith, cousin to Brother Joseph,

went to obtain money for the journey, and also to find out and report

to me the location of the brethren.

As Cyrus H. Wheelock was an active, enterprising man, and in the event

of not finding Brother Joseph I calculated to go to Upper Canada for

the time being, and should need a companion, I said to Brother Cyrus H.

Wheelock, "Can you go with me ten or fifteen hundred miles?"

He answered, "Yes."

"Can you start in half an hour?"

"Yes."

However, I told him that he had better see his family, who lived over

the river, and prepare a couple of horses and the necessary equipage

for the journey, and that, if we did not find Brother Joseph before, we

would start at nightfall.

A laughable incident occurred on the eve of my departure. After making

all the preparations I could, previous to leaving Nauvoo, and having

bid adieu to my family, I went to a house adjoining the river, owned

by Brother Eddy. There I disguised myself so as not to be known, and

so effectually was the transformation that those who had come after me

with a boat did not know me. I went down to the boat and sat in it.

Brother Bell, thinking it was a stranger, watched my moves for some

time very impatiently, and then said to Brother Wheelock, "I wish that

old gentleman would go away; he has been pottering around the boat

for some time, and I am afraid Elder Taylor will be coming." When he

discovered his mistake, he was not a little amused.

I was conducted by Brother Bell to a house that was surrounded by

timber on the opposite side of the river. There I spent several hours

in a chamber with Brother Joseph Cain, adjusting my accounts; and I

made arrangements for the stereotype plates of the Book of Mormon and

Doctrine and Covenants, to be forwarded east, thinking to supply the

company with subsistence money through the sale of these books in the

east.

My horses were reported ready by Brother Wheelock, and funds on hand

by Brother Elias Smith. In about half an hour I should have started,

when Brother Elias Smith came to me with word that he had found the

brethren; that they had concluded to go to Carthage, and wished me to

return to Nauvoo and accompany them. I must confess that I felt a good

deal disappointed at this news, but I immediately made preparations

to go. Escorted by Brother Elias Smith, I and my party went to the

neighborhood of Montrose, where we met Brother Joseph, Hyrum, Brother

Richards and others. Dr. Bernhisel thinks that W. W. Phelps was not

with Joseph and Hyrum in the morning, but that he met him, myself,

Joseph and Hyrum, W. Richards and Brother Cahoon, in the afternoon,

near Montrose, returning to Nauvoo.

On meeting the brethren I learned that it was not Brother Joseph's

desire to return, but that he came back by request of some of the

brethren, and that it coincided more with Brother Hyrum's feelings

than those of Brother Joseph. In fact, after his return, Brother Hyrum

expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with the course taken, and

said he felt much more at ease in his mind than he did before. On our

return the calculation was to throw ourselves under the immediate

protection of the governor, and to trust to his word and faith for our

preservation.

A message was, I believe, sent to the governor that night, stating that

we should come to Carthage in the morning, the party that came along

with us to escort us back, in case we returned to Carthage, having

returned.

It would seem from the following remarks of General Ford that there was

a design on foot, which was, that if we refused to go to Carthage at

the governor's request, there should be an increased force called for

by the governor, and that we should be destroyed by them. In accordance

with this project, Captain Yates returned with his _posse_, accompanied

by the constable who held the writ.

The following is the governor's remark in relation to this affair:

"The constable and his escort returned. The constable made no

effort to arrest any of them, nor would he or the guard delay their

departure one minute beyond the time, to see whether an arrest

could be made. Upon their return they reported that they had been

informed that the accused had fled, and could not be found. I

immediately proposed to a council of officers to march into Nauvoo

with the small force then under my command, but the officers were

of the opinion that it was too small, and many of them insisted

upon a further call of the militia. Upon reflection I was of the

opinion that the officers were right in the estimate of our force,

and the project for immediate action was abandoned.

"I was soon informed, however, of the conduct of the constable and

guard, and then I was perfectly satisfied that a most base fraud

had been attempted, that, in fact, it was feared that the Mormons

would submit, and thereby entitle themselves to the protection of

the law. It was very apparent that many of the bustling, active

spirits were afraid that there would be no occasion for calling

out an overwhelming militia force, for marching into Nauvoo, for

probable mutiny when there, and for the extermination of the Mormon

race. It appeared that the constable and the escort were fully in

the secret, and acted well their part to promote the conspiracy."

[6]

In the morning Brother Joseph had an interview with the officers of

the Legion, with the leading members of the city council, and with the

principal men of the city. The officers were instructed to dismiss

their men, but to have them in a state of readiness to be called upon

in any emergency that might occur.

About half past six o'clock the members of the city council, the

marshal, Brothers Joseph and Hyrum, and a number of others, started

for Carthage, on horseback. We were instructed by Brother Joseph Smith

not to take any arms, and we consequently left them behind. We called

at the house of Brother Fellows on our way out. Brother Fellows lived

about four miles from Carthage.

While at Brother Fellow's house, Captain Dunn, accompanied by Mr.

Coolie, one of the governor's aides-de-camp, came up from Carthage _en

route_ for Nauvoo with a requisition from the governor for the State

arms. We all returned to Nauvoo with them; the governor's request was

complied with, and after taking some refreshments, we all returned to

proceed to Carthage. We arrived there late in the night. A great deal

of excitement prevailed on and after our arrival. The governor had

received into his company all of the companies that had been in the

mob; these fellows were riotous and disorderly, hallowing, yelling, and

whooping about the streets like Indians, many of them intoxicated; the

whole presented a scene of rowdyism and low-bred ruffianism only found

among mobocrats and desperadoes, and entirely revolting to the best

feelings of humanity. The governor made a speech to them to the effect

that he would show Joseph and Hyrum Smith to them in the morning.

About here the companies with the governor were drawn up in line, and

General Demming, I think, took Joseph by the arm and Hyrum (Arnold says

that Joseph took the governor's arm), and as he passed through between

the ranks, the governor leading in front, very politely introduced them

as General Joseph Smith and General Hyrum Smith. [7]

All were orderly and courteous except one company of mobocrats--the

Carthage Grays--who seemed to find fault on account of too much honor

being paid to the Mormons. There was afterwards a row between the

companies, and they came pretty near having a fight; the more orderly

not feeling disposed to endorse or submit to the rowdyism of the

mobocrats. The result was that General Demming, who was very much of a

gentleman, ordered the Carthage Grays, a company under the command of

Captain Smith, a magistrate in Carthage, and a most violent mobocrat,

under arrest. This matter, however, was shortly afterward adjusted, and

the difficulty settled between them.

The mayor, aldermen, councilors, as well as the marshal of the city

of Nauvoo, together with some persons who had assisted the marshal

in removing the press in Nauvoo, appeared before Justice Smith,

the aforesaid captain and mobocrat, to again answer the charge of

destroying the press; but as there was so much excitement, and as

the man was an unprincipled villain before whom we were to have our

hearing, we thought it most prudent to give bail, and consequently

became security for each other in $500 bonds each, to appear before the

County Court at its next session. We had engaged as counsel a lawyer by

the name of Wood, of Burlington, Iowa; and Reed, I think, of Madison,

Iowa After some little discussion the bonds were signed, and we were

all dismissed.

Almost immediately after our dismissal, two men--Augustine Spencer and

Norton--two worthless fellows, whose words would not have been taken

for five cents, and the first of whom had a short time previously

been before the mayor in Nauvoo for maltreating a lame brother, made

affidavits that Joseph and Hyrum Smith were guilty of treason, and

a writ was accordingly issued for their arrest, and the constable

Bettesworth, a rough, unprincipled man, wished immediately to hurry

them away to prison without any hearing. His rude, uncouth manner in

the administration of what he considered the duties of his office made

him exceedingly repulsive to us all. But, independent of these acts,

the proceedings in this case were altogether illegal. Providing the

court was sincere, which it was not, and providing these men's oaths

were true, and that Joseph and Hyrum were guilty of treason, still the

whole course was illegal.

The magistrate made out a mittimus, and committed them to prison

without a hearing, which he had no right legally to do. The statue of

Illinois expressly provides that "all men shall have a hearing before

a magistrate before they shall be committed to prison;" and Mr. Robert

H. Smith, the magistrate, had made out a mittimus committing them to

prison contrary to law without such hearing. As I was informed of this

illegal proceeding, I went immediately to the governor and informed him

of it. Whether he was apprised of it before or not, I do not know; but

my opinion is that he was.

I represented to him the characters of the parties who had made oath,

the outrageous nature of the charge, the indignity offered to men in

the position which they occupied, and declared to him that he knew

very well it was a vexatious proceeding, and that the accused were

not guilty of any such crime. The governor replied, he was very sorry

that the thing had occurred; that he did not believe the charges, but

that he thought the best thing to be done was to let the law take its

course. I then reminded him that we had come out there at his instance,

not to satisfy the law, which we had done before, but the prejudices

of the people, in relation to the affairs of the press; that at his

instance we had given bonds, which we could not by law be required to

do to satisfy the people, and that it was asking too much to require

gentlemen in their position in life to suffer the degradation of being

immured in a jail at the instance of such worthless scoundrels as

those who had made this affidavit. The governor replied that it was

an unpleasant affair, and looked hard; but that it was a matter over

which he had no control, as it belonged to the judiciary; that he, as

the executive, could not interfere with their proceedings, and that he

had no doubt but that they would immediately be dismissed. I told him

that we had looked to him for protection from such insults, and that

I thought we had a right to do so from the solemn promises which he

had made to me and to Dr. Bernhisel in relation to our coming without

guard or arms; that we had relied upon his faith, and had a right to

expect him to fulfill his engagements after we had placed ourselves

implicity under his care, and complied with all his requests, although

extrajudicial.

He replied that he would detail a guard, if we required it, and see

us protected, but that he could not interfere with the judiciary. I

expressed my dissatisfaction at the course taken, and told him, that,

if we were to be subject to mob rule, and to be dragged, contrary to

law, into prison at the instance of every infernal scoundrel whose

oaths could be bought for a dram of whiskey, his protection availed

very little, and we had miscalculated his promises.

Seeing there was no prospect of redress from the governor, I returned

to the room, and found the constable Bettesworth very urgent to

hurry Brothers Joseph and Hyrum to prison, while the brethren were

remonstrating with him. At the same time a great rabble was gathered in

the streets and around the door, and from the rowdyism manifested I was

afraid there was a design to murder the prisoners on the way to jail.

Without conferring with any person, my next feelings were to procure

a guard, and seeing a man habited as a soldier in the room, I went to

him and said, "I am afraid there is a design against the lives of the

Messrs. Smith; will you go immediately and bring your captain; and, if

not convenient, any other captain of a company, and I will pay you well

for your trouble?" He said he would, and departed forthwith, and soon

returned with his captain, whose name I have forgotten, and introduced

him to me. I told him of my fears, and requested him immediately to

fetch his company.

He departed forthwith, and arrived at the door with them just at the

time when the constable was hurrying the brethren down stairs. A number

of the brethren went along, together with one or two strangers; and all

of us, safely lodged in prison, remained there during the night.

At the request of Joseph Smith for an interview with the governor, he

came the next morning, Thursday, June 26th, at half past 9 o'clock,

accompanied by Colonel Geddes, when a lengthy conversation was

entered into in relation to the existing difficulties; and after

some preliminary remarks, at the governor's request, Brother Joseph

gave him a general outline of the state of affairs in relation to

our difficulties, the excited state of the country, the tumultuous

mobocratic movements of our enemies, the precautionary measures used by

himself (Joseph Smith), the acts of the city council, the destruction

of the press, and the moves of the mob and ourselves up to that time.

The following report is, I believe, substantially correct:

_Governor_--"General Smith, I believe you have given me a general

outline of the difficulties that have existed in the country in

the documents forwarded to me by Dr. Bernhisel and Mr. Taylor;

but, unfortunately, there seems to be a great discrepancy between

your statements and those of your enemies. It is true that you

are substantiated by evidence and affidavit, but for such an

extraordinary excitement as that which is now in the country

there must be some cause, and I attribute the last outbreak to

the destruction of the _Expositor_, and to your refusal to comply

with the writ issued by Esquire Morrison. The press in the United

States is looked upon as the great bulwark of American freedom,

and its destruction in Nauvoo was represented and looked upon as

a high-handed measure, and manifests to the people a disposition

on your part to suppress the liberty of speech and of the press.

This, with your refusal to comply with the requisition of a writ, I

conceive to be the principal cause of this difficulty; and you are

moreover represented to me as turbulent, and defiant of the laws

and institutions of your country."

_General Smith_--"Governor Ford, you, sir, as governor of this

State, are aware of the persecutions that I have endured. You know

well that our course has been peaceable and law-abiding for I have

furnished this State ever since our settlement here with sufficient

evidence of my pacific intentions, and those of the people with

whom I am associated, by the endurance of every conceivable

indignity and lawless outrage perpetrated upon me and upon this

people since our settlement here; and you know yourself that I have

kept you well posted in relation to all matters associated with the

late difficulties. If you have not got some of my communications,

it has not been my fault.

"Agreeably to your orders, I assembled the Nauvoo Legion for the

protection of Nauvoo and the surrounding country against an armed

band of marauders; and ever since they have been mustered I have

almost daily communicated with you in regard to all the leading

events that have transpired; and whether in the capacity of mayor

of the city, or lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion, I have

striven, according to the best of my judgment, to preserve the

peace and to administer even-handed justice; but my motives are

impugned, my acts are misconstrued, and I am grossly and wickedly

misrepresented. I suppose I am indebted for my incarceration to

the oath of a worthless man, who was arraigned before me and fined

for abusing and maltreating his lame, helpless brother. That I

should be charged by you, sir, who know better, of acting contrary

to law, is to me a matter of surprise. Was it the Mormons or our

enemies who first commenced these difficulties? You know well it

was not us; and when this turbulent, outrageous people commenced

their insurrectionary movements I made you acquainted with them

officially, and asked your advice, and have followed strictly your

counsel in every particular. Who ordered out the Nauvoo Legion?

I did, under your direction. For what purpose? To suppress the

insurrectionary movements. It was at your instance, sir, that I

issued a proclamation calling upon the Nauvoo Legion to be in

readiness at a moment's warning to guard against the incursions of

mobs, and gave an order to Jonathan Dunham, acting major-general,

to that effect.

"Am I, then, to be charged with the acts of others? and because

lawlessness and mobocracy abound, am I, when carrying out your

instructions, to be charged with not abiding law? Why is it that I

must be made accountable for other men's acts? If there is trouble

in the country, neither I nor my people made it; and all that we

have ever done, after much endurance on our part, is to maintain

and uphold the Constitution and institutions of our country, and to

protect an injured, innocent, and persecuted people against misrule

and mob violence.

"Concerning the destruction of the press to which you refer, men

may differ somewhat in their opinions about it; but can it be

supposed that after all the indignities to which they have been

subjected outside, that people could suffer a set of worthless

vagabonds to come into their city, and, right under their own eyes

and protection, vilify and calumniate not only themselves, but

the character of their wives and daughters, as was impudently and

unblushingly done in that infamous and filthy sheet?

"There is not a city in the United States that would have suffered

such an indignity for twenty-four hours. Our whole people were

indignant, and loudly called upon our city authorities for a

redress of their grievances, which, if not attended to, they

themselves would have taken into their own hands, and have

summarily punished the audacious wretches as they deserved. The

principle of equal rights that has been instilled into our bosoms

from our cradles as American citizens forbids us submitting to

every foul indignity, and succumbing and pandering to wretches so

infamous as these. But, independent of this, the course that we

pursued we consider to be strictly legal; for, notwithstanding

the result, we were anxious to be governed strictly by law, and

therefore we convened the city council; and being desirous in our

deliberations to abide by law, we summoned legal counsel to be

present on the occasion. Upon investigating the matter, we found

that our city charter gave us power to remove all nuisances.

Furthermore, after consulting Blackstone upon what might be

considered a nuisance, it appeared that that distinguished lawyer,

who is considered authority, I believe, in all our courts, states

among other things that 'a libelous and filthy press may be

considered a nuisance, and abated as such.' Here, then, one of

the most eminent English barristers, whose works are considered

standard with us, declares that a libelous and filthy press may

be considered a nuisance; and our own charter, given us by the

Legislature of this State, gives us power to remove nuisances; and

by ordering that press to be abated as a nuisance, we conceived

that we were acting strictly in accordance with law. We made that

order in our corporate capacity, and the city marshal carried it

out. It is possible there may have been some better way, but I must

confess that I could not see it.

"In relation to the writ served upon us, we are willing to abide

the consequences of our own acts, but are unwilling, in answering

a writ of that kind, to submit to illegal exactions, sought to be

imposed upon us under the pretense of law, when we knew they were

in open violation of it. When that document was presented to me by

Mr. Bettesworth, I offered, in the presence of more than twenty

persons, to go to any other magistrate, either in our city, in

Appanoose, or any other place where we should be safe, but we all

refused to put ourselves into the power of a mob. What right had

that constable to refuse our request? He had none according to

law; for you know, Governor Ford, that the statute law in Illinois

is, that the parties served with the writ 'shall go before him who

issued it, or some other justice of the peace.' Why, then, should

we be dragged to Carthage, where the law does not compel us to

go? Does not this look like many others of our persecutions with

which you are acquainted? and have we not a right to expect foul

play? This very act was a breach of law on his part, an assumption

of power that did not belong to him, and an attempt, at least, to

deprive us of our legal and constitutional rights and privileges.

What could we do, under the circumstances, different from what we

did do? We sued for, and obtained a writ of _habeas corpus_ from

the municipal court, by which we were delivered from the hands of

Constable Bettesworth, and brought before and acquitted by the

municipal court. After our acquittal, in a conversation with Judge

Thomas, although he considered the acts of the party illegal,

he advised that, to satisfy the people, we had better go before

another magistrate who was not in our Church. In accordance with

his advice, we went before Esquire Wells, with whom you are well

acquainted; both parties were present, witnesses were called on

both sides, the case was fully investigated, and we were again

dismissed. And what is this pretended desire to enforce law, and

wherefore are these lying, base rumors put into circulation but

to seek, through mob influence, under pretense of law, to make us

submit to requisitions which are contrary to law and subversive

of every principle of justice? And when you, sir, required us to

come out here, we came, not because it was legal, but because you

required it of us, and we were desirous of showing to you, and

to all men, that we shrunk not from the most rigid investigation

of our acts. We certainly did expect other treatment than to be

immured in a jail at the instance of these men, and I think, from

your plighted faith, we had a right so to expect, after disbanding

our own forces, and putting ourselves entirely in your hands. And

now, after having fulfilled my part, sir, as a man and an American

citizen, I call upon you, Governor Ford, to deliver us from this

place, and rescue us from this outrage that is sought to be

practiced upon us by a set of infamous scoundrels."

_Governor Ford_.--"But you have placed men under arrest, detained

men as prisoners, and given passes to others, some of which I have

seen,"

_John P. Greene, City Marshal_.--"Perhaps I can explain. Since

these difficulties have commenced, you are aware that we have been

placed under very peculiar circumstances; our city has been placed

under a very rigid police guard; in addition to this, frequent

guards have been placed outside the city to prevent any sudden

surprise, and those guards have questioned suspected or suspicious

persons as to their business. To strangers, in some instances,

passes have been given to prevent difficulty in passing those

guards; it is some of these passes that you have seen. No person,

sir, has been imprisoned without a legal cause in our city."

_Governor_--"Why did you not give a more speedy answer to the posse

that I sent out?"

_General Smith_.--"We had matters of importance to consult upon;

your letter showed anything but an amiable spirit. We have

suffered immensely in Missouri from mobs, in loss of property,

imprisonment, and otherwise. It took some time for us to weigh duly

these matters; we could not decide upon matters of such importance

immediately, and your posse were too hasty in returning; we were

consulting for a large people, and vast interests were at stake. We

had been outrageously imposed upon, and knew not how far we could

trust any one; besides, a question necessarily arose, How shall we

come? Your request was that we should come unarmed. It became a

matter of serious importance to decide how far promises could be

trusted, and how far we were safe from mob violence."

_Colonel Geddes_.--"It certainly did look, from all I have heard,

from the general spirit of violence and mobocracy that here

prevails, that it was not safe for you to come unprotected."

_Governor Ford_.--"I think that sufficient time was not allowed

by the posse for you to consult and get ready. They were too

hasty; but I suppose they found themselves bound by their orders.

I think, too, there is a great deal of truth in what you say, and

your reasoning is plausible, but I must beg leave to differ from

you in relation to the acts of the City Council. That Council, in

my opinion, had no right to act in a legislative capacity, and in

that of the judiciary. They should have passed a law in relation

to the matter, and then the Municipal Court, upon complaint, could

have removed it; but for the City Council to take upon themselves

the law-making and the execution of the law, is, in my opinion,

wrong; besides, these men ought to have had a hearing before their

property was destroyed; to destroy it without was an infringement

on their rights; besides, it is so contrary to the feelings of

American people to interfere with the press. And, furthermore, I

cannot but think that it would have been more judicious for you to

have gone with Mr. Bettesworth to Carthage, notwithstanding the

law did not require it. Concerning your being in jail, I am sorry

for that; I wish it had been otherwise. I hope you will soon be

released, but I can not interfere."

_Joseph Smith_.--"Governor Ford, allow me, sir, to bring one thing

to your mind that you seem to have overlooked. You state that you

think it would have been better for us to have submitted to the

requisition of Constable Bettesworth, and to have gone to Carthage.

Do you not know, sir, that that writ was served at the instance of

an anti-Mormon mob, who had passed resolutions, and published them,

to the effect that they would exterminate the Mormon leaders? And

are you not informed that Captain Anderson was not only threatened

but had a gun fired at his boat by this said mob in Warsaw when

coming up to Nauvoo, and that this very thing was made use of as

a means to get us into their hands; and we could not, without

taking an armed force with us, go there without, according to their

published declarations, going into the jaws of death? To have taken

a force with us would only have fanned the excitement, and they

would have stated that we wanted to use intimidation; therefore, we

thought it the most judicious to avail ourselves of the protection

of the law."

_Governor Ford_.--"I see, I see."

_Joseph Smith_.--"Furthermore, in relation to the press, you say

that you differ from me in opinion. Be it so; the thing, after all,

is only a legal difficulty, and the courts, I should judge, are

competent to decide on that matter. If our act was illegal, we are

willing to meet it; and although I cannot see the distinction that

you draw about the acts of the City Council, and what difference

it could have made in point of fact, law, or justice between the

City Council, acting together or separate or how much more legal

it would have been for the Municipal Court, who were a part of the

City Council, to act separately instead of with the councilors,

yet, if it is deemed that we did a wrong in destroying that press,

we refuse not to pay for it; we are desirous to fulfill the law

in every particular, and are responsible for our acts. You say

that the parties ought to have a hearing. Had it been a civil

suit, this of course, would have been proper; but there was a

flagrant violation of every principle of right--a nuisance; and

it was abated on the same principle that any nuisance, stench,

or putrefied carcass would have been removed. Our first step,

therefore, was to stop the foul, noisome, filthy sheet, and then

the next in our opinion would have been to have prosecuted the man

for a breach of public decency. And, furthermore, again let me say,

Governor Ford, I shall look to you for our protection. I believe

you are talking of going to Nauvoo; if you go, sir, I wish to go

along. I refuse not to answer any law, but I do not consider myself

safe here."

_Governor_.--"I am in hopes that you will be acquitted, and if I

go I will certainly take you along. I do not, however, apprehend

danger. I think you are perfectly safe either here or anywhere

else. I can not, however, interfere with the law. I am placed in

peculiar circumstances and seem to be blamed by all parties."

_Joseph Smith_.--"Governor Ford, I ask nothing but what is legal;

I have a right to expect protection, at least from you; for,

independent of law, you have pledged your faith and that of the

State for my protection, and I wish to go to Nauvoo."

_Governor_.--"And you shall have protection, General Smith. I did

not make this promise without consulting my officers, who all

pledged their honor to its fulfillment. I do not know that I shall

go tomorrow to Nauvoo, but if I do I will take you along."

At a quarter past ten o'clock the governor left.

At about half past twelve o'clock, Mr. Reed, one of Joseph's counsel,

came in, apparently much elated; he stated that, upon an examination of

the law, he found that the magistrate had transcended his jurisdiction,

and that having committed them without an examination, his jurisdiction

ended, that he had him upon a pin hook; that he ought to have examined

them before he committed them, and that, having violated the law

in this particular, he had no further power over them; for, once

committed, they were out of his jurisdiction, as the power of the

magistrate extended no farther than their committal, and that now they

could not be brought out except at the regular session of the Circuit

Court, or by a writ of _habeas corpus;_ but that if Justice Smith would

consent to go to Nauvoo for trial, he would compromise matters with

him, and overlook this matter.

Mr. Reed further stated that the anti-Mormons, or mob, had concocted

a scheme to get out a writ from Missouri, with a demand upon Governor

Ford for the arrest of Joseph Smith, and his conveyance to Missouri,

and that a man by the name of Wilson had returned from Missouri the

night before the burning of the press for this purpose.

At half past two o'clock Constable Bettesworth came to the jail with

a man named Simpson, professing to have some order, but he would not

send up his name, and the guard would not let him pass. Dr. Bernhisel

and Brother Wasson went to inform the governor and council of this. At

about twenty minutes to three Dr. Bernhisel returned, and stated that

he thought the governor was doing all he could. At about ten minutes to

three Hyrum Kimball appeared with news from Nauvoo.

Soon after Constable Bettesworth came with an order from Esquire Smith

to convey the prisoners to the court-house for trial. He was informed

that the process was illegal, that they had been placed there contrary

to law, and that they refused to come unless by legal process. I was

informed that Justice Smith (who was also captain of the Carthage

Grays) went to the governor and informed him of the matter, and that

the governor replied, "You have your forces, and of course can use

them." The constable certainly did return, accompanied by a guard of

armed men, and by force, and under protest, hurried the prisoners to

the court.

About four o'clock the case was called by Captain Robert F. Smith,

J. P. The counsel for the prisoners called for subpoenas to bring

witnesses. At twenty-five minutes past four he took a copy of the order

to bring the prisoners from jail to trial, and afterwards he took names

of witnesses.

Counsel present for the State; Higbee, Skinner, Sharp, Emmons, and

Morrison. Twenty-five minutes to five the writ was returned as served,

June 25th.

Many remarks were made at the court that I paid but little attention

to, as I considered the whole thing illegal and a complete burlesque.

Wood objected to the proceedings in total, in consequence of its

illegality, showing that the prisoners were not only illegally

committed, but that, being once committed, the magistrate had no

further power over them; but as it was the same magistrate before whom

he was pleading who imprisoned them contrary to law, and the same who,

as captain, forced them from jail, his arguments availed but little.

He then urged that the prisoners be remanded until witnesses could be

had, and applied for a continuance for that purpose. Skinner suggested

until twelve o'clock next day. Wood again demanded until witnesses

could be obtained; that the court meet at a specified time, and that,

if witnesses were not present, again adjourn, without calling the

prisoners. After various remarks from Reed, Skinner, and others, the

court stated that the writ was served yesterday, and that it will give

until tomorrow at twelve m. to get witnesses.

We then returned to jail. Immediately after our return Dr. Bernhisel

went to the governor, and obtained from him an order for us to occupy

a large open room containing a bedstead. I rather think that the same

room had been appropriated to the use of debtors; at any rate, there

was free access to the jailer's house, and no bars or locks except

such as might be on the outside door of the jail. The jailer, Mr.

George W. Steghall, and his wife, manifested a disposition to make us

as comfortable as they could; we ate at their table, which was well

provided, and, of course, paid for it.

I do not remember the names of all who were with us that night and the

next morning in jail, for several went and came; among those that we

considered stationery were Stephen Markham, John S. Fullmer, Captain

Dan Jones, Dr. Willard Richards, and myself. Dr. Bernhisel says that

he was there from Wednesday in the afternoon until eleven o'clock next

day. We were, however, visited by numerous friends, among whom were

Uncle John Smith, Hyrum Kimball, Cyrus H. Wheelock, besides lawyers,

as counsel. There was also a great variety of conversation, which was

rather desultory than otherwise, and referred to circumstances that had

transpired, our former and present grievances, the spirit of the troops

around us, and the disposition of the governor; the devising for legal

and other plans for deliverance, the nature of testimony required; the

gathering of proper witnesses, and a variety of other topics, including

our religious hopes, etc.

During one of these conversations Dr. Richards remarked: "Brother

Joseph, if it is necessary that you die in this matter, and if they

will take me in your stead, I will suffer for you." At another time,

when conversing about deliverance, I said, "Brother Joseph, if you

will permit it, and say the word, I will have you out of this prison

in five hours, if the jail has to come down to do it." My idea was

to go to Nauvoo, and collect a force sufficient, as I considered the

whole affair a legal farce, and a flagrant outrage upon our liberty and

rights. Brother Joseph refused.

Elder Cyrus H. Wheelock came in to see us, and when he was about

leaving drew a small pistol, a six-shooter, from his pocket, remarking

at the same time, "Would any of you like to have this?" Brother

Joseph immediately replied, "Yes, give it to me;" whereupon he took

the pistol, and put it in his pantaloons pocket. The pistol was a

six-shooting revolver, of Allen's patent; it belonged to me, and was

one that I furnished to Brother Wheelock when he talked of going with

me to the east, previous to our coming to Carthage. I have it now in

my possession. Brother Wheelock went out on some errand, and was not

suffered to return. The report of the governor having gone to Nauvoo

without taking the prisoners along with him caused very unpleasant

feelings, as we were apprised that we were left to the tender mercies

of the Carthage Grays, a company strictly mobocratic, and whom we knew

to be our most deadly enemies; and their captain, Esquire Smith, was a

most unprincipled villain. Besides this, all the mob forces, comprising

the governor's troops, were dismissed, with the exception of one or two

companies, which the governor took with him to Nauvoo. The great part

of the mob was liberated, the remainder was our guard.

We looked upon it not only as a breach of faith on the part of

the governor, but also as an indication of a desire to insult us,

if nothing more, by leaving us in the proximity of such men. The

prevention of Wheelock's return was among the first of their hostile

movements.

Colonel Markham then went out, and he was also prevented from

returning. He was very angry at this, but the mob paid no attention

to him; they drove him out of town at the point of the bayonet, and

threatened to shoot him if he returned. He went, I am informed, to

Nauvoo for the purpose of raising a company of men for our protection.

Brother Fullmer went to Nauvoo after witnesses; it is my opinion that

Brother Wheelock did also.

Some time after dinner we sent for some wine. It has been reported by

some that this was taken as a sacrament. It was no such thing; our

spirits were generally dull and heavy, and it was sent for to revive

us. I think it was Captain Jones who went after it, but they would not

suffer him to return. I believe we all drank of the wine, and gave some

to one or two of the prison guards. We all of us felt unusually dull

and languid, with a remarkable depression of spirits. In consonance

with those feelings I sang a song, that had lately been introduced into

Nauvoo, entitled, "A poor, wayfaring man of grief," etc.

The song is pathetic, and the tune quite plaintive, and was very much

in accordance with our feelings at the time, for our spirits were all

depressed, dull and gloomy, and surcharged with indefinite ominous

forebodings. After a lapse of some time, Brother Hyrum requested me

again to sing that song. I replied, "Brother Hyrum, I do not feel like

singing;" when he remarked, "Oh, never mind; commence singing, and you

will get the spirit of it." At his request I did so. Soon afterwards

I was sitting at one of the front windows of the jail, when I saw a

number of men, with painted faces, coming around the corner of the

jail, and aiming towards the stairs. The other brethren had seen the

same, for, as I went to the door, I found Brother Hyrum Smith and Dr.

Richards already leaning against it. They both pressed against the

door with their shoulders to prevent its being opened, as the lock and

latch were comparatively useless. While in this position, the mob, who

had come up stairs, and tried to open the door, probably thought it

was locked, and fired a ball through the keyhole; at this Dr. Richards

and Brother Hyrum leaped back from the door, with their faces towards

it; almost instantly another ball passed through the panel of the

door, and struck Brother Hyrum on the left side of the nose, entering

his face and head. At the same instant, another ball from the outside

entered his back, passing through his body and striking his watch. The

ball came from the back, through the jail window, opposite the door,

and must, from its range, have been fired from the Carthage Grays, who

were placed there ostensibly for our protection, as the balls from the

fire-arms, shot close by the jail, would have entered the ceiling, we

being in the second story, and there never was a time after that when

Hyrum could have received the latter wound. Immediately, when the balls

struck him, he fell flat on his back, crying as he fell, "I am a dead

man." He never moved afterwards.

I shall never forget the deep feeling of sympathy and regard manifested

in the countenance of Brother Joseph as he drew nigh to Hyrum, and,

leaning over him, exclaimed, "Oh! my poor, dear brother Hyrum!" He,

however, instantly arose, and with a firm, quick step, and a determined

expression of countenance, approached the door, and pulling the

six-shooter left by Brother Wheelock from his pocket, opened the door

slightly, and snapped the pistol six successive times; only three of

the barrels, however, were discharged. I afterwards understood that two

or three were wounded by these discharges, two of whom, I am informed,

died. I had in my hands a large, strong hickory stick, brought there

by Brother Markham, and left by him, which I had seized as soon as I

saw the mob approach; and while Brother Joseph was firing the pistol,

I stood close behind him. As soon as he had discharged it he stepped

back, and I immediately took his place next to the door, while he

occupied the one I had done while he was shooting. Brother Richards,

at this time, had a knotty walking-stick in his hands belonging to me,

and stood next to Brother Joseph, a little farther from the door, in

an oblique direction, apparently to avoid the rake of the fire from

the door. The firing of Bother Joseph made our assailants pause for a

moment; very soon after, however, they pushed the door some distance

open, and protruded and discharged their guns into the room, when I

parried them off with my stick, giving another direction to the balls.

It certainly was a terrible scene: streams of fire as thick as my arm

passed by me as these men fired, and, unarmed as we were, it looked

like certain death. I remember feeling as though my time had come,

but I do not know when, in any critical position, I was more calm,

unruffled, energetic, and acted with more promptness and decision. It

certainly was far from pleasant to be so near the muzzles of those

fire-arms as they belched forth their liquid flames and deadly balls.

While I was engaged in parrying the guns, Brother Joseph said, "That's

right, Brother Taylor, parry them off as well as you can." These were

the last words I ever heard him speak on earth.

Every moment the crowd at the door became more dense, as they were

unquestionably pressed on by those in the rear ascending the stairs,

until the whole entrance at the door was literally crowded with

muskets and rifles, which, with the swearing, shouting and demoniacal

expressions of those outside the door and on the stairs, and the firing

of the guns, mingled with their horrid oaths and execrations, made it

look like Pandemonium let loose, and was, indeed, a fit representation

of the horrid deed in which they were engaged.

After parrying the guns for some time, which now protruded thicker

and farther into the room, and seeing no hope of escape or protection

there, as we were now unarmed, it occurred to me that we might have

some friends outside, and that there might be some chance of escape

in that direction, but here there seemed to be none. As I expected

them every moment to rush into the room--nothing but extreme cowardice

having thus far kept them out--as the tumult and pressure increased,

without any other hope, I made a spring for the window which was right

in front of the jail door, where the mob was standing, and also exposed

to the fire of the Carthage Grays, who were stationed some ten or

twelve rods off. The weather was hot, we all of us had our coats off,

and the window was raised to admit air. As I reached the window, and

was on the point of leaping out, I was struck by a ball from the door

about midway of my thigh, which struck the bone, and flattened out

almost to the size of a quarter of a dollar, and then passed on through

the fleshy part to within about half an inch of the outside. I think

some prominent nerve must have been severed or injured, for, as soon as

the ball struck me, I fell like a bird when shot, or an ox when struck

by a butcher, and lost entirely and instantaneously all power of action

or locomotion. I fell upon the window-sill, and cried out, "I am shot!"

Not possessing any power to move, I felt myself falling outside of the

window, but immediately I fell inside, from some, at that time, unknown

cause. When I struck the floor my animation seemed restored, as I have

seen it sometimes in squirrels and birds after being shot. As soon as I

felt the power of motion I crawled under the bed which was in a corner

of the room, not far from the window where I received my wound. While

on my way and under the bed I was wounded in three other places; one

ball entered a little below the left knee, and never was extracted;

another entered the forepart of my left arm, a little above the wrist,

and, passing down by the joint, lodged in the fleshy part of my hand,

about midway, a little above the upper joint of my little finger;

another struck me on the fleshy part of my left hip, and tore away the

flesh as large as my hand, dashing the mangled fragments of flesh and

blood against the wall.

My wounds were painful, and the sensation produced was as though a

ball had passed through and down the whole length of my leg. I very

well remember my reflections at the time. I had a very painful idea of

becoming lame and decrepit, and being an object of pity, and I felt as

though I would rather die than be placed in such circumstances.

It would seem that immediately after my attempt to leap out of the

window, Joseph also did the same thing, of which circumstance I have

no knowledge only from information. The first thing that I noticed

was a cry that he had leaped out of the window. A cessation of firing

followed, the mob rushed down stairs, and Dr. Richards went to the

window. Immediately afterwards I saw the doctor going towards the jail

door, and as there was an iron door at the head of the stairs adjoining

our door which led into the cells for criminals, it struck me that the

doctor was going in there, and I said to him, "Stop, doctor, and take

me along." He proceeded to the door and opened it, and then returned

and dragged me along to a small cell prepared for criminals.

Brother Richards was very much troubled, and exclaimed, "Oh! Brother

Taylor, is it possible that they have killed both Brother Hyrum and

Joseph? it cannot surely be, and yet I saw them shoot them;" and,

elevating his hands two or three times, he exclaimed, "Oh Lord, my God,

spare thy servants!" He then said, "Brother Taylor, this is a terrible

event;" and he dragged me farther into the cell, saying, "I am sorry

I can do no better for you," and, taking an old, filthy mattress, he

covered me with it, and said, "That may hide you, and you may yet live

to tell the tale, but I expect they will kill me in a few moments."

While lying in this position I suffered the most excruciating pain.

Soon afterwards Dr. Richards came to me, informed me that the mob had

precipitately fled, and at the same time confirmed my worst fears that

Joseph was assuredly dead. I felt a dull, lonely, sickening sensation

at the news. When I reflected that our noble chieftain, the prophet

of the living God, had fallen, and that I had seen his brother in the

cold embrace of death, it seemed as though there was a void or vacuum

in the great field of human existence to me, and a dark, gloomy chasm

in the kingdom, and that we were left alone. Oh how lonely was that

feeling! How cold, barren and desolate! In the midst of difficulties

he was always the first in motion; in critical positions his counsel

was always sought. As our prophet he approached our God, and obtained

for us his will; but now our prophet, our counselor, our general, our

leader was gone, and amid the fiery ordeal that we then had to pass

through, we were left alone without his aid, and as our future guide

for things spiritual or temporal, and for all things pertaining to this

world or the next, he had spoken for the last time on earth!

These reflections and a thousand others flashed upon my mind. I

thought, Why must the good perish, and the virtuous be destroyed?

Why must God's nobility, the salt of the earth, the most exalted of

the human family, and the most perfect types of all excellence, fall

victims to the cruel, fiendish hate of incarnate devils?

The poignancy of my grief, I presume, however, was somewhat allayed by

the extreme suffering that I endured from my wounds.

Soon afterwards I was taken to the head of the stairs and laid there,

where I had a full view of our beloved and now murdered Brother Hyrum.

There he lay as I had left him; he had not moved a limb; he lay placid

and calm, a monument of greatness even in death; but his noble spirit

had left its tenement, and was gone to dwell in regions more congenial

to its exalted nature. Poor Hyrum! he was a great and good man, and my

soul was cemented to his. If ever there was an exemplary, honest, and

virtuous man, an embodiment of all that is noble in the human form,

Hyrum Smith was its representative.

While I lay there a number of persons came around, among whom was a

physician. The doctor, on seeing a ball lodged in my left hand, took

a penknife from his pocket and made an incision in it for the purpose

of extracting the ball therefrom, and having obtained a pair of

carpenter's compasses, made use of them to draw or pry out the ball,

alternately using the penknife and compasses. After sawing for some

time with a dull penknife, and prying and pulling with the compasses,

he ultimately succeeded in extracting the ball, which weighed about

half an ounce. Some time afterwards he remarked to a friend of mine

that I had "nerves like the devil," to stand what I did in its

extraction. I really thought I had need of nerves stand such surgical

butchery, and that, whatever my nerves may be, his practice was

devilish.

This company wished to remove me to Mr. Hamilton's hotel, the place

where we had stayed previous to our incarceration in jail. I told them,

however, that I did not wish to go; I did not consider it safe. They

protested that it was, and that I was safe with them; that it was a

perfect outrage for men to be used as we had been; that they were my

friends; that it was for my good they were counseling me, and that I

could be better taken care of there than here.

I replied, "I don't know you. Who am I among? I am surrounded by

assassins and murderers; witness your deeds! Don't talk to me of

kindness or comfort; look at your murdered victims. Look at me! I want

none of your counsel nor comfort. There may be some safety here; I can

be assured of none anywhere," etc.

They G-- d-- their souls to hell, made the most solemn asseverations,

and swore by God and the devil, and everything else that they could

think of, that they would stand by me to death and protect me. In half

an hour every one of them had fled from the town.

Soon after a coroner's jury were assembled in the room over the body

of Hyrum. Among the jurors was Captain Smith, of the Carthage Grays,

who had assisted in the murder, and the same justice before whom we had

been tried. I learned of Francis Higbee as being in the neighborhood.

On hearing his name mentioned, I immediately arose and said, "Captain

Smith, you are a justice of the peace; I have heard his name mentioned;

I want to swear my life against him." I was informed that word was

immediately sent to him to leave the place, which he did.

Brother Richards was busy during this time attending to the coroner's

inquest, and to the removal of the bodies, and making arrangements for

their removal from Carthage to Nauvoo.

When he had a little leisure, he again came to me, and at his

suggestion I was removed to Hamilton's tavern. I felt that he was the

only friend, the only person, that I could rely upon in that town. It

was with difficulty that sufficient persons could be found to carry

me to the tavern; for immediately after the murder a great fear fell

upon all the people, and men, women, and children fled with great

precipitation, leaving nothing nor anybody in the town but two or three

women and children and one or two sick persons.

It was with great difficulty that Brother Richards prevailed upon

Mr. Hamilton, hotel-keeper, and his family, to stay; they would not

until Brother Richards had given a solemn promise that he would see

them protected, and hence I was looked upon as a hostage. Under these

circumstances, notwithstanding, I believe they were hostile to the

Mormons, and were glad that the murder had taken place, though they

did not actually participate in it; and, feeling that I should be a

protection to them, they stayed.

The whole community knew that a dreadful outrage had been perpetrated

by those villains, and fearing lest the citizens of Nauvoo, as they

possessed the power, might have a disposition to visit them with a

terrible vengeance, they fled in the wildest confusion. And, indeed,

it was with very great difficulty that the citizens of Nauvoo could be

restrained. A horrid, barbarous murder had been committed, the most

solemn pledge violated, and that, too, while the victims were, contrary

to the requirements of the law, putting themselves into the hands of

the governor to pacify a popular excitement. This outrage was enhanced

by the reflection that our people were able to protect themselves

against not only all the mob, but against three times their number and

that of the governor's troops put together. They were also exasperated

by the speech of the governor in town.

The whole events were so faithless, so dastardly, so mean, cowardly,

and contemptible, without one extenuating circumstance, that it would

not have been surprising if the citizens of Nauvoo had arisen _en

masse_, and blotted the wretches out of existence. The citizens of

Carthage knew they would have done so under such circumstances, and,

judging us by themselves, they were all panic-stricken, and fled.

Colonel Markham, too, after his expulsion from Carthage, had gone home,

related the circumstances of his ejectment, and was using his influence

to get a company to go out. Fearing that when the people heard

that their prophet and patriarch had been murdered under the above

circumstances they might act rashly, and knowing that if they once got

roused, like a mighty avalanche they would lay the country waste before

them and take a terrible vengeance--as none of the Twelve were in

Nauvoo, and no one, perhaps, with sufficient influence to control the

people, Dr. Richards, after consulting me, wrote the following note,

fearing that my family might be seriously affected by the news. I told

him to insert that I was slightly wounded.

_Willard Richards' Note from Carthage Jail to Nauvoo_. [8]

"Carthage jail, 8 o'clock 5 min. p. m., June 27th, 1844.

"Joseph and Hyrum are dead. Taylor wounded, not very badly. I am

well. Our guard was forced, as we believe, by a band of Missourians

from 100 to 200. The job was done in an instant, and the party fled

towards Nauvoo instantly. This is as I believe it. The citizens

here are afraid of the 'Mormons' attacking them; I promise them no.

W. RICHARDS.

"N. B.--The citizens promise us protection; alarm guns have been

fired.

"JOHN TAYLOR."

I remember signing my name as quickly as possible, lest the tremor of

my hand should be noticed, and the fears of my family excited.

A messenger was dispatched immediately with the note, but he was

intercepted by the governor, who, on hearing a cannon fired at

Carthage, which was to be the signal for the murder, immediately

fled with his company, and fearing that the citizens of Nauvoo, when

apprised of the horrible outrage, would immediately rise and pursue, he

turned back the messenger, who was George D. Grant. A second one was

sent, who was treated similarly; and not until a third attempt could

news be got to Nauvoo.

Samuel H. Smith, brother to Joseph and Hyrum, was the first brother I

saw after the outrage; I am not sure whether he took the news or not;

he lived at the time in Plymouth, Hancock County, and was on his way to

Carthage to see his brothers, when he was met by some of the troops,

or rather mob, that had been dismissed by the governor, and who were

on their way home. On learning that he was Joseph Smith's brother they

sought to kill him, but he escaped, and fled into the woods, where he

was chased for a length of time by them; but, after severe fatigue,

and much danger and excitement, he succeeded in escaping, and came

to Carthage. He was on horseback when he arrived, and was not only

very much tired with the fatigue and excitement of the chase, but was

also very much distressed in feelings on account of the death of his

brothers. These things produced a fever, which laid the foundation for

his death, which took place on the 30th of July. Thus another of the

brothers fell a victim although not directly, but indirectly to this

infernal mob.

I lay from about five o'clock until two next morning without having my

wounds dressed, as there was scarcely any help of any kind in Carthage,

and Brother Richards was busy with the dead bodies, preparing them for

removal. My wife Leonora started early the next day, having had some

little trouble in getting a company or a physician to come with her;

after considerable difficulty she succeeded in getting an escort, and

Dr. Samuel Bennet came along with her. Soon after my father and mother

arrived from Oquakie, near which place they had a farm at that time,

and hearing of the trouble hastened along.

General Demming, Brigadier General of the Hancock County Militia, was

very much of a gentleman, and showed me every courtesy, and Colonel

Jones also was very solicitous about my welfare.

I was called upon by several gentlemen of Quincy and other places,

among whom was Judge Ralston, as well as by our own people, and a

medical man extracted a ball from my left thigh that was giving me much

pain; it lay about half an inch deep, and my thigh was considerably

swollen. The doctor asked me if I would be tied during the operation;

I told him no; that I could endure the cutting associated with the

operation as well without, and I did so; indeed, so great was the pain

I endured that the cutting was rather a relief than otherwise.

A very laughable incident occurred at the time; my wife Leonora went

into an adjoining room to pray for me, that I might be sustained during

the operation. While on her knees at prayer, a Mrs. Bedell, an old lady

of the Methodist association, entered, and, patting Mrs. Taylor on her

back with her hand, said, "There's a good lady, pray for God to forgive

your sins, pray that you may be converted, and the Lord may have mercy

on your soul."

The scene was so ludicrous that Mrs. Taylor knew not whether to laugh

or be angry. Mrs. Taylor informed me that Mr. Hamilton, the father of

the Hamilton who kept the house, rejoiced at the murder, and said in

company that "it was done up in the best possible style, and showed

good generalship;" and she further believed that the other branches of

the family sanctioned it. These were the associates of the old lady

referred to, and yet she could talk of conversion and saving souls in

the midst of blood and murder: such is man and such consistency.

The ball being extracted was the one that first struck me, which I

before referred to: it entered on the outside of my left thigh, about

five inches from my knee, and, passing rather obliquely towards my

body, had, it would seem, struck the bone, for it was flatted out

nearly as thin and large as a quarter of a dollar.

The governor passed on, staying at Carthage only a few minutes, and

he did not stop until he got fifty miles from Nauvoo. There had been

various opinions about the complicity of the governor in the murder,

some supposing that he knew all about it, and assisted or winked at its

execution. It is somewhat difficult to form a correct opinion; from

the facts presented it is very certain that things looked more than

suspicious against him.

In the first place, he positively knew that we had broken no law.

Secondly. He knew that the mob had not only passed inflammatory

resolutions, threatening extermination to the Mormons, but that they

had actually assembled armed mobs and commenced hostilities against us.

Thirdly. He took those very mobs that had been arrayed against us, and

enrolled them as his troops, thus legalizing their acts.

Fourthly. He disbanded the Nauvoo Legion, which had never violated law,

and disarmed them, and had about his person in the shape of militia

known mobocrats and violators of the law.

Fifthly. He requested us to come to Carthage without arms, promising

protection, and then refused to interfere in delivering us from prison,

although Joseph and Hyrum were put there contrary to law.

Sixthly. Although he refused to interfere in our behalf, yet, when

Captain Smith went to him and informed him that the persons refused to

come out, he told him that he had a command and knew what to do, thus

sanctioning the use of force in the violation of law when opposed to

us, whereas he would not for us interpose his executive authority to

free us from being incarcerated contrary to law, although he was fully

informed of all the facts of the case, as we kept him posted in the

affairs all the time.

Seventhly. He left the prisoners in Carthage jail contrary to his

plighted faith.

Eightly. Before he went he dismissed all the troops that could be

relied upon, as well as many of the mob, and left us in charge of the

"Carthage Grays," a company that he knew were mobocratic, our most

bitter enemies, and who had passed resolutions to exterminate us, and

who had been placed under guard by General Demming only the day before.

Ninthly. He was informed of the intended murder, both before he left

and while on the road, by several different parties.

Tenthly. When the cannon was fired in Carthage, signifying that the

deed was done, he immediately took up his line of march and fled. How

did he know that this signal portrayed their death if he was not in the

secret? It may be said some of the party told him. How could he believe

what the party said about the gun signal if he could not believe the

testimony of several individuals who told him in positive terms about

the contemplated murder?

He has, I believe, stated that he left the "Carthage Grays" there

because he considered that, as their town was contiguous to ours, and

as the responsibility of our safety rested solely upon them, they would

not dare suffer any indignity to befall us. This very admission shows

that he did really expect danger; and then he knew that these people

had published to the world that they would exterminate us, and his

leaving us in their hands and taking of their responsibilities was like

leaving a lamb in charge of a wolf, and trusting to its humanity and

honor for its safe-keeping.

It is said, again that he would not have gone to Nauvoo, and thus

placed himself in the hands of the Mormons, if he had anticipated any

such event, as he would be exposed to their wrath. To this it may be

answered that the Mormons did not know their signals, while he did;

and they were also known in Warsaw, as well as in other places; and as

soon as the gun was fired, a merchant of Warsaw jumped upon his horse

and rode directly to Quincy, and reported "Joseph and Hyrum killed, and

those who were with them in jail." He reported further that "they were

attempting to break jail, and were all killed by the guard." This was

their story; it was anticipated to kill all, and the gun was to be the

signal that the deed was accomplished. This was known in Warsaw. The

governor also knew it and fled; and he could really be in no danger in

Nauvoo, for the Mormons did not know it, and he had plenty of time to

escape, which he did.

It is said that he made all his officers promise solemnly that they

would help him to protect the Smiths; this may or may not be. At any

rate, some of these same officers helped to murder them.

The strongest argument in the governor's favor, and one that would bear

more weight with us than all the rest put together, would be that he

could not believe them capable of such atrocity; and, thinking that

their talk and threatenings were a mere ebullition of feeling, a kind

of braggadocio, and that there was enough of good moral feeling to

control the more violent passions, he trusted to their faith. There

is, indeed, a degree of plausibility about this, but when we put it in

juxtaposition to the amount of evidence that he was in possession of,

it weighs very little. He had nothing to inspire confidence in them,

and everything to make him mistrust them. Besides, why his broken

faith? why his disregard of what was told him by several parties?

Again, if he knew not the plan, how did he understand the signal? Why

so oblivious to everything pertaining to the Mormon interest, and so

alive and interested about the mobocrats? At any rate, be this as it

may, he stands responsible for their blood, and it is dripping on his

garments. If it had not been for his promises of protection, they would

have protected themselves; it was plighted faith that led them to the

slaughter; and to make the best of it, it was a breach of that faith

and a non-fulfillment of that promise, after repeated warning, that led

to their death.

Having said so much, I must leave the governor with my readers and

with his God. Justice, I conceive, demanded this much, and truth could

not be told with less; as I have said before, my opinion is that the

governor would not have planned this murder, but he had not sufficient

energy to resist popular opinion, even if that opinion led to blood and

death.

It was rumored that a strong political party, numbering in its ranks

many of the prominent men of the nation, were engaged in a plot for the

overthrow of Joseph Smith, and that the governor was of this party,

and Sharp, Williams, Captain Smith, and others were his accomplices,

but whether this was the case or not I do not know. It is very certain

that a strong political feeling existed against Joseph Smith, and I

have reason to believe that his letters to Henry Clay, were made use of

by political parties opposed to Mr. Clay, and were the means of that

statesman's defeat. Yet, if such a combination as the one referred to

existed, I am not apprised of it.

While I lay at Carthage, previous to Mrs. Taylor's arrival, a pretty

good sort of a man, who was lame of a leg, waited upon me, and sat up

at night with me; afterwards Mrs. Taylor, mother and others waited upon

me.

Many friends called upon me, among whom were Richard Ballantyne,

Elizabeth Taylor, several of the Perkins family, and a number of the

brethren from Macedonia and La Harpe. Besides these, many strangers

from Quincy, some of whom expressed indignant feelings against the mob

and sympathy for myself. Brother Alexander Williams called upon me, who

suspected that they had some designs in keeping me there, and stated

that he had, at a given point in some woods, fifty men, and if I would

say the word he would raise other fifty, and fetch me out of there.

I thanked him, but told him I thought there was no need. However,

it would seem that I was in some danger; for Colonel Jones, before

referred to, when absent from me, left two loaded pistols on the table

in case of an attack, and some time afterward, when I had recovered

and was publishing the affair, a lawyer, Mr. Backman, stated that he

had prevented a man by the name of Jackson, before referred to, from

ascending the stairs, who was coming with a design to murder me, and

that now he was sorry he had not let him do the deed.

There were others also, of whom I heard, that said I ought to be

killed, and they would do it, but that it was too damned cowardly to

shoot a wounded man; and thus, by the chivalry of murderers, I was

prevented from being a second time mutilated or killed. Many of the

mob, came around and treated me with apparent respect, and the officers

and people generally looked upon me as a hostage, and feared that my

removal would be the signal for the rising of the Mormons.

I do not remember the time that I stayed at Carthage, but I think three

or four days after the murder, when Brother Marks with a carriage,

Brother James Allred with a wagon, Dr. Ells, and a number of others on

horseback, came for the purpose of taking me to Nauvoo. I was very weak

at the time, occasioned by the loss of blood and the great discharge

of my wounds, so when my wife asked me if I could talk I could barely

whisper, no. Quite a discussion arose as to the propriety of my

removal, the physician and people of Carthage protesting that it would

be my death, while my friends were anxious for my removal if possible.

I suppose the former were actuated by the above-named desire to keep

me. Colonel Jones was, I believe, sincere; he had acted as a friend all

the time, and he told Mrs. Taylor she ought to persuade me not to go,

for he did not believe I had strength enough to reach Nauvoo. It was

finally agreed, however, that I should go; but it was thought that I

could not stand riding in a wagon or carriage, they prepared a litter

for me; I was carried down stairs and put upon it. A number of men

assisted to carry me, some of whom had been engaged in the mob. As soon

as I got down stairs, I felt much better and strengthened, so that I

could talk; I suppose the effect of the fresh air.

When we got near the outside of the town I remembered some woods that

we had to go through, and telling a person near to call for Dr. Ells,

who was riding a very good horse, I said, "Doctor, I perceive that the

people are getting fatigued with carrying me; a number of Mormons live

about two or three miles from here, near our route, will you ride to

their settlement as quick as possible, and have them come and meet us?"

He started off on a gallop immediately. My object in this was to obtain

protection in case of an attack, rather than to obtain help to carry me.

Very soon after the men from Carthage made one excuse after another

until they had all left, and I felt glad to get rid of them. I found

that the tramping of those carrying me produced violent pain, and a

sleigh was produced and attached to the hind end of Brother James

Allred's wagon, a bed placed upon it, and I propped up on the bed. Mrs.

Taylor rode with me, applying ice and ice-water to my wounds. As the

sleigh was dragged over the grass on the prairie, which was quite tall,

it moved very easy and gave me very little pain.

When I got within five or six miles of Nauvoo the brethren commenced to

meet me from the city, and they increased in number as we drew nearer,

until there was a very large company of people of all ages and both

sexes, principally, however, men.

For some time there had been almost incessant rain, so that in many

low places on the prairie it was from one to three feet deep in water,

and at such places the brethren whom we met took hold of the sleigh,

lifted it, and carried it over the water; and when we arrived in the

neighborhood of the city, where the roads were excessively muddy and

bad, the brethren tore down the fences, and we passed through the

fields.

Never shall I forget the difference of feeling that I experienced

between the place that I had left and the one that I had now arrived

at. I had left a lot of reckless, bloodthirsty murderers, and had

come to the City of the Saints, the people of the living God; friends

of truth and righteousness, thousands of whom stood there with warm,

true hearts to offer their friendship and services, and to welcome

my return. It is true it was a painful scene, and brought sorrowful

remembrance to mind, but to me it caused a thrill of joy to find myself

once more in the bosom of my friends, and to meet with the cordial

welcome of true, honest hearts. What was very remarkable, I found

myself very much better after my arrival at Nauvoo than I was when I

started on my journey, although I had travelled eighteen miles.

The next day as some change was wanting, I told Mrs. Taylor that if she

could send to Dr. Richards, he had my purse and watch, and they would

find money in my purse.

Previous to the doctor leaving Carthage, I told him that he had better

take my purse and watch, for I was afraid the people would steal them.

The doctor had taken my pantaloons' pocket, and put the watch in it

with the purse, cut off the pocket, and tied a string around the top;

it was in this position when brought home. My family, however, were not

a little startled to find that my watch had been struck with a ball. I

sent for my vest, and, upon examination, it was found that there was

a cut as if with a knife, in the vest pocket which had contained my

watch. In the pocket the fragments of the glass were found literally

ground to powder. It then occurred to me that a ball had struck me at

the time I felt myself falling out of the window, and that it was this

force that threw me inside. I had often remarked to Mrs. Taylor the

singular fact of finding myself inside the room, when I felt a moment

before after being shot, that I was falling out, and I never could

account for it until then; but here the thing was fully elucidated,

and was rendered plain to my mind. I was indeed falling out, when some

villain aimed at my heart. The ball struck my watch, and forced me

back; if I had fallen out I should assuredly have been killed, if not

by the fall, by those around, and this ball intended to dispatch me,

was turned by an overruling Providence into a messenger of mercy, and

saved my life. I shall never forget the feelings of gratitude that

I then experienced towards my Heavenly Father; the whole scene was

vividly portrayed before me, and my heart melted before the Lord. I

felt that the Lord had preserved me by a special act of mercy; that my

time had not yet come, and that I had still a work to perform upon the

earth.

(Signed),

JOHN TAYLOR.

Footnotes

1. See his remarks as contained in his History of Illinois, page 269.

2. Ford's History of Illinois, page 246.

3. _Deseret News_, No. 29, Sept. 23, 1857, p. 226.

4. Ford's History of Illinois, page 330, 331.

5. _Deseret News_, No. 30, September 30, 1857, page 233.

6. Ford's History of Illinois, page 333.

7. The _Deseret News_ gives the following account of Joseph and Hyrum

Smith's passing through the troops in Carthage:

"CARTHAGE, June 25, 1844.

"Quarter past nine. The governor came and invited Joseph to walk

with him through the troops. Joseph solicited a few moments' private

conversation with him, which the governor refused.

"While refusing, the governor looked down at his shoes, as though he

was ashamed. They then walked through the crowd, with Brigadier General

Miner R. Demming, and Dr. Richards, to General Demming's quarters. The

people appeared quiet until a company of Carthage Grays flocked round

the doors of General Demming in an uproarious manner, of which notice

was sent to the governor. In the meantime the governor had ordered

the McDonough troops to be drawn up in line, for Joseph and Hyrum to

pass in front of them, they having requested that they might have a

clear view of the General Smiths. _Joseph had a conversation with the

governor for about ten minutes, when he again pledged the faith of the

State that he and his friends should be protected from violence_.

"Robinson, the postmaster, said, on report of martial law being

proclaimed in Nauvoo, he had stopped the mail, and notified the

postmaster general of the state of things in Hancock County.

"From the general's quarters Joseph and Hyrum went in front of the

lines, in a hollow square of a company of Carthage Grays. At seven

minutes before ten they arrived in front of the lines, and passed

before the whole, Joseph being on the right of General Demming and

Hyrum on his left, Elders Richards, Taylor and Phelps following.

Joseph and Hyrum were introduced by Governor Ford about twenty times

along the line as General Joseph Smith and General Hyrum Smith, the

governor walking in front on the left. The Carthage Grays refused to

receive them by that introduction, and some of the officers threw up

their hats, drew their swords, and said they would introduce themselves

to the damned Mormons in a different style. The governor mildly

entreated them not to act so rudely, but their excitement increased;

the governor, however, succeeded in pacifying them by making a speech,

and promising them that they should have 'full satisfaction.' General

Smith and party returned to their lodgings at five minutes past

ten."--_Deseret News, No. 35, Nov. 4, 1857, page 274_.

8. _Deseret News_, No. 38, Nov. 25, 1857, p. 297.

End of Project Gutenberg's The Rise and Fall of Nauvoo, by B. H. Roberts