THE events related in the last two chapters occurred on the eve of an

election for United States representatives, State and county officers.

The Whig and Democratic parties were so divided in Illinois that the

citizens of Nauvoo held the balance of power in the congressional

district where they were located, and also in the county. Whichever

party they voted with, as they voted unitedly, gained the election.

This circumstance brought to the people of Nauvoo many concessions, and

caused the candidates of both political parties to fawn at their feet.

It was a case where "Bell boweth down, and Nebo stoopeth." But we shall

see that it also brought with it serious difficulties that contributed

in no small degree to hasten the fall of Nauvoo; and yet it was a

situation forced upon the Saints rather than a policy deliberately

chosen by them. The Prophet himself has given the very best explanation

of the enforced necessity of the Saints voting unitedly while in

Illinois, and I here quote that explanation:

With regard to elections, some say all the Latter-day Saints vote

together and vote as I say. But I never tell any man how to vote,

or who to vote for. But I will show you how we have been situated

by bringing a comparison. Should there be a Methodist society here

and two candidates running for office, one says, "If you will vote

for me and put me in governor I will exterminate the Methodists,

take away their charters, etc." The other candidate says "If I am

governor, I will give all an equal privilege." Which would the

Methodists vote for? Of course they would vote _en masse_ for the

candidate that would give them their rights. Thus it has been

with us. Joseph Duncan said, if the people would elect him, he

would exterminate the Mormons and take away their charters. As to

Mr. Ford he made no such threats, but manifested a spirit in his

speeches to give every man his rights; hence The Church universally

voted for Mr. Ford, and he was elected governor. [1]

In the election above referred to a circumstance occurred which greatly

intensified the political bitterness. It will be remembered that Cyrus

Walker refused to assist Joseph when under arrest at Dixon, unless he

would pledge him his vote in the then pending election. This Joseph did

and Walker was satisfied that he would go to Congress, as he expected

that Joseph's vote would bring to him the entire vote of Nauvoo,

which would insure his election; and so expressed himself to Stephen

Markham. But the day before election, which was Sunday, Hyrum told

Joseph that the Spirit had manifested it to him that it would be to the

best interests of the people to vote the Democratic ticket, including

Mr. Hoge, the Democratic candidate for Congress. Joseph made that

announcement in a public meeting, but in addressing the people he said:

I am not come to tell you to vote this way, that way, or the other.

In relation to national matters I want it to go abroad to the whole

world that every man should stand on his own merits. The Lord has

not given me a revelation concerning politics. I have not asked Him

for one. I am a third party, and stand independent and alone. I

desire to see all parties protected in their rights.

Referring to what Hyrum had communicated to him he said:

I never knew Hyrum to say he ever had a revelation and it failed.

Let God speak, and all men hold their peace.

Joseph kept his pledge personally, and voted for Cyrus Walker; but the

Democratic ticket was overwhelmingly successful in Nauvoo.

It ought to be said here in justification of the course of the people

of Nauvoo, that very good evidence existed to the effect that the whole

difficulty connected with the arrest of Joseph at Dixon on the old

Missouri charges of "treason, arson," etc, etc., was a political scheme

planned with a view of securing the Mormon vote for the Whig party.

The _Illinois State Register_ in July published the following on the

subject of the arrest of the Prophet at Dixon, to justify the charge

it made that the whole affair was but a Whig plot to secure the Mormon

vote:

The public is already aware that a demand was lately made upon the

governor of this State for the arrest of Joseph Smith, and that a

writ was accordingly issued against him. We propose now to state

some of the facts, furnishing strong grounds of suspicion that the

demand which was made on the governor here was a manoeuvre of the

Whig party.

1st. A letter was shown to a gentleman of this city, by the agent

of Missouri, from the notorious John C. Bennett to a gentleman in

one of the western counties of that State, urging the importance of

getting up an indictment immediately against Smith, for the five or

six years old treason of which he was accused several years ago.

2nd. This charge had been made once before, and afterwards

abandoned by Missouri. It is the same charge on which Smith was

carried before Judge Douglass and discharged two years ago. After

that decision, the indictment against Smith was dismissed, and the

charge wholly abandoned.

3rd. But in the letter alluded to, Bennett says to his Missouri

agent, Go to the judge, and never leave him until he appoints

a special term of court; never suffer the court to adjourn

until an indictment is found against Smith for treason. When an

indictment shall have been found, get a copy and go immediately to

the governor, and never leave him until you get a demand on the

governor of Illinois for Smith's arrest; and then dispatch some

active and vigilant person to Illinois for a warrant and let him

never leave the governor until he gets it; and then never let him

come back to Missouri without Smith.

4th. A special term of the circuit court of Daviess County,

Missouri, was accordingly called on the 5th day of June last. An

indictment was found against Smith for treason five years old. A

demand was made and a writ issued, as anticipated, by the 17th of

the same month.

5th. Bennett it is well known has for a year past been a mere tool

in the hands of the Whig junto at Springfield. He has been under

their absolute subjection and control, and has been a regular

correspondent of the _Sangamo Journal_, the principal organ of

the Whig party. He has been a great pet of both the _Journal_ and

the junto; and that paper has regularly announced his removals

from place to place, until latterly; and within the last year has

published more of his writings than of any other person, except the

editor.

6th. Cyrus Walker, a short time after his nomination, as the Whig

candidate for Congress in the 6th district, made a pilgrimage

to Nauvoo, for the purpose of currying favor with the Mormons,

and getting their support. But in this he was disappointed and

dejected; and it was generally believed that, failing to get the

Mormon vote, he would be beaten by his Democratic opponent.

7th. Let it be also borne in mind that the treason of which Smith

was accused was five or six years old; that it had been abandoned

as a charge by Missouri; that the circuit court of that State

sat three times a year; that Smith was permanently settled at

Nauvoo, no person dreaming that he would leave there for years

to come; that they might have waited in Missouri for a regular

term of the court, if the design was simply to revive a charge

of treason against Smith, with a perfect assurance that he would

always be found at home, and be as subject to arrest at one time

as another. But this delay did not suit the conspirators as it

would put off an attempt to arrest Smith until after the August

election. Let it be borne in mind also that the agent of Missouri,

after he had obtained the custody of Smith at Dixon, refused to

employ a Democratic lawyer, and insisted upon having a Whig lawyer

of inferior abilities, simply upon the ground as he stated, that

the Democrats were against him. Let it also be borne in mind

that Cyrus Walker, the Whig candidate for Congress, miraculously

_happened_ to be within six miles of Dixon when Smith was arrested,

ready and convenient to be employed by Smith to get him delivered

from custody; and that he was actually employed and actually did

get Smith enlarged from custody; and withal let it be remembered

that John C. Bennett is the pliant tool and pander of the junto

at Springfield; and that he was the instigator of an unnecessary

special term in Missouri, on the 5th day of June last, for the

purpose of getting Smith indicted. We say let all these facts

be borne in mind, and they produce a strong suspicion, if not

conviction, that the whole affair is a Whig conspiracy to compel

a Democratic governor to issue a writ against Smith, pending the

congressional elections, so as to incense the Mormons, create a

necessity for Walker's and perhaps Browning's professional services

in favor of Smith, to get him delivered out of a net of their own

weaving, and thereby get the everlasting gratitude of the Mormons

and their support for the Whig cause. (_Illinois State Register_,

quoted in History of Joseph Smith, Millennial Star, vol. XXI, p.

762.)

Such a plot coming to the knowledge of Joseph and the citizens of

Nauvoo would certainly justify them in voting against the perpetrators

of such an outrage. Of course it cannot be denied that Cyrus Walker was

justified in believing that the vote of Joseph Smith pledged to him at

Dixon, and which by him was made a condition precedent to his coming

to the assistance of Joseph, was understood as meaning something more

than the individual vote of the Prophet, nor do I think the Prophet

censurable for using any means at his command under the circumstances

to deliver himself from the hands of his enemies. But if afterwards

the people of Nauvoo learned--as they evidently did--that a plot had

been laid to ensnare them, to secure their vote though it involved

the liberty, and perhaps the life of their Prophet-leader, they were

justified in casting their votes against the men guilty of such perfidy.

This sudden and unexpected change in the vote of the citizens of

Nauvoo, stirred up to the very depths the enmity of the defeated

political party; and when, shortly after the election, R. D. Foster,

who had been elected school commissioner, and G. W. Thatcher, who had

been elected clerk of the commissioner's court for the county, appeared

at the courthouse in Carthage to take the oath of office, and file

their bonds, an attempt was made to keep them from doing so; and the

court was threatened with violence if the Mormons were permitted to

qualify.

They qualified, nevertheless; whereupon a call was issued for an

anti-Mormon meeting to convene in Carthage on the following Saturday,

August the 19th, to protest against the Mormons holding office. The

people of Carthage and vicinity assembled at the appointed time,

organized with a chairman, Major Reuben Graves; and a secretary, W.

D. Abernethy; and a committee of nine to draft resolutions. After

listening to speeches by Valentine Wilson, Walter Bagby and others, the

meeting adjourned to meet again on the sixth of September.

To enumerate the crimes alleged against the Saints in general and in

particular against Joseph Smith, in the preamble to the resolutions

adopted at their second meeting, would be drawing up a list of all

the crimes that ever threatened the peace, happiness, prosperity and

liberty of a nation. They resolved that from recent movements among

the Mormons, there were indications that they were unwilling to submit

to the ordinary restrictions of law; and therefore concluded that

the people of Illinois must assert their rights in some way. That

while they deprecated anything like lawless violence, they pledged

themselves to resist all wrongs the Mormons should inflict upon them

in the future--"peaceably if they could, but forcibly if they must."

They called upon all good and honest men to assist in humbling the

pride of that "audacious despot," Joseph Smith; pledged themselves to

raise a posse and take him if the authorities of Missouri made another

demand for him; that it might not be said of them, that they allowed

the most outrageous culprits "to go unwhipped of justice." They agreed

to support no man of either political party who should truckle to the

Mormons for their influence, and finally

Resolved that when the government ceases to afford protection, the

citizens of course fall back upon their original inherent right of

self-defense.

One of the principal movers in these meetings was Walter Bagby, the

county collector, with whom Joseph had some difficulty in relation

to the payment of taxes. In the dispute that arose Bagby told Joseph

he lied, and for this insult Joseph struck him, and would doubtless

have thrashed him soundly but for the interference of Daniel H. Wells.

From that time on, Bagby became the relentless enemy of Joseph and the

inspirer of these meetings at Carthage; and afterwards went to Missouri

where he conferred with the Prophet's old enemies, and brought about

that concerted action between the Missourians and the anti-Mormons of

Illinois which resulted finally in his assassination.

Later in the fall, acts of violence began to be perpetrated upon

the Mormon people who lived at a distance from Nauvoo; and threats

of violence were frequent. In December of the year of which I am

now writing--1843--a member of The Church living near Warsaw, by

the name of Daniel Avery, and his son Philander, were kidnapped by

Levi Williams, of Warsaw, John Elliot and others, and run across the

Mississippi to Missouri, where for several weeks Daniel Avery was kept

a prisoner in Clark County, while one Joseph McCoy was hunting up

witnesses to prove that he had stolen a mare from him. Philander Avery

escaped and returned to Illinois; but his father remained a prisoner,

and suffered great cruelty at the hands of his captors. Finally,

however, he was released by writ of _habeas corpus_, and went to Nauvoo

where he made affidavit as to his treatment.

Wild rumors abounded also as to what the Missourians intended to do;

and some of the letters from Missouri that fell into Joseph's hands,

through friends of his, threatened Illinois with invasion, and for

a season it would seem that a border war was inevitable. Joseph was

careful to keep Governor Ford informed as to all acts of violence

perpetrated upon his people, and especially as to the threats of the

Missourians respecting an attack, and went so far as to tender the

services of the Legion to repel any attempted invasion of the State

should it occur. Governor Ford, however, refused to believe there was

any danger in the threats, and therefore would detail no portion of the

Legion, or of the other State militia, to be ready for such an assault.

A petition signed by nearly all the citizens of Nauvoo, asking

the governor to issue no more warrants at the demand of Missouri

for the arrest of Joseph Smith on the old charges, was presented

to the executive, but the governor refused to give the people any

encouragement that he would favorably entertain their suit.

In the meantime another important event began to take shape. As the

time of the presidential election was now approaching the probable

candidates for the office began to be discussed.

It was well known that the vote of the citizens of Nauvoo would be

important, as it would most likely determine whether Illinois would go

Whig or Democratic. The political friends of John C. Calhoun at Quincy,

early perceived the importance of securing their favor, and began to

work for it. A Colonel Frierson, of Quincy, the political friend of

John C. Calhoun, expressed great sympathy for the Saints because of the

injustice and persecution they had received at the hands of Missouri,

and intimated to Brother Joseph L. Heywood that the Hon. B. Rhett, a

representative from South Carolina to the United States Congress, and

also a political friend to Mr. Calhoun, had expressed a willingness to

present to Congress a memorial for a redress of wrongs suffered by the

Saints in Missouri; but was careful to intimate to Brother Heywood,

and through him to the citizens of Nauvoo, that he supposed that Mr.

Calhoun would be a more acceptable candidate to them than Mr. Van Buren.

Colonel Frierson afterwards went to Nauvoo, met in council with the

leading citizens, and drafted a memorial to Congress; a copy of which

he took with him to Quincy to obtain signers, but I think it never

reached the House of Representatives.

The incident, however, suggested to the Prophet the propriety of

addressing letters to each of the candidates for the presidency--five

in number, viz.,--John C. Calhoun, Lewis Cass, Richard M. Johnson,

Henry Clay and Martin Van Buren--to ascertain what policy they would

adopt respecting the Saints and redressing the wrongs done them by

Missouri. Only two out of the number, however, gave a reply. They

were Calhoun and Clay. The former was of the opinion that the general

government possessed such limited and specific powers, that the

Missouri troubles did not come within its jurisdiction. As to his

treatment of the Latter-day Saints, as the Constitution and the laws of

the Union made no distinction between citizens of different religious

creeds, he should make none; but so far as the executive was concerned

all should have the full benefit of both, and none should be exempted

from their operation. [2]

Clay partially disclaimed being a candidate for the presidency, but

said if he ever entered into that high office, he must do so free and

unfettered, with no guarantees but such as might be drawn from his

whole life, character and conduct. But he was careful to say, that he

had watched the progress of the Saints, and sympathized with them in

their sufferings under injustice, which had been inflicted upon them;

and thought that they, in common with other religious communities,

should enjoy the security and protection of the Constitution and laws.

To these letters the Prophet Joseph wrote scathing replies. The

particular portion of Calhoun's answer with which he dealt, was that

which claimed that the general government had no jurisdiction in the

case of the Saints and Missouri, and handled rather severely the

senator's doctrine of the limited powers of the general government. [3]

In reply to Henry Clay he dealt chiefly with his "no pledge nor

guarantee" doctrine, only such as could be drawn from his whole life,

character and conduct; and drew such a picture of that statesman's past

conduct, that the Kentucky senator could not feel flattered withal, to

say the least; and in good round terms he denounced the subterfuges

of politicians, and demanded of the nation justice in behalf of his

afflicted people. In reading this correspondence one cannot but think

that the Prophet is unnecessarily harsh of expression, and some phrases

we cannot help but feel are certainly unworthy of him. The faults of

these letters, however, are not so much the fault of the individual as

the fault of the times. Those were days when moderation in language was

certainly not characteristic of the political literature of the times.

Personal abuse often seems to have been mistaken for argument, and

severity of expression was often thought to out-weigh reason. One other

thing should be remembered also, and that is the Prophet Joseph very

largely depended upon others for the expression, for the literary form

of those ideas which he advanced, and these secondary persons yielded

too often to the spirit of the times in what they set down as coming

from the Prophet.

When it was ascertained that from none of the candidates in the field,

the citizens of Nauvoo could hope for assistance in obtaining justice

for the wrongs they suffered in Missouri, Joseph allowed a convention

at Nauvoo to put his name in nomination for the office of president;

and he published his "Views on the Powers and Policy of the Government

of the United States," a document of great strength and one which

excited considerable comment from the press of the country, very much

of which was favorable.

In this document the Prophet-candidate reviews the growth and

development of the American government until it reached the "_Acme_

of American glory, liberty, and prosperity" under the administration

of General Jackson; and then the beginning of its decline under

the "withering touch of Martin Van Buren." He advocated prison

reform. Advised the people of the south to petition their respective

legislatures to abolish slavery by the year 1850, or now, "and save the

abolitionist from reproach and ruin, infamy and shame." He recommended

the payment of a reasonable price to the slave-holders of the south

for their slaves, to be paid by the surplus revenue, arising from the

sale of public lands, and reduction in the wages paid to congress-men.

The southern people, said he, are hospitable and noble. They will help

to rid so free a country of every vestige of slavery, whenever they

are assured of an equivalent for their property. He recommended more

economy in the national and state governments, and more equality among

the people.

For the accommodation of the people he proposed the establishment of a

national bank, with branches in each State, the directors thereof to be

elected yearly by the people; and the profits arising from the business

to be used as revenue, in defraying the expenses of government, the

profits from the branch banks, being used in the respective States

where they existed; and those arising from the parent institution by

the general government; and reduce taxation to the extent of the net

profits of these institutions.

In the light of the experience he and the Latter-day Saints had passed

through in Missouri, he advocated the idea of giving the president full

power to send an army to suppress mobs, "and appealed to the States to

repeal that relic of folly," which made it necessary for the governor

of a State to make a demand of the president for troops in case of

invasion or rebellion. "The governor himself," he goes on to say, "may

be a mobber; and instead of being punished, as he should be, for murder

or treason, he may destroy the very lives, rights and property he

should protect."

He favored the annexation of Texas, and the extension of the authority

of the United States over contiguous territory on the west, and said:

When a neighboring realm petitioned to join the Union of the Sons

of Liberty, my voice would be, _come_--yea, come Texas, come

Mexico, come Canada, and come all the world; let us be brethren,

let us be one great family, and let there be a universal peace. [4]

On the seventeenth of June, 1844, a State convention was held at

Nauvoo, which ratified the views of Joseph on the "Powers and Policy

of the Government," passed a series of resolutions inviting all men of

all parties to assist in the work of reforming the government, and in a

formal manner putting in nomination General Joseph Smith for President

of the United States, and Sidney Rigdon for vice-president.

James Arlington Bennett, of New York, was asked to take the second

place on the ticket first; but, he being of foreign birth, was not

eligible. Then the position was offered to Colonel Solomon Copeland,

but for some reason he did not accept; so the next choice was Sidney

Rigdon, who by that time had removed from Nauvoo to Pennsylvania.

Arrangements were entered into, to hold a national convention in New

York on the thirteenth of July following, and preparations were made

for an active campaign in favor of the Prophet-nominee; but before the

time for the national convention had arrived, the standard bearer of

the new party of reform, Jeffersonian Democracy, [5] free trade and

sailors' rights, fell pierced by assassins' bullets--the victim of a

cruel mob.

Of course Joseph had no hope that he would be elected to the

presidency, but by becoming a candidate, he gave the citizens of Nauvoo

an opportunity to act consistently with their views of what ought to

be done for the general good of the nation, and at the same time,

avoid the wrath of the political parties in the State of Illinois by

affiliating with neither of them in the ensuing election; for whenever

they voted with one of those parties the other became enraged and _vice

versa_. Doubtless the best reasons for, and the best justification of,

this movement on the part of the people of Nauvoo is to be found in an

editorial article from the _Times and Seasons_ for February, 1844--with

which I close this chapter:

WHO SHALL BE OUR NEXT PRESIDENT?

This is an inquiry which to us as a people is a matter of the most

paramount importance, and requires our most serious, calm, and

dispassionate reflection. Executive power, when correctly wielded,

is a great blessing to the people of this great commonwealth, and

forms one of the firmest pillars of our confederation. It watches

the interests of the whole community with a fatherly care; it

wisely balances the other legislative powers when overheated by

party spirit or sectional feeling; it watches with jealous care our

interests and commerce with foreign nations, and gives tone and

efficacy to legislative enactments.

The President stands at the head of these United States, and

is the mouth-piece of this vast republic. If he be a man of an

enlightened mind and a capacious soul,--if he be a virtuous man,

a statesman, a patriot, and a man of unflinching integrity,--if

he possess the same spirit that fired the souls of our venerable

sires, who founded this great commonwealth, and wishes to promote

the universal good of the whole republic, he may indeed be made a

blessing to the community.

But if he prostrates his high and honorable calling to base

and unworthy purposes,--if he makes use of the power which the

people have placed in his hands for their interests to gratify

his ambition, for the purpose of self-aggrandizement or pecuniary

interest,--if he meanly panders with demagogues, loses sight of the

interest of the nation, and sacrifices the Union on the altar of

sectional interests or party views, he renders himself unworthy of

the dignified trust reposed in him, debases the nation in the eyes

of the civilized world, and produces misery and confusion at home.

"When the wicked rule the people mourn."

There is perhaps no body of people in the United States who

are at the present time more interested about the issue of the

presidential contest than are the Latter-day Saints. And our

situation in regard to the two great political parties is a most

novel one. It is a fact well understood that we have suffered

great injustice from the State of Missouri, that we petitioned to

the authorities of that State for redress in vain, that we have

also memorialized Congress under the late administration, and have

obtained the heartless reply that "Congress has no power to redress

your grievances."

After having taken all the legal and constitutional steps that

we can, we are still groaning under accumulated wrongs. Is there

no power anywhere to redress our grievances? Missouri lacks the

disposition, and Congress lacks both the disposition and power (?);

and thus fifteen thousand inhabitants of these United States can

with impunity be dispossessed of their property; have their houses

burned, their property confiscated, many of their numbers murdered,

and the remainder driven from their homes and left to wander as

exiles in this boasted land of freedom and equal rights: and after

appealing again and again to the legally constituted authorities of

our land for redress, we are coolly told by our highest tribunals,

"We can do nothing for you."

We have paid hundreds of thousands of dollars into the coffers

of Congress for their lands, and they stand virtually pledged

to defend us in our rights, but they have not done it. If a man

steals a dollar from his neighbor, or steals a horse or a hog, he

can obtain redress; but we have been robbed by wholesale, the most

daring murders have been committed, and we are coolly told that we

can obtain no redress. If a steamboat is set on fire on our coast

by foreigners, even when she is engaged in aiding and abetting the

enemies of that power, it becomes a matter of national interference

and legislation; or if a foreigner, as in the case of McLeod,

is taken on our land and tried for supposed crimes committed by

him against our citizens, his nation interferes, and it becomes

a matter of negotiation and legislation. But our authorities

can calmly look on and see the citizens of a country butchered

with impunity: they can see two counties dispossessed of their

inhabitants, their houses burned, and their property confiscated;

and when the crys of fifteen thousand men, women and children

salute their ears, they deliberately tell us that we can obtain no

redress!

Hear it, therefore, ye mobbers! Proclaim it to all the scoundrels

in the Union! Let a standard be erected around which shall rally

all the renegadoes of the land: assemble yourselves and rob at

pleasure; murder till you are satisfied with blood; drive men,

women and children from their homes: there is no law to protect

them, and Congress has no power to redress their grievances; and

the great father of the Union (the President) has not got an ear to

listen to their complaints.

What shall we do under this state of things? In the event of either

of the prominent candidates, Van Buren or Clay, obtaining the

presidential chair, we should not be placed in any better situation.

In speaking of Mr. Clay, his politics are diametrically opposed to

ours. He inclines strongly to the old school of Federalists, and

as a matter of course would not favor our cause; neither could we

conscientiously vote for him. And we have yet stronger objections

to Mr. Van Buren on other grounds. He has sung the old song of

Congress--"Congress has no power to redress your grievances."

But did the matter rest here, it would not be so bad. He was in

the presidential chair at the time of our former difficulties. We

appealed to him on that occasion, but we appealed in vain, and his

sentiments are yet unchanged.

But all these thing are tolerable in comparison to what we have

yet to state. We have been informed from a respectable source that

there is an understanding between Mr. Benton, of Missouri, and Mr.

Van Buren, and a conditional compact entered into, that if Mr.

Benton will use his influence to get Mr. Van Buren elected, Van

Buren, when elected, shall use his executive influence to wipe away

the stain from Missouri by a further persecution of the Mormons,

and wreaking out vengeance on their heads, either by extermination

or by some other summary process. We could scarcely credit the

statement; and we hope yet for the sake of humanity, that the

suggestion is false: but we have too good reason to believe that we

are correctly informed.

If, then, this is the case can we conscientiously vote for a man

of this description, and put the weapon in his hands to cut our

throats with? We cannot. And however much we might wish to sustain

the Democratic nomination, we cannot--we will not vote for Van

Buren. Our interests, our property, our lives, and the lives of our

families are too dear to us to be sacrificed at the shrine of party

spirit and to gratify party feelings. We have been sold once in the

State of Missouri, and our liberties bartered away by political

demagogues, through executive intrigue, and we wish not to be

betrayed again by Benton and Van Buren.

Under these circumstances, the question again arises, Whom shall

we support? General Joseph Smith--a man of sterling worth and

integrity and of enlarged views--a man who has raised himself

from the humblest walks in life to stand at the head of a large,

intelligent, respectable and increasing society, that has spread

not only in this land, but in distant nations,--a man whose

talents and genius are of an exalted nature, and whose experience

has rendered him in every way adequate to the onerous duty.

Honorable, fearless, and energetic, he would administer justice

with an impartial hand, and magnify and dignify the office of Chief

magistrate of this land; and we feel assured that there is not a

man in the United States more competent for the task.

One great reason that we have for pursuing our present course is,

that at every election we have been made a political target for

the filthy demagogues in the country to shoot their loathsome

arrows at. And every story has been put into requisition to blast

our fame from the old fabrication of "walk on the water" down to

"the murder of ex-Governor Boggs." The journals have teemed with

this filthy trash, and even men who ought to have more respect

for themselves--men contending for the gubernatorial chair have

made use of terms so degrading, so mean, so humiliating, that a

Billingsgate fisherwoman would have considered herself disgraced

with. We refuse any longer to be thus bedaubed for either party.

We tell all such to let their filth flow in its own legitimate

channel, for we are sick of the loathsome smell.

Gentlemen, we are not going either to "murder ex-Governor Boggs,

nor a Mormon in this State for not giving us his money," nor are we

going to "walk on the water," nor "drown a woman," nor "defraud the

poor of their property," nor send "destroying angels after General

Bennett to kill him," nor "Marry spiritual wives," nor commit any

other outrageous act this election to help any party with. You must

get some other persons to perform these kind offices for you for

the future. We withdraw.

Under existing circumstances, we have no other alternative; and

if we can accomplish our object, well: if not, we shall have the

satisfaction of knowing that we have acted conscientiously, and

have used our best judgment. And if we have to throw away our

votes, we had better do so upon a worthy rather than upon an

unworthy individual, who might make use of the weapon we put in his

hand to destroy us with.

Whatever may be the opinions of men in general in regard to Mr.

Smith, we know that he needs only to be known to be admired; and

that it is the principles of honor, integrity, patriotism, and

philanthropy that have elevated him in the minds of his friends;

and the same principles, if seen and known, would beget the esteem

and confidence of all the patriotic and virtuous throughout the

Union.

Whatever, therefore, be the opinions of other men our course is

marked out, and our motto from henceforth will be--GENERAL JOSEPH

SMITH.

Footnotes

1. History of Joseph Smith, Mill. Star, vol. xxi, p. 668.

The remarks were made at a public meeting soon after the Prophet's

release by the municipal court of Nauvoo from the custody of Reynolds

and Wilson.

2. See Appendix I.

3. See Appendix II.

4. See Appendix III.

5. The fifth resolution adopted at the Nauvoo convention read as

follows:

_Resolved_, that the better to carry out the principles of liberty and

equal rights, Jeffersonian Democracy, free trade, and sailors' rights,

and the protection of person and property, we will support General

Joseph Smith for the President of the United States at the ensuing

election.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE PROJECTED MOVEMENT TO THE WEST.

AS an evidence that the Prophet entertained no thought of success in

his candidacy for the office of Chief Executive, we may mention the

fact that, during the time that vigorous preparations were being made

for the presidential canvass, he was setting on foot a scheme for

taking the body of The Church into the west to settle Oregon. On the

twentieth of February, 1844, the Prophet in his journal says:

"I instructed the Twelve Apostles to send out a delegation, and

investigate the location of California and Oregon, and hunt out

a good location, where we can remove to, after the temple is

completed, and where we can build a city in a day, and have a

government of our own, get up into the mountains, where the devil

cannot dig us out, and live in a healthy climate, where we can live

as old as we have a mind too."

In accordance with that instruction, the Twelve called the council on

the twenty-first, and Jonathan Dunham, Phinehas H. Young and David

Fullmer volunteered to go; and Alphonzo Young, James Emmett, George D.

Watt, and Daniel Spencer were called to go.

Subsequently a memorial was drawn up by the Prophet, asking Congress

to pass an enactment, authorizing him to raise a company for the

purpose of establishing colonies in that vast, unsettled section of the

country in the far West, known under the general name of Oregon. At

that time there was no particular government existing in the region to

which the names Oregon and California were loosely given. Nor was it

certain whether that country would fall into the possession of England

or the United States, as the northern boundary line question was then

unsettled, and England and the United States held the country by a

treaty of joint occupancy. As the Prophet preferred having an assurance

of protection from the government on his enterprise, he asked Congress

to pass the act before alluded to.

Orson Pratt and John E. Page, two of the Twelve, went to Washington

in the interest of this scheme, and urged its consideration among the

Congressmen. Subsequently, in April, 1844, Orson Hyde was sent to

Washington in the interest of the same great project; and through the

influence of Mr. Hoge, Representative to Congress from the district

in which Nauvoo was included. Mr. Hardin, and Stephen A. Douglass,

succeeded in approaching a number of members of Congress on the subject

but received small encouragement, as Congressmen then, as now, were

extremely cautions in engaging in anything affecting their reputation

and prospects for political preferment for the future. But however much

these men objected to advocating anything which looked like favoring

openly the scheme of the Prophet, they all concurred in affirming

that he had the right to lead his people to Oregon to settle, and the

government would protect them. Stephen A. Douglass remarked, that if he

could command the following that Mr. Smith could, he would resign his

seat in Congress, to go to the West. On this subject Orson Hyde made

two exhaustive reports to the Prophet in letters from Washington, which

I here insert:

WASHINGTON, April 25th, 1844.

HON. SIR,--I take the liberty to transmit through you to the

council of our Church the result of my labors thus far. I

arrived in this place on the 23rd instant, by way of Pittsburgh,

Philadelphia, and New Jersey.

I found Elder Orson Pratt here, Elder Page having been called home

to Pittsburgh on account of his wife's ill health. Elder O. Pratt

has been indefatigable in his exertions in prosecuting the business

entrusted to his charge. His business has been before the Senate,

and referred to the committee on the judiciary; and the report of

said committee is not yet rendered, which is the cause of his delay

in writing to you.

Yesterday we conversed with Messrs. Hoge, Hardin, Douglass, and

Wentworth, and last evening we spent several hours with the

Hon. Mr. Semple They all appear deeply interested in the Oregon

question, and received us with every demonstration of respect that

we could desire. Mr. Hoge thought that the bill would not pass,

from the fact that there already exists between England and America

a treaty for the joint occupancy of Oregon, and that any act of our

Government authorizing an armed force to be raised, and destined

for that country, would be regarded by England as an infraction of

that treaty, and a cause of her commencing hostilities against us.

But my reply was, These volunteers are not to be considered any

part or portion of the army of the United States, neither acting

under the direction or authority of the United States; and, said I,

for men to go there and settle in the character of emigrants cannot

be regarded by our Government as deviating in the least degree from

her plighted faith, unless she intends to tamely submit to British

monopoly in that country.

Mr. H., said he would present the memorial, if we desired it. I

thanked him for his kind offer, but observed that I was not yet

prepared for the bill to be submitted, but wished to elicit all the

facts relative to the condition of Oregon, and also advise with

many other members relative to the matter; and we could better

determine then how the bill should be introduced. We do not want it

presented and referred to a standing committee, and stuck away with

five or ten cords of petitions, and that be the last of it; but we

want the memorial read, a move made to suspend the rules of the

house, and the bill printed, etc.

Mr. Wentworth said--"I am for Oregon anyhow. You may set me down on

your list, and I will go for you if you will go for Oregon."

Judge Douglass has been quite ill, but is just recovered; he will

help all he can; Mr. Hardin likewise. But Major Semple says that

he does not believe anything will be done about Texas or Oregon

this session, for it might have a very important effect upon the

presidential election; and politicians are slow to move when such

doubtful and important matters are likely to be affected by it.

He says that there are already two bills before the house for

establishing a territorial government in Oregon, and to protect the

emigrants there; and now he says, Were your bill to be introduced,

it might be looked upon that you claimed the sole right of

emigrating to and settling that new country to the exclusion of

others. He was in favor of the Oregon being settled, and he thought

the bills already before the house would extend equal protection to

us; and equal protection to every class of citizens was what the

government could rightly do; but particular privileges to any one

class they could not rightly do.

I observed that the bill asked for no exclusive rights. It asks not

for exclusive rights in Oregon, neither do we wish it. Other people

might make a move to Oregon, and no prejudices bar their way, and

their motives would not be misinterpreted.

But, said I, Missouri knows her guilt; and should we attempt to

march to Oregon without the government throwing a protective shield

over us, Missouri's crimes would lead her first to misinterpret

our intentions, to fan the flame of popular excitement against

us, and scatter the firebrands of a misguided zeal among the

combustible materials of other places, creating a flame too hot

for us to encounter--too desolating for us to indulge the hope of

successfully prosecuting the grand and benevolent enterprise we

have conceived. We have been compelled to relinquish our rights

in Missouri. We have been forcibly driven from our homes, leaving

our property and inheritances as spoil to the oppressor; and more

or less in Illinois we have been subject to the whims and chimeras

of illiberal men, and to threats, to vexatious prosecutions, and

lawsuits.

Our government professes to have no power to help us, or to redress

the wrongs which we have suffered; and we now ask the government

to protect us while raising our volunteers. And when we get into

Oregon we will protect ourselves and all others who wish our

protection. And after subduing a new country, encountering all

its difficulties and hardships, and sustaining the just claims

of our nation to its soil, we believe that the generosity of

our government towards us will be equal to our enterprise and

patriotism, and that they will allow us a grant or territory of

land, which will be both honorable in them and satisfactory to us.

This, he says, is all very just and reasonable. But still he thinks

that Congress will take no step in relation to Oregon, from the

fact that his resolution requesting the President of the United

States to give notice to the British government for the abolition

of the treaty of joint occupation was voted down; and while that

treaty is in force, our government dare do nothing in relation to

that country. This resolution was introduced by Mr. Semple to pave

the way for the passage of those bills in relation to a territorial

government in Oregon.

All our members join in the acknowledgement that you have an

undoubted right to go to Oregon with all the emigrants you can

raise. They say the existing laws protect you as much as law can

protect you; and should Congress pass an additional law, it would

not prevent wicked men from shooting you down as they did in

Missouri. All the Oregon men in Congress would be glad if we would

go to that country and settle it.

I will now give you my opinion in relation to this matter. It

is made up from the spirit of the times in a hasty manner,

nevertheless I think time will prove it correct:--That Congress

will pass not act in relation to Texas or Oregon at present. She

is afraid of England, afraid of Mexico, afraid the presidential

election will be twisted by it. The members all appear like

unskillful players at checkers--afraid to move, for they see not

which way to move advantageously. All are figuring and playing

round the grand and important questions. In the days of our Lord

the people neglected the weightier matters of the law, but tithed

mint, rue, anise, and cummin; but I think here in Washington they

do little else than tithe the _mint_.

A member of Congress is in no enviable situation: if he will boldly

advocate true principles, he loses his influence and becomes

unpopular; and whoever is committed and has lost his influence has

no power to benefit his constituents, so that all go to figuring

and playing round the great points.

Mr. Semple said that Mr. Smith could not constitutionally be

constituted a member of the army by law; and this, if nothing

else, would prevent its passage. I observed that I would in that

case strike out that clause. Perhaps I took an unwarrantable

responsibility upon myself; but where I get into a straight place,

I can do no better than act according to what appears most correct.

I do not intend the opinion that I have hastily given shall abate

my zeal to drive the matter through, but I have given the opinion

for your benefit, that your indulgence of the hope that Congress

will do something for us may not cause you to delay any important

action.

There is already a government established in Oregon to some extent;

magistrates have been chosen by the people, &c. This is on the

south of the Columbia. North of that river the Hudson Bay Company

occupy. There is some good country in Oregon, but a great deal of

sandy, barren desert. I have seen a gentleman who has been there,

and also in California.

The most of the settlers in Oregon and Texas are our old enemies,

the mobocrats of Missouri. If, however, the settlement of Oregon

and Texas be determined upon, the sooner the move is made the

better; and I would not advise any delay for the action of our

government, for there is such a jealousy of our rising power

already, that government will do nothing to favor us. If the Saints

possess the kingdom, I think they will have to take it; and the

sooner it is done the more easily it is accomplished.

Your superior wisdom must determine whether to go to Oregon, to

Texas, or to remain within these United States, and send forth the

most efficient men to build up churches, and let them remain for

the time being; and in the meantime send some _wise_ men among the

Indians, and teach them civilization and religion, to cultivate

the soil, to live in peace with one another and with all men. But

whatever you do, don't be deluded with the hope that government

will foster us, and thus delay an action which the present is the

most proper time that ever will be [in which to accomplish it.--R.]

Oregon is becoming a popular question; the fever of emigration

begins to rage. If the Mormons become the early majority, others

will not come; if the Mormons do not become an early majority, the

others will not allow us to come.

Elder Pratt is faithful, useful, and true; he has got the run of

matters here very well, and is with me in all my deliberations,

visitings, &c.

Major Semple goes with us this evening to introduce us to the

President, and to view the White House.

My heart and hand are with you. May heaven bless you and me. As

ever, I am

ORSON HYDE.

To the council of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

Also the following letter:--

WASHINGTON, April 26, 1844.

DEAR SIR,--Today I trouble you with another communication, which

you will please have the goodness to lay before our council.

We were last evening introduced to the President at the White

House by the politeness of Major Semple, where we spent an hour

very agreeably. The President is a very plain, homespun, familiar,

farmer-like man. He spoke of our troubles in Missouri, and

regretted that we had met with such treatment. He asked us how we

were getting along in Illinois. I told him that we were contending

with the difficulties of a new country, and laboring under the

disadvantageous consequences of being driven from our property and

homes in Missouri.

We have this day had a long conversation with Judge Douglass. He

is ripe for Oregon and the California. He said he would resign

his seat in Congress if he could command the force that Mr. Smith

could, and would be on the march to that country in a month.

I learn that the eyes of many aspiring politicians in this place

are now upon that country, and that there is so much jealousy

between them that they will probably pass no bill in relation to

it. Now all these politicians rely upon the arm of our government

to protect them there; and if government were to pass an act

establishing a territorial government west of the Rocky Mountains

there would be at once a tremendous rush of emigration; but if

government pass no act in relation to it, these men have not

stamina or sufficient confidence in themselves and their own

resources to hazard the enterprise.

The northern Whig members are almost to a man against Texas and

Oregon; but should the present administration succeed in annexing

Texas, then all the Whigs would turn round in favor of Oregon; for

if Texas be admitted, slavery is extended to the south; then free

States must be added to the west to keep up a balance of power

between the slave and the free States.

Should Texas be admitted, war with Mexico is looked upon as

inevitable. The Senate have been in secret session on the

ratification of the treaty of annexation; but what they did we

cannot say. General Gaines, who was boarding at the same house

with Judge Douglass, was secretly ordered to repair to the Texan

frontier four days ago, and left immediately. I asked Judge D. if

he did not speak loud for annexation. He says, no. Santa Anna,

being a jealous, hot-headed pate, might be suspicious the treaty

would be ratified by the Senate, and upon mere suspicion might

attempt some hostilities, and Gaines had been ordered there to be

on the alert and ready for action if necessary. Probably our navy

will in a few days be mostly in the Gulf of Mexico.

There are many powerful checks upon our government, preventing her

from moving in any of these important matters; and for aught I

know, these checks are permitted, to prevent our government from

extending her jurisdiction over that territory which God designs to

give to His Saints. Judge Douglass says he would equally as soon go

to that country without an act of Congress as with; 'and that in

five years a noble State might be formed; and then, if they would

not receive us into the Union, we would have a government of our

own.' He is decidedly of the opinion that congress will pass no act

in favor of any particular man going there; but he says if any man

will go, and desires that privilege, and has confidence in his own

ability to perform it he already has the right, and the sooner he

is off the better for his scheme.

It is the opinion here among politicians that it will be extremely

difficult to have any bill pass in relation to the encouragement of

emigration to Oregon; but much more difficult to get a bill passed

designating any particular man to go. But all concur in the opinion

that we are authorized already.

In case of a removal to that country, Nauvoo is the place of

general rendezvous. Our course from thence would be westward

through Iowa, bearing a little north until we came to the Missouri

river, leaving the State of Missouri on the left, thence onward

till we come to the Platte, thence up the north fork of the Platte

to the mouth of Sweetwater river in longitude 107 45' W., and

thence up said Sweetwater river to the South Pass of the Rocky

Mountains, about eleven hundred miles from Nauvoo; and from said

South Pass in latitude 42 28' north to the Umpaque and Klamet

valleys in Oregon, bordering on California, is about 600 miles,

making the distance from Nauvoo to the best portions of Oregon

1,700 miles.

There is no government established there; and it is so near

California that when a government shall be established there, it

may readily embrace that country likewise. There is much barren

country, rocks, and mountains, in Oregon; but the valleys are very

fertile. I am persuaded that Congress will pass no act in relation

to that country, from the fact that the resolution requesting

the President to give notice to the British government for the

discontinuance of the treaty of joint occupation of Oregon was

voted down with a rush; and this notice must be given before any

action can be had, unless Congress violates the treaty; at least so

say the politicians here.

Judge Douglass has given me a map of Oregon, and also a report on

an exploration of the country lying between the Missouri river and

the Rocky Mountains on the line of the Kansas and Great Platte

rivers, by Lieutenant J. C. Fremont, of the corps of topographical

engineers. On receiving it I expressed a wish that Mr. Smith could

see it. Judge D. says it is a public document, and I will frank it

to him. I accepted his offer, and the book will be forthcoming to

him. The people are so eager for it here that they have even stolen

it out of the library. The author is Mr. Benton's son-in-law.

Judge D. borrowed it of Mr. B. I was not to tell anyone in this

city where I got it. The book is a most valuable document to any

one contemplating a journey to Oregon. The directions which I have

given may not be exactly correct, but the book will tell correctly.

Judge D. says he can direct Mr. Smith to several gentlemen in

California who will be able to give him any information on the

state of affairs in that country; and when he returns to Illinois,

he will visit Mr. Smith.

Brother Pratt and myself drafted a bill this morning, and handed

it in to the committee on the judiciary from the Senate, asking

an appropriation of two million dollars for the relief of the

sufferers among our people in Missouri in 1836-9, to be deposited

in the hands of the city council of Nauvoo, and by them dealt out

to the sufferers in proportion to their loss. We intend to tease

them until we either provoke them or get them to do something

for us. I have learned this much--that if we want Congress to do

anything for us in drawing up our memorial, we must not ask what

is right in the matter, but we must ask what kind of a thing will

Congress pass? Will it suit the politics of the majority? Will

it be popular or unpopular? For you might as well drive a musket

ball through a cotton bag, or the Gospel of Christ through the

heart of a priest, case-hardened by sectarianism, bigotry, and

superstition, or a camel through the eye of a needle, as to drive

anything through Congress that will operate against the popularity

of politicians.

I shall probably leave here in a few days, and Brother Pratt will

remain. I go to get money to sustain ourselves with.

I shall write again soon, and let you know what restrictions, if

any, are laid upon our citizens in relation to passing through the

Indian territories. I shall communicate everything I think will

benefit. In the meantime if the council have any instructions to

us, we shall be happy to receive them here or at Philadelphia.

John Ross is here; we intend to see him. It is uncertain when

Congress rises. It will be a long pull in my opinion. As ever, I am,

Yours sincerely,

ORSON HYDE.

Elder Pratt's best respects to the brethren.

An event soon afterwards took place in the House of Representatives

before the Prophet's petition was introduced, which put at rest all

hopes of Congress doing anything at that time in relation to the Oregon

territory. A resolution was introduced giving Great Britain notice that

the treaty of joint occupancy of that country was at an end, but it

was promptly voted down. That virtually served public notice that the

Oregon question was not to be reopened by Congress, at least not until

the conclusion of the presidential election.

Sufficient may be gathered from what is set down in the above, to prove

that the mind of the Prophet Joseph was bent on establishing his people

in the West--somewhere in the Rocky Mountains--so soon as they could

complete the temple. The subject began to take possession of his mind

wholly. Some eighteen months before his formal appeal to Congress, for

the privilege of settling with his people in the far West, under the

protecting aegis of the general government, _viz_., on the sixth of

August, 1842, he prophesied, that his people would continue to suffer

much persecution, and at last be driven to the Rocky Mountains. This is

the prophecy as it stands in the Prophet's journal:

Saturday, sixth, [August]. Passed over the river to Montrose,

Iowa, in company with General Adams, Colonel Brewer, and others,

and witnessed the installation of the officers of the Rising Sun

Lodge, of Ancient York Masons, at Montrose, by General James Adams,

Deputy Grand Master of Illinois. While the Deputy Grand Master was

engaged in giving the requisite instruction to the Master elect, I

had a conversation with a number of brethren in the shade of the

building on the subject of our persecutions in Missouri, and the

constant annoyance which has followed us since we were driven from

that State. I prophesied that the Saints would continue to suffer

much affliction and would be driven to the Rocky Mountains, many

would apostatize, others would be put to death by our persecutors,

or lose their lives in consequence of exposure or disease, and some

of you will live to go and assist in making settlements and build

cities, and see the Saints become a mighty people in the midst of

the Rocky Mountains. [1]--_Millennial Star, Vol. xix, page 630_.

As persecution in Illinois grew more relentless, and mobocrats more

bold, until the whole horizon appeared black, and threatening with

hatred toward the citizens of Nauvoo, the Prophet told them repeatedly

it was "light in the west."

Footnotes

1. See the author's work, "Succession in the Presidency," where the

subject is more exhaustively considered.

CHAPTER XXXV.

THE STANDARD OF PEACE.

MEANTIME the people of Nauvoo, with the Prophet as chief mover in the

matter, sought to establish peaceful relations with their neighbors.

Armed conflict with surrounding peoples, or with any people, was no

part of the policy of Joseph Smith; and no part of the work that he

had in hand. It is true that it may be said of the work he introduced,

as Jesus said of the work which He began by His personal ministry that

it brought not peace but a sword; [1] in each case, however, "the

sword" has been found in the hands, not of those who have accepted the

Gospel, but in the hands of those who have rejected it, and opposed it,

and made war upon it. Early in the history of the work brought forth

by Joseph Smith the Lord commanded His servants to "renounce war and

proclaim peace;" [2] and true to this spirit of the work the Prophet

especially sought for peace. In the _Warsaw Signal_ of the 14th of

February Governor Ford published the following letter to the citizens

of Hancock County, in the hope, evidently, of quelling the threatening

storm:

SPRINGFIELD, January 29, 1844.

DEAR SIR,--I have received the copy of the proceedings and

resolutions of a meeting of the citizens of Hancock County, which

you did me the honour to send me.

I have observed with regret that occasions have been presented for

disturbing the peace of your county; and if I knew what I could

legally do to apply a corrective, I would be very ready to do it.

But if you are a lawyer or at all conversant with the law, you will

know that, I as a governor, have no right to interfere in your

difficulties.

As yet, I believe that there has been nothing like war among you;

and I hope that all of you will have the good sense to see the

necessity of preserving peace. If there is anything wrong in the

Nauvoo charters, or in the mode of administering them, you will see

that nothing short of legislative or judicial power is capable of

enforcing a remedy.

I myself had the honor of calling the attention of the Legislature

to this subject at the last session; but a large majority of both

political parties in that body either did not see the evil which

you complain of, or, if they did, they repeatedly refused to

correct it. And yet a call is made upon me, to do that which all

parties refused to do at the last session.

I have also been called upon to take away the arms from the

_Mormons_, to raise the militia to arrest a supposed fugitive, and

in fact to repeal some of the ordinances of the city of Nauvoo.

Hancock County is justly famed for its intelligence; and I cannot

believe that any of its citizens are so ignorant as not to know

that I have no power to do these things.

The absurd and preposterous nature of these requests gave some

color to the charge that they are made for political effect only.

I hope that this charge is untrue: for, in all candor, it would be

more creditable to those concerned to have their errors attributed

to ignorance than to a disposition to embroil the country in the

horrors of war for the advancement of party ends.

But if there should be any truth in the charge, (which God forbid)

I affectionately entreat all the good citizens engaged in it to

lay aside their designs and yield up their ears to the voice of

justice, reason and humanity. All that I can do at present is to

admonish both parties to beware of carrying matters to extremity.

Let it come to this--let a state of war ensue, and I will be

compelled to interfere with executive power. In that case also, I

wish, in a friendly, affectionate, and candid manner, to tell the

citizens of Hancock County, _Mormons_ and all, that my interference

will be against those who shall be the first transgressors.

I am bound by the laws and Constitution to regard you all as

citizens of the State, possessed of equal rights and privileges,

and to cherish the rights of one as dearly as the rights of

another. I can know no distinction among you except that of

assailant and assailed.

I hope, dear sir, you will do me the favor to publish this letter

in the papers of your county, for the satisfaction of all persons

concerned.

I am, with the highest respect,

Your obedient servant,

THOMAS FORD.

To this letter three days later the Prophet-mayor made the following

response in the _Nauvoo Neighbor_, under the caption

PACIFIC INNUENDO.

The very candid, pacific and highly creditable _advice_ which

Governor Ford has done himself the honor to address to "the

citizens of Hancock County, 'Mormons and all,'" and which appears

in the _Warsaw Signal_ of the 14th instant, is, like the balm

of Gilead, well calculated to ease the pain which has troubled

the heads and hearts of the Carthagenians, Warsawvians and other

over-jealous bodies for _weal and woe_.

It certainly must be admitted, on all hands, that Governor Ford

has exalted himself as a mediator, patriot, lawyer, governor,

peacemaker, and friend of all, not only to magnify the law and make

it honorable, but also in pointing out the _path of peace_.

Such is what the Latter-day Saints have ever sought at the hands of

those in authority; and with an approving conscience clear as the

crystal spring, and with a laudable intention warm as the summer

zephyr, and with a charitable prayer mellow as the morning dew, it

is now our highest consolation to hope that all difficulties will

cease, and give way to reason, sense, peace and goodwill.

The Saints, if they will be humble and wise, can now _practice_

what they _preach_, and soften by good examples, rather than harden

by a distinct course of conduct, the hearts of the people.

For general information, it may be well to say that there has

never been any cause for alarm as to the Latter-day Saints. The

Legislature of Illinois granted a liberal charter for the city of

Nauvoo; and let every honest man in the Union who has any knowledge

of her say whether she has not flourished beyond the most sanguine

anticipations of all. And while they witness her growing glory, let

them solemnly testify whether Nauvoo has _wilfully injured_ the

country, county or a single individual _one cent_.

With the strictest scrutiny publish the facts, whether a particle

of law has been evaded or broken: virtue and innocence need no

artificial covering. Political views and party distinctions never

should disturb the harmony of society; and when the whole truth

comes before a virtuous people, we are willing to abide the issue.

We will here refer to the _three late dismissals_ upon writs

of _habeas corpus_, of Joseph Smith, when arrested under the

requisitions of Missouri.

The first, in June, 1841, was tried at Monmouth, before Judge

Douglass, of the fifth judicial circuit; and as no exceptions

have been taken to that decision by this State or Missouri, but

Missouri had previously entered a _nolle prosequi_ on all the old

indictments against the "Mormons" in the difficulties of 1838, it

is taken for granted _that that decision was just_.

The second, in December, 1842, was tried at Springfield before

Judge Pope in the United States District Court; and from that

honorably discharged, as no exceptions from any source have been

made to those proceedings, it follows as a matter of course _that

that decision was just_!

And the third, in July, 1843, was tried at the city of Nauvoo,

before the municipal court of said city; and as no exceptions to

that discharge have been taken, and as the governor says there is

"evidence on the other side to show that the sheriff of Lee County

_voluntarily_ carried Mr. Reynolds (who had Mr. Smith in custody,)

to the city of Nauvoo without any coercion on the part of any one"

it must be admitted _that that decision was just_!

But is any man still unconvinced of the justness of these

strictures relative to the two last cases, let the astounding fact

go forth, that _Orin Porter Rockwell_, whom Boggs swore was the

principal in his assassination, and accessory to which Mr. Smith

was arrested, _has returned home, "clear of that sin_." In fact,

there was not a witness to get up an indictment against him.

The Messrs. Averys, who were unlawfully transported out of this

State, have returned to their families in peace; and there seems to

be no ground for contention, no cause for jealousy, and no excuse

for a surmise that any man, woman or child will suffer the least

inconvenience from General Smith, the charter of Nauvoo, the city

of Nauvoo, or even any of her citizens.

There is nothing for a bone of contention! Even those ordinances

which appear to excite the feeling of some people have recently

been _repealed_; so that if the "intelligent" inhabitants of

Hancock County want peace, want to abide by the governor's advice,

want to have a character abroad grow out of their character at

home, and really mean to follow the Savior's golden rule, "_To do

unto others as they would wish others to do unto them_," they will

be still _now_, and let their own works praise them in the gates of

justice and in the eyes of the surrounding world. Wise men ought to

have understanding enough to conquer men with kindness.

"A soft answer turns away wrath," says the wise man; and it will be

greatly to the credit of the Latter-day Saints to show the love of

God, by now kindly treating those who may have, in an unconscious

moment, done them wrong; for truly said Jesus, "_Pray for thine

enemies_."

Humanity towards all, reason and refinement to enforce virtue, and

good for evil are so eminently designed to cure more disorders of

society than an appeal to "arms," or even _argument_ untempered

with _friendship_ and the "one thing needful," that no vision

for the future, guideboard for the distant, or expositor for the

present, need trouble any one with what he ought to do.

His own good, his family's good, his neighbor's good, his country's

good, and all good seem to whisper to every person--the governor

has told you what to do--_now do it_.

The Constitution expects every man to do his duty; and when he

fails the law urges him; or, should he do too much, the same master

rebukes him.

Should reason, liberty, law, light and philanthropy now guide the

destinies of Hancock County with as much sincerity as has been

manifested for her notoriety or welfare, there can be no doubt

that peace, prosperity and happiness will prevail, and that future

generations as well as the present one will call Governor Ford a

peacemaker. The Latter-day Saints will, at all events, and profit

by the instruction, and call upon honest men to help them cherish

all the love, all the friendship, all the courtesy, all the kindly

feelings and all the generosity that ought to characterize _clever

people_ in a clever neighborhood, and leave candid men to judge

which tree exhibits the best fruit--the one with the most clubs and

sticks thrown into its boughs and the grass trodden down under it,

or the one with no sticks in it, some dead limbs and rank grass

growing under it; for by their signs ye can know their fruit, and

by the fruit ye know the trees.

Our motto, then, is _Peace with all_! If we have joy in the love of

God, let us try to give a reason of that joy, which all the world

cannot gainsay or resist. And may be, like as when Paul started

with recommendations to Damascus to persecute the Saints, some one

who has raised his hand against us with letters to men in high

places may see a light at noonday, above the brightness of the sun,

and hear the voice of Jesus saying, "_It is hard for thee to kick

against the pricks_."

Intelligence is sometimes the messenger of safety. And, willing to

aid the governor in his laudable endeavors to cultivate peace and

honor the laws, believing that very few of the citizens of Hancock

County will be found in the negative of such a goodly course; and

considering his views a kind of manifesto, or olive leaf, which

shows that there is rest for the soles of the Saints' feet, we give

it a place in the _Neighbor_, wishing it God speed, and saying,

_God bless good men and good measures!_ And as Nauvoo has been, so

it will continue to be, a good city, affording a good market to

a good country; and let those who do not mean to try the way of

transgressors, say "_Amen_."

In addition to this in a note to the editor of the _Neighbor_, he

advised that he take no further editorial notice of the fulminations

of the editor of the _Warsaw Signal_ against the people of Nauvoo,

but recommended that the advice of Governor Ford be honored, and that

friendship and peace be cultivated with all men.

The Prophet went further than this. He tendered the olive branch of

peace even to Missouri. He dictated the following to W. W. Phelps which

was published under the title--

A FRIENDLY HINT TO MISSOURI.

One of the most pleasing scenes that can transpire on earth, when

a sin has been committed by one person against another, is, _to

forgive that sin_; and then, according to the sublime and perfect

pattern of the Savior, pray to our Father in heaven _to forgive

also_.

Verily, verily, such a friendly rebuke is like the mellow zephyr

of summer's eve--it soothes, it cheers and gladdens the heart

of the humane and the savage. Well might the wise man exclaim,

"A soft answer turneth away wrath;" for men of sense, judgment,

and observation, in all the various periods of time, have been

witnesses, figuratively speaking, that _water, not wood, checks the

rage of fire_.

Jesus said, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called

the children of God." Wherefore, if the nation, a single state,

community, or family ought to be grateful for anything, _it is

peace_.

Peace, lovely child of heaven!--peace, like light from the same

great parent, gratifies, animates, and happifies the just and the

unjust; and is the very essence of happiness below, and bliss above.

He that does not strive with all his powers of body and mind,

with all his influence at home and abroad, and to cause others to

do so too, to seek peace and maintain it for his own benefit and

convenience, and for the honor of his State, nation, and country,

has no claim on the clemency of man; nor should he be entitled to

the friendship of woman or the protection of government.

He is the canker-worm to gnaw his own vitals, and the vulture to

prey upon his own body; and he is, as to his own prospects and

prosperity in life, a _felo-de-se_ of his own pleasure.

A community of such beings are not far from hell on earth, and

should be let alone as unfit for the smiles of the free or the

praise of the brave. * * * * * *

So much to preface this friendly hint to the State of Missouri;

for, notwithstanding some of her private citizens and public

officers have committed violence, robbery, and even murder upon

the rights and persons of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day

Saints, yet compassion, dignity, and a sense of the principles of

religion among all classes, and honor and benevolence, mingled

with charity by high-minded patriots, lead me to suppose that

there are many worthy people in that State who will use their

influence and energies to bring about a settlement of all those old

difficulties, and use all consistent means to urge the State, for

her honor, prosperity, and good name, to restore every person she

or her citizens have expelled from her limits, to their rights,

and pay them all damage, that the great body of high-minded and

well-disposed Southern and Western gentlemen and ladies--the real

peacemakers of a western world, will go forth, good Samaritan-like,

and pour in the oil and wine, till all that can be healed are made

whole; and, after repentance, they shall be forgiven; for verily

the Scriptures say, "Joy shall be in heaven over one sinner that

repents, more than over ninety-and-nine just persons that need

no repentance." * * * * * *

When you meditate upon the massacre at Haun's mill, forget not that

the constitution of your State holds this broad truth to the world,

that none shall "be deprived of _life, liberty, or property_, but

by the judgment of his peers or the law of the land."

And when you assemble together in towns, countries, or districts,

whether to petition your legislature to pay the damage the Saints

have sustained in your State, by reason of oppression and misguided

zeal, or to restore them to their rights according to Republican

principles and benevolent designs, reflect, and make honorable,

or annihilate, such statute law as was in force in your State in

1838,--viz., "If twelve or more persons shall combine to levy war

against any part of the people of this State, or to remove forcibly

out of the State or from their habitations, evidenced by taking

arms and assembling to accomplish such purpose, every person so

offending shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for

a period not exceeding five years, or by a fine not exceeding five

thousand dollars, and imprisonment in the county jail not exceeding

six months."

Finally, if honor dignifies an honest people, if virtue exalts

a community, if wisdom guides great men, if principle governs

intelligent beings, if humanity spreads comfort among the needy,

and if religion affords consolation by showing that charity is

the first, best, and sweetest token of perfect love, then, O ye

good people of Missouri, like the woman in Scripture _who had lost

one of her ten pieces of silver_, arise, search diligently till

you find the lost piece, and then make a feast, and call in your

friends for joy.

With due consideration,

I am the friend of all good men,

JOSEPH SMITH.

Nauvoo, Ill., March 8, 1843.

Surely this was going as far in the interests of peace as men or God

could require him to go; but alas! there was to be no peace.

Footnotes

1. Matt. x: 34-40.

2. August, 1833, Doc. & Cov. Sec. xcviii.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

"IN PERIL AMONG FALSE BRETHREN."

THE winter of 1843-4 was big with events affecting the destinies

of Nauvoo. During that winter were set on foot conspiracies which

culminated in the destruction of Nauvoo. Men who stood nearest to the

Prophet Joseph, and who were bound in honor to defend his life, not

bare the knives that were to strike him down, combined together in

secret covenant for his overthrow.

Owing to the constant efforts of the Prophet's enemies in Missouri,

to capture him and drag him to Missouri where he might be murdered

with impunity, the force of police in Nauvoo was increased by the

appointment of forty night-guards to patrol the city. These made it

less convenient for the conspirators, who worked, as men ever do when

engaged in such business--in the darkness. The night guards several

times came in contact with men moving about the city in a manner

which, to say the least, was suspicious; and soon complaints were

made by these same parties that the city government was arbitrary and

oppressive; they claimed that these night-watchmen threatened their

peace and even started rumors that Joseph had appointed them for the

purpose of intimidation.

Among others who complained of the appointment of night-watchmen was

William Marks, president of the Nauvoo stake. Joseph, in the course

of a speech made at a meeting of the city council at the time of

the appointment of the special watchmen, referred to the danger of

invasion from Missouri and incidentally remarked: "We have a Judas

in our midst." This gave great offense to both William Marks and

the Law brothers. The Prophet in his journal, when speaking of the

circumstance, says: "What can be the matter with these men? Is it that

the wicked flee when no man pursueth, that hit pigeons always flutter,

that drowning men clutch at straws, or that Presidents Law and Marks

are absolutely traitors to The Church, that my remarks should produce

such excitement in their minds? Can it be possible that the traitor

whom Porter Rockwell reports to me as being in correspondence with my

Missouri enemies is one of my quorum [the First Presidency]? The people

in the town were astonished, almost every man saying to his neighbor,

'Is it possible that Brother Law or Marks is a traitor, and would

deliver Brother Joseph into the hands of his enemies in Missouri?' If

not what can be the meaning of all this? The righteous are bold as a

lion." [1]

In the spring of 1844, the Prophet was apprised by two young men,

Denison L. Harris and Robert Scott, the latter living in the family of

William Law, of a secret movement then on foot to take his life, and

the lives of several other leading men of The Church; among them the

Prophet's brother, Hyrum. These young men were invited to the secret

meetings by the conspirators, but before going, conferred with the

Prophet, who told them to go, but to take no part in the proceedings of

these wicked men against himself. They carried out his advice, and at

the risk of their lives attended the secret meetings three times, and

brought to Joseph a report of what they had witnessed. [2]

In addition to the testimonies of these young men was that of M. G.

Eaton, who expressed a willingness to make affidavit that there was a

plot laid to kill Joseph Smith and others, and would give the names

of those who had concocted it. There was also one A. B. Williams who

said the same thing. These men went before Daniel H. Wells, at the

time a justice of the peace, and made affidavit that such a plot as I

have spoken of existed. In their statements they named as leaders of

the movement, Chauncey L. Higbee, R. D. Foster, Joseph H. Jackson, and

William and Wilson Law. These names correspond with those given by the

young men before alluded to, except they also name Austin Cowles, a

member of the High Council, at Nauvoo, as one of the active and leading

conspirators.

These statements were shortly confirmed by the action of the

conspirators themselves, as they soon came out in open as well as

secret opposition to the leading Church authorities; and in March a

number of them were excommunicated for unchristianlike conduct. Among

the number was William Law, a member in the First Presidency, his

brother Wilson Law; the Higbee brothers, Chauncey L., and Francis M.,

and Dr. Robert D. Foster.

An effort was made by these apostates to organize a church after the

pattern of the true Church, by the appointment of apostles, prophets,

presidents, etc., but it failed miserably, their following was

insignificant. These men were desperately wicked; in addition to gross

licentiousness they were guilty of theft and of counterfeiting money.

They brought much reproach upon the city of Nauvoo, since their crimes

were traced to her borders, and that fact went far towards undoing the

city's reputation abroad. But though these men at one time, and indeed

up to the time of their excommunication, held high official positions

in The Church and the city, their wickedness was not sustained either

by The Church laws or by the members of The Church, or citizens of

Nauvoo. It was known that there existed a band of desperate men within

the city, and these parties were suspected, but it required some time

to obtain proof sufficiently positive to act upon; and where the

counterfeiting was done was never learned.

The mask having at last fallen from the faces of this coterie of

men, they joined with the avowed enemies of the Saints outside of

Nauvoo, and openly advocated the repeal of the city charter, which

but a short time before they had assisted to obtain. They violated on

several occasions the city ordinances, resisted the city officers,

and threatened the life of the mayor. These disturbances led to the

arrests and trials before the municipal court, from which the accused

generally appealed to the circuit courts; and retaliated by counter

arrests of the city authorities for false imprisonment, defamation of

character, etc. In all these cases the power of the municipal courts

to grant writs of _habeas corpus_ was freely exercised, and released

the city authorities, as the actions were malicious, and without

sufficient cause on which to base the complaints. Thus the affairs of

Nauvoo became more and more complicated, and the bitterness constantly

increased.

At last the disaffected parties imported a press into the city and

proposed publishing a paper to be called the _Nauvoo Expositor_. It

avowed its intention in the prospectus it published to agitate for

the repeal of the Nauvoo charter, and also announced that since its

position in the city of the Saints afforded it opportunities of being

familiar with the abuses that prevailed, its publishers intended to

give a full, candid and succinct statement of facts as they really

existed in the city of Nauvoo, regardless of whose standing in the

community might be imperiled. The proprietors of the paper were the

band of conspirators already named, and Sylvester Emmons was employed

as editor.

The first, and indeed the only number of the _Expositor_ was published

on the seventh day of June, 1844, and contained a most scandalous

attack upon the most respectable citizens of Nauvoo. It at once filled

the entire city with indignation, and the city council immediately took

into consideration what would be the best method of dealing with it.

The result of the council's meditations was this: Blackstone declared

a libelous press a nuisance; the city charter gave to city authorities

the power to declare what should be considered a nuisance and to

prevent and remove the same; therefore it was

_Resolved_, by the city council of the city of Nauvoo, that the

printing office from whence issues the _Nauvoo Expositor_ is a

public nuisance, and also all of said _Nauvoo Expositors_, which

may be or exist, in said establishment; and the mayor is instructed

to cause said printing establishment and papers to be removed

without delay, in such manner as he may direct.

On receiving this order the mayor issued instructions to the city

marshal to destroy the press without delay, and at the same time gave

orders to Jonathan Dunham, acting Major-General of the Nauvoo Legion,

to assist the marshal with the Legion if called upon to do so.

The marshal with a small force of men appeared before the _Expositor_

printing establishment, informed one or more of the proprietors of the

character of his mission, and demanded entrance into the building to

carry out his instructions from the mayor. This was denied and the door

locked; whereupon the marshal broke in the door, carried out the press,

broke it in the street, pied the type and burned all the papers found

in the office, and then reported to the mayor, who sent an account of

these proceedings to the governor of the State.

This act enraged the conspirators to a higher pitch of desperation.

They set fire to their buildings and then fled to Carthage, the county

seat of Hancock County, with the lie in their mouths that their lives

were in danger in Nauvoo, and that they were driven away from their

homes. Fortunately the police discovered the flames started by these

incendiaries in time to extinguish them, so that they failed to have

the smoking ruins of their own houses to support their story; but their

misrepresentations spread like wild-fire and inflamed the public mind,

already blinded with prejudice against the people of Nauvoo, to a point

which made violence almost certain.

Francis M. Higbee made a complaint before Thomas Morrison, a justice of

the peace, against Joseph Smith and all the members of the Nauvoo city

council for riot committed in destroying the anti-Mormon press. The

warrant issued by the justice was served by Constable Bettisworth upon

Joseph Smith at Nauvoo. It required him and the others named in the

warrant to go before the justice issuing the warrant, "_or some other

justice of the peace_." Joseph called the attention of the constable

to this clause in the writ, and expressed a willingness to go before

Esquire Johnson, or any other justice of the peace in Nauvoo. But

Bettisworth was determined to take Joseph to Carthage before Justice

Morrison, who had issued the writ. Joseph was equally determined not to

go, and petitioned the municipal court for a writ of _habeas corpus_

which was granted, and under it the prisoner was honorably discharged.

The other parties mentioned in the writ followed his example and were

also discharged.

Meantime indignation meetings were held first at Warsaw, and afterwards

in Carthage. The men who had used their uttermost endeavors, for more

than two years to incite the people to acts of mob violence against the

Saints, had now a popular war cry--"unhallowed hands had been laid upon

the liberty of the press." "The law had ceased to be a protection to

lives or property in Nauvoo!" "A mob at Nauvoo, under a city ordinance

had violated the highest privilege in the government; and to seek

redress in the ordinary mode would be utterly ineffectual." Therefore

those in attendance upon these meetings adopted resolutions announcing

themselves at all times ready to co-operate with their fellow-citizens

in Missouri and Iowa to exterminate, _utterly exterminate_ the wicked

and abominable Mormon leaders, the authors of their troubles.

Committees were appointed to notify all persons in the respective

townships suspected of being the "tools of the Prophet to leave

immediately, on pain of _instant vengeance_." And it was further

recommended that the adherents of Joseph Smith as a body, be "driven

from the surrounding settlements into Nauvoo; that the Prophet and

his miscreant adherents should then be demanded at their hands; and,

if not surrendered, a war of entire extermination should be waged to

the entire destruction, if necessary for the mob's protection, of his

adherents; and to carry out these resolutions every citizen was called

upon to arm himself."

The mass meeting at Carthage, which had adopted the Warsaw resolutions

was in full blast when the news arrived of the failure of Constable

Bettisworth, to drag the Prophet into their midst. This increased the

excitement, and poured more gall into the cup of bitterness. It was

resolved that the "riot" in Nauvoo was still progressing, and of such

a serious character as to demand executive interference; and therefore

two discreet citizens were appointed to go to Springfield and lay the

case before Governor Ford. But this appeal to the executive was not to

interfere with the resolutions before passed--active preparations for

the extermination of the Mormons were to be continued.

The authorities at Nauvoo also dispatched trusty messengers to Governor

Ford with truthful accounts of their proceedings, both as regards the

destruction of the press and their action in refusing to accompany

Constable Bettisworth to Carthage, that he might not be misled by a

false representation of the case, or influenced by the thousand and one

falsehoods that had been set on foot by the enemies of the Saints.

Both parties then appealed to the executive of the State: the mob for

assistance to carry out their murderous designs, and to give their

proceedings a coloring of lawful authority, and the citizens of Nauvoo

for protection against the combinations of their avowed enemies bent

upon, and publicly pledged to their extermination.

Without waiting the issue of this appeal, however, the mob forces

in Carthage, Warsaw and other localities began active operations by

sending their committees to the settlements of the Saints outside

of Nauvoo, and threatening them with destruction if they did not

accept one of three propositions: first, deny that Joseph Smith was

a Prophet of God, and take up arms and accompany the mob to arrest

him; second, gather up their effects and forthwith remove to the

city of Nauvoo; third, give up their arms and remain quiet until the

pending difficulties should be settled by the expulsion of their

friends. Usually a few days were given the people to consider these

propositions, which were utilized by the people in conferring with the

Prophet, to know what he advised under the circumstances. The advice

given, in its general purport was to yield up none of their rights as

American citizens to the demand of mobocrats, but to maintain their

rights wherever they were strong enough to resist the mob forces, and

when they were not strong enough, retreat to Nauvoo.

Besides the reports which came to Nauvoo from the Saints who were

threatened, the air was filled with rumors of mob forces collecting on

every hand. Great excitement was reported to exist in upper Missouri,

the part of that State from which the Saints had been driven but six

years before; and it was reported that the Missourians were going over

into Illinois in large numbers to assist the anti-Mormons in and around

Carthage. That arms and ammunition were sent over the Mississippi to

the mob, is quite certain; and it is also known that Walter Bagley, the

tax-collector for Hancock County, had spent some time in Missouri as

an anti-Mormon agent and agitator; seeking to bring about a concerted

action between the old enemies of the Saints, and those of like ilk in

Illinois.

While these hostile preparations were being made for his destruction,

and the extermination of his people, those at all acquainted with the

temperament of the Prophet Joseph, might well know that he was not

idle. He kept an efficient corps of clerks busy copying reports and

affidavits of threatened violence and insurrection, and sent them

to the governor, whom he petitioned to come to Nauvoo and in person

investigate the causes of the disturbance. Information was also sent to

the President of the United States, acquainting him with the prospects

of an insurrection, and an invasion of Illinois by Missourians, and

asking him for protection.

Nor was Joseph and his associates neglectful of anything that would

have a tendency to allay the excitement. Jesse B. Thomas, judge of

the circuit in which Hancock County was located, advised him to go

before some justice of the peace of the county and have an examination

of the charges specified in the writ issued by justice Morrison of

Carthage, and that would take away all excuse for a mob, and he would

be bound to order them to keep the peace. Some advised the Prophet to

go to Carthage, but that he emphatically refused to do. But he and all

others named in justice Morrison's warrant went before Squire Wells, a

non-Mormon justice of the peace, and after a thorough investigation of

the case were acquitted.

In addition to these movements, a mass meeting was held in Nauvoo,

at which John Taylor was chairman. Pacific resolutions were adopted,

denying the misrepresentations of the apostates, and appointing men to

go to the neighboring towns and settlements to present the truth to the

people and allay excitement. These men were authorized to say that the

members of the city council charged with riot and the violation of law,

were willing to go before the circuit court for an investigation of

their conduct in respect to the _Nauvoo Expositor_, and refused not to

be bound over for such a hearing. But when this announcement was made

and it was learned that Judge Thomas had advised this course to allay

excitement, the mob threatened that a committee would wait upon the

judge and give him a coat of tar and feathers for giving such advice.

These pacific measures appearing to have little or no effect, and

active preparations for hostilities continuing on the part of the

enemy, Nauvoo was placed under martial law; the Legion was mustered

into service, and Joseph in person took command of it. He was in full

uniform when he appeared before the Legion, and mounting an unfinished

frame building near the Mansion, he took occasion to address the

Legion and the people for about an hour and a half; during which time

he reviewed the events that had brought upon Nauvoo the issue that

confronted them.

To dispel any illusion that any of them might have that he was the only

one threatened, he said:

It is thought by some that our enemies would be satisfied by my

destruction, but I tell you as soon as they have shed my blood,

they will thirst for the blood of every man in whose heart dwells

a single spark of the spirit of the fullness of the Gospel. The

opposition of these men is moved by the spirit of the adversary of

all righteousness. It is not only to destroy me, but every man and

woman who dares believe the doctrines that God hath inspired me to

teach to this generation--

Words which subsequent events will prove to have been prophetic. He

also said:

We have forwarded a particular account of all our doings to the

governor. We are ready to obey his commands, and we expect that

protection at his hands which we know to be our just due.

We may add also, that when a petition was sent to the governor to come

to Nauvoo in person to investigate the cause of the disturbance, the

service of the Legion was tendered him to keep the peace. But that

Joseph had come to a settled determination to maintain the rights of

the people at all hazards, and submit no longer to mob violence, may be

clearly understood from the spirit of these extracts from the speech

made to the Legion on the occasion of his taking command of it.

We are American citizens. We live upon a soil for the liberties of

which our fathers periled their lives and split their blood upon

the battlefield. Those rights so dearly purchased shall not be

disgracefully trodden under foot by lawless marauders without at

least a noble effort on our part to sustain our liberties. Will you

stand by me to the death, and sustain at the peril of our lives,

the laws of our country, and the liberties and privileges which our

fathers have transmitted unto us, sealed with their sacred blood?

(Thousands shouted aye!) It is well. If you had not done it, I

would have gone out there, (pointing to the west) and would have

raised up a mighty people.

I call upon all men from Maine to the Rocky Mountains, and from

Mexico to British America, whose hearts thrill with horror to

behold the rights of free men trampled under foot, to come to the

deliverance of this people from the cruel hand of oppression,

cruelty, anarchy and misrule to which they have long been made

subject. * * * I call upon God and angels to witness that I have

unsheathed my sword with a firm and unalterable determination that

this people shall have their legal rights and shall be protected

from mob violence, or my blood shall be split upon the ground like

water, and my body be consigned to the silent tomb. While I live, I

will never tamely submit to the dominion of cursed mobocracy.

There was much more of a like tenor, but this is sufficient to show

the determination of the Prophet not to submit to the mobs then rising

about him; and the people warmly seconded his resolution.

At this juncture Joseph requested his brother Hyrum to take his family

and go with them to Cincinnati. But Hyrum demurred and said, "Joseph,

I can't leave you!" Joseph, turning to a number of brethren present,

said: "I wish I could get Hyrum out of the way, so that he may live to

avenge my blood, and I will stay with you and see it out." But Hyrum

Smith was not the kind of man to leave his brother now that the hour

of his severest trial had come upon him. His noble nature revolted

at the thought, and though the spirit had doubtless whispered Joseph

that his life and that of Hyrum's would be sacrificed in the impending

crisis, his pathetic words, "Joseph, I can't leave you!" bear testimony

to the nobility of the soul that uttered them, and is a witness to

the strength of those bonds of love that bound him to his younger

brother. Moreover, in consequence of the Prophet's premonitions of his

approaching martyrdom, he had ordained his brother Hyrum to succeed him

in the presidency of The Church; and hence this consideration as well

as his affectionate regard for him as a brother doubtless led him to

try to get Hyrum out of harm's way. [3]

Word was sent to Brigham Young, then on a mission in the eastern

States, to return to Nauvoo, and to communicate with the other Apostles

and request them also to return to Nauvoo, as likewise all the Elders,

and as many more good, faithful men as felt disposed to accompany them,

to assist the Saints. Thus every effort was being put forth by the

people of Nauvoo to resist oppression and maintain their rights.

Footnotes

1. Millennial Star, volume xxii: page 631. This Wm. Marks afterwards

was prominent among those who induced the Prophet to come back and

deliver himself up to his enemies after the Prophet had started west.

After the Prophet's death he joined the apostate James J. Strang in his

attempt to lead The Church, and still later was a principal factor in

bringing into existence the "Josephite" or "Reorganized Church." See

the author's work on "Succession in the Presidency of The Church."

2. A full account of this conspiracy written by Horace Cummings was

published in the Contributor, vol. v.

3. "If Hyrum had lived he would not have stood between Joseph and the

Twelve, but he would have stood for Joseph. Did Joseph ordain any man

to take his place? He did. Who was it? It was Hyrum. But Hyrum fell a

martyr before Joseph did."--_Brigham Young_, in a speech at the October

conference at Nauvoo, 1844. In _Times and Seasons_, Vol. v. p. 683.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

COMPLIANCE WITH THE DEMANDS OF GOVERNOR FORD.

IN the midst of these preparations, a message was received from

Governor Ford, stating that he had arrived in Carthage in the interests

of peace, and hoped to be able to avert the evils of war by his

presence; and that he might the better judge of the situation he asked

that well-informed and discreet persons be sent to him at Carthage,

where he had established for the time his headquarters. This request

of the governor's was gladly complied with on the part of the people

of Nauvoo; and John Taylor and Dr. J. M. Bernhisel were appointed to

represent their version of the situation, and for that purpose were

furnished with a copy of the proceedings of the city council, and the

affidavits of a number of citizens bearing on the subjects that would

likely be discussed.

These representatives of the citizens of Nauvoo, found the governor

surrounded by their enemies--the Laws, Fosters, and Higbees, besides

others living at Warsaw and Carthage. The only audience given to

Messrs. Taylor and Bernhisel was in the presence of these parties, by

whom they were frequently interrupted in the most insulting manner, and

the parties insulting and abusing them were unchecked by Governor Ford.

After the governor had heard the statements of these gentlemen and

read the documents presented by them, he sent a written communication

to the mayor, Joseph Smith, in which he said that by destroying the

_Expositor_ press, the city council of Nauvoo had committed a gross

outrage upon the laws and liberties of the people, and had violated the

Constitution in several particulars. He also claimed that the municipal

court of Nauvoo had exceeded its authority in granting writs of _habeas

corpus_. He accepted the statement of the mob at Carthage that Joseph

Smith refused to be tried by any other court than the municipal court

of Nauvoo, although he had before him the most positive proof that

Joseph was willing to go before any justice of the peace in Hancock

County, except Justice Morrison of Carthage, where an angry mob had

collected, and were threatening his destruction, and since the warrant

was made returnable to the magistrate who issued it, or any other

justice in the county, the Prophet expressed a willingness to go before

any other justice, but very properly refused to go to Carthage. He was

even willing to be bound over to appear in the circuit court to answer

for the part he took in abating the _Expositor_ press as a nuisance.

Yet in the face of these facts--in the face of the fact that all the

parties charged with riot had appeared before D. H. Wells, a justice of

the peace and a non-Mormon, and after investigation were acquitted--yet

the governor charged the members of the city council with refusing

to appear before any other than the municipal court of Nauvoo for an

investigation. He demanded that the mayor and all persons in Nauvoo

accused or sued submit in all cases implicitly to the process of the

courts and to interpose no obstacles to an arrest, either by writ of

_habeas corpus_ or otherwise. And in the case of the mayor and a number

of the city council charged with riot, he required that they should

be arrested by the same constable, by virtue of the same warrant, and

tried before the same magistrate, whose authority he insisted had been

resisted. "Nothing short of this," he added, "can vindicate the dignity

of violated law, and allay the just excitement of the people." Messrs.

Taylor and Bernhisel called his attention to the state of excitement in

Carthage, and informed him that there were men there bent on killing

the Prophet, and that to ensure his safety it would be necessary for

him to be accompanied by an armed force which would doubtless provoke

a collision. In answer to this the governor advised them to bring no

arms, and pledged his faith as governor, and that of the State, to

protect those who should go to Carthage for trial. He also made the

same pledge in his written communication to Joseph.

The conduct of the governor in thus adopting the reports of the enemies

of the citizens of Nauvoo, and menacing the city with destruction, if

his arbitrary commands were not complied with, created no small amount

of astonishment in Nauvoo. Joseph, however, wrote a courteous reply,

corrected the governor's errors, and also represented that the city

council of Nauvoo had acted on their best judgment, aided by the best

legal advice they could procure; but if a mistake had been made they

were willing to make all things right; but asked that the mob might be

dispersed, that their lives might not be endangered while on trial.

Relative to going to Carthage, however, Joseph pointed out the fact

that the governor himself in his written communication had expressed

his fears that he could not control the mob; "in which case," he went

on to say, "we are left to the mercy of the merciless. Sir, we dare not

come for our lives would be in danger, and we are guilty of no crime."

On a hasty consultation with his brother Hyrum, Dr. Richards, and

Messrs. Taylor and Bernhisel, after the return of the latter from their

conference with Governor Ford it was decided that Joseph should proceed

to Washington and lay the case before President Tyler, and he informed

Governor Ford of this intention in the letter above referred to. That

plan, however, at a subsequent council meeting was abandoned; as Joseph

received an inspiration to go to the West, and all would be well. He

said to the trusted brethren in that council:

The way is open. It is clear to my mind what to do. All they

want is Hyrum and myself; then tell everybody to go about their

business, and not collect in groups, but scatter about. There is

no danger; they will come here and search for us. Let them search;

they will not harm you in person or in property, and not even a

hair of your head. We will cross the river tonight and go away to

the West.

This was between nine and ten o'clock on the night of the twenty-second

of June, and preparations were at once entered into to carry out

this impression of the Spirit. W. W. Phelps was instructed to take

the families of the Prophet and his brother to Cincinnati; and that

night O. P. Rockwell rowed Joseph, Hyrum and Dr. Richards over the

Mississippi to Montrose, and then returned with instructions to procure

horses for them and make all necessary preparations to start for "the

great basin in the Rocky Mountains."

About ten o'clock the next day the governor's _posse_ arrived in Nauvoo

to arrest Joseph, but not finding him it returned to Carthage, leaving

a man by the name of Yates to watch for the Prophet's appearing. This

man said that if the mayor and his brother were not given up, the

governor had expressed a determination to send his troops into the city

and guard it until they were found, if it took three years.

At this crisis, some of Joseph's friends instead of rendering him all

possible assistance to escape from his enemies, complained of his

conduct as cowardly and entreated him to return to Nauvoo and not leave

them like a false shepherd leaves his flock when the wolves attack

them. The parties most forward in making this charge of cowardice were

Reynolds Cahoon, L. D. Wasson and Hiram Kimball. Emma Smith, his wife,

also sent a letter by the hand of Reynolds Cahoon, entreating him to

return and give himself up, trusting to the pledges of the governor for

a fair trial. Influenced by these entreaties to return, and stung by

the taunts of cowardice from those who should have been his friends,

he said: "If my life is of no value to my friends, it is of none to

myself." And after a brief consultation with Rockwell and his brother

Hyrum, against his better judgment, and with the conviction fixed in

his soul that he would be killed, he resolved to return; and crossed

over the river that evening to Nauvoo.

His first act after arriving in the beautiful city of which he was

the chief founder, was to send word to the governor, by the hand of

Theodore Turley and Jedediah M. Grant that he would be ready to go

to Carthage as early on the morrow as his (the governor's) _posse_

could meet him--provided he could be assured a fair trial, and his

witnesses not be abused. That message was delivered to the governor,

and he decided at once to send a _posse_ to escort Joseph and his

party to Carthage; but through the influence which Wilson Law, Joseph

H. Jackson and others of like character had over him, he changed his

good intention of sending a _posse_, and ordered Joseph's messengers to

return that night with orders to him to be in Carthage the next day by

ten o'clock without an escort; and he threatened that if Joseph did not

give himself up by that time, Nauvoo would be destroyed.

Owing to the jaded condition of their horses the messengers did not

reach Nauvoo until daylight of the twenty-fourth. After the orders of

the governor were delivered, the faithful brethren who reported them

began to warn the Prophet against trusting himself in the hands of his

enemies, but he stopped them and would not hear them further--he had

decided on his course.