The Exodus--the Fall of Nauvoo
APPENDIX I.
Correspondence Between Joseph Smith and John C. CALHOUN
APPENDIX II.
Clay's Letter to Joseph Smith and the Latter's Reply
APPENDIX III.
Joseph Smith's Views of the Power and Policy of the Government of the
United States
APPENDIX IV.
An Account of the Martyrdom of Joseph Smith, by President John Taylor
INTRODUCTION.
Once in an ancient city, * * *
Raised aloft on a column, a brazen statue of Justice
Stood in the public square, upholding the scales in its left hand,
And in its right hand a sword, as an emblem that justice presided
Over the laws of the land, and the hearts and the homes of the people.
But in the course of time the laws of the land were corrupted;
Might took the place of right, and the weak were oppressed, and the mighty--
Ruled with an iron rod.--_Evangeline_.
QUEEN ANNE'S war was brought to a close by the treaty of Utrecht, in
1713. By this treaty the French province, Nova Scotia, was ceded by
France to England; and, of course, the inhabitants, nearly exclusively
French, and numbering some three thousand, became subjects of Great
Britain. Less than half a century later, when the French and Indian
war broke out, the French population had increased to eighteen
thousand--outnumbering the English three to one. In fact the presence
of the English amounted to nothing more than a military occupation of
the peninsula. These French peasants, usually called Acadians, had
brought under cultivation large tracts of land; owned about sixty
thousand head of cattle; had built neat cottage homes, established
peaceful hamlets, and lived in a state of plenty, but great simplicity.
They were reputed to be a peaceable, industrious, and amiable race;
governed mostly by their pastors, who exercised a paternal authority
over them.
Thus dwelt together in love these simple Acadian farmers--
Dwelt in the love of God and of man. Alike were they free from
Fear, that reigns with the tyrant, and envy, the vice of republics.
Neither locks had they to their doors, nor bars to their windows;
But their dwellings were open as day, and the hearts of their owners;
There the richest were poor, and the poorest lived in abundance.
When the French and Indian war broke out, these people were quietly
cultivating their farms, and manifested no warlike disposition. Still,
the deputy governor of the province, Lawrence by name, pretended to
fear an insurrection, should the French in Canada attempt an invasion
of Acadia. Therefore when General Braddock met in council with the
colonial governors at Alexandria, Lawrence urged the assembly to do
something to overawe the French, and strengthen the English authority.
A plan to humiliate the Acadians was decided upon, and placed in the
hands of the infamous deputy governor, Lawrence, and Colonel Monckton
to execute.
A fleet of forty vessels with three thousand regular troops on board,
left Boston in May, 1755, and after a successful voyage anchored in
Chignecto Bay. Landing their troops, they besieged Fort Beau-Sejour,
which had been erected by the French, on the isthmus connecting
Nova Scotia with New Brunswick. After a feeble resistance the fort
capitulated, and in less than a month, with the loss of only twenty
men, the English had made themselves masters of the whole country. The
inglorious campaign was ended, but the fact still existed that the
obnoxious Acadians outnumbered the English; and the question remained
as it was before the invasion. The deputy governor convened a council
"to consider what disposal of the Acadians the security of the country
required." The result of the deliberations was this: The security of
the country required the banishment of the entire French population!
Lawrence and his associates soon invented a scheme which furnished
an excuse for carrying into effect this infamous order. An oath of
allegiance was formulated to which the Acadians as consistent Catholics
could not subscribe, without doing violence to their consciences. They
refused to take the oath, but declared their loyalty to the English
government. This they were told was insufficient. At one fell stroke
they were adjudged guilty of treason, and the surrender of their boats
and firearms demanded. To these acts of tyranny the Acadians submitted.
They even offered to take the oath first required of them, but the
deputy governor said the day of grace was past; that once having
refused to take it, they must now endure the consequences.
Their lands, houses and cattle were declared forfeited: their peaceful
hamlets were laid waste; their houses given to the flames; the fruits
of years of honest industry and strict economy were wantonly destroyed,
and the people driven to the larger coast towns. In one district two
hundred and thirty-six houses were burned to the ground at once.
Part of the inhabitants who had escaped to the woods beheld all they
possessed wickedly destroyed by bands of marauders, without making
any resistance until their place of worship was wantonly set on fire.
Exasperated by this unhallowed deed, they rushed from their hiding
places, killed about thirty of the incendiaries, and retreated to the
woods.
To render this scheme of tyrannical banishment completely effective,
further treachery was necessary. In each district the people were
commanded to meet at a certain place and day on important business,
the nature of which was carefully concealed from them, until they were
assembled and surrounded by English troops; then the inhuman edict of
banishment was announced to the heart-broken peasants. Very little time
was allowed them for preparation. In mournful crowds they were driven
to the beach. Women with white faces pressed their babes to their
hearts; children dumb with terror clung to their parents; the aged and
the infirm as well as the young and strong shared the common fate.
At the large village of Grand Pre, when the moment for embarkation
arrived, the young men, who were placed in the front, refused to move;
but files of troops with fixed bayonets forced obedience. As soon
as they were on board the British shipping, heavy columns of black
smoke ascending from Grand Pre announced to the wretched Acadians the
destruction of their lovely village.
The embarkation of these peasants, and the burning of Grand Pre is thus
described by Longfellow:
Thus to the Gaspereau's mouth moved on that mournful procession.
There disorder prevailed, and the tumult and stir of embarking.
Busily plied the freighted boats; and in the confusion
Wives were torn from their husbands, and mothers, too late, saw their children
Left on the land, extending their arms with wildest entreaties.
* * * * * * * * * * *
Suddenly rose from the South a light, as in Autumn the blood red
Moon climbs the crystal walls of heaven, and o'er the horizon
Titan-like, stretches its hundred hands upon mountain and meadow,
Seizing the rocks and the rivers, and piling huge shadows together;
Broader and ever broader it gleamed on the roofs of the village,
Gleamed on the sky and the sea, and the ships that lie in the road stead.
Columns of shining smoke uprose and flashes of flame were
Thrust through their folds and withdrawn, like the quivering hands of a martyr.
Then as the winds seized the gleeds and the burning thatch, and, uplifting,
Whirled them aloft through the air, at once from a hundred housetops
Started the sheeted smoke with flashes of flame intermingled.
These things beheld in dismay the crowd on the shore and on shipboard.
Speechless at first they stood, then cried aloud in their anguish,
"_We shall behold no more our homes in the village of Grand Pre_."
The property which had before escaped the hands of the spoilers was now
laid waste on the plea of discouraging the return of the exiles, who,
through their blinding tears, saw the land of their homes and their
hopes fade from view.
No preparations had been made for their settlement elsewhere; nor
did they receive any compensation for their property from which they
were forced, or that had been wickedly destroyed. In a starving and
penniless state, they were put ashore in small groups at different
points along the coast of New England, where many of them perished
through the hardships they endured. A pathetic representation of their
wrongs was addressed to the English government, and by reference to
solemn treaties made between them and the provincial government, they
proved their banishment to be "as faithless as it was cruel." "No
attention, however," says Marcus Wilson, "was paid to this document,
and so guarded a silence was preserved by the government of Nova Scotia
upon the subject of the removal of the Acadians, that the records of
the province make no allusion whatever to the event."
After the close of the French and Indian war, France ceded all her
possessions in Canada to victorious England. The case of the Acadians
was again brought before the English government, but no compensation
was ever allowed them for the outrages committed against them. The
property of which they were ruthlessly plundered was never restored.
They were allowed to return to the province, and, on taking the
customary oaths, could receive lands; but of the eighteen thousand that
were banished, less than two thousand returned:
Still stands the forest primeval; but under the shade of its branches
Dwells another race, with other customs and language.
Only along the shore of the mournful and misty Atlantic
Linger a few Acadian peasants, whose fathers from exile
Wandered back to their native land to die in its bosom.
For such atrocious acts as these, we find no apologist among our
historians. On every hand they meet with execration. Such wanton
cruelty--such palpable violations of human rights are stains upon the
escutcheon of the nation that permits them to be perpetrated within her
borders.
It is quite generally supposed that such atrocious crimes as this
against the French peasants of Acadia are only to be met with in former
ages or among non-Christian countries. But in writing the history of
the Rise and Fall of Nauvoo--strange as it may appear, and almost
past believing--it is my task to relate events which have taken place
in the nineteenth century, in this age of boasted enlightenment and
toleration, that shall make the expulsion of the French peasants from
Acadia pale in comparison with them; events which have occurred in the
United States, the boasted asylum for the oppressed of all nations;
events which would be more in keeping with the intolerance of the dark
ages and the cruelty of Spain, during the reign of the inquisition,
than in this age and in this nation. What events are these that so
thunder in the index? Such deeds as outrage humanity, and well-nigh
destroy one's confidence in human governments; mock justice; deride the
claims of mercy; and pull down the wrath of an offended God upon the
people who perform them, and upon the government which allows them to
go unwhipped of justice. Listen to the history of the Rise and Fall of
Nauvoo.
THE RISE AND FALL OF NAUVOO.
CHAPTER I.
NAUVOO.
THE history of the Rise and Fall of Nauvoo is worthy the attention of
the readers of this book because its story is connected with one of
the most important religious movements of this or any other age; and
with the life and death of one of the world's greatest and most unique
characters, the Prophet Joseph Smith. It is worthy of the reader's
attention because the religious institution founded under God by this
man--the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints--survives him, and
presents to the world the greatest religious wonder of the age, a right
conception of which cannot be formed without a knowledge of this Nauvoo
period of the history of The Church; a period which is essentially
a formative one, especially in regard to what may be considered the
higher and more complex doctrines of Mormonism. It was in Nauvoo that
Joseph Smith reached the summit of his remarkable career. It was in
Nauvoo he grew bolder in the proclamation of those doctrines which
stamp Mormonism as the great religion of the age. It was in Nauvoo that
Joseph Smith's life expanded into that eloquent fullness which gives so
much promise of what that man will be in eternity. It was in Nauvoo he
contended against a world of opposition; against the power of falsehood
and misrepresentation; against priestcraft; against corruption in
high places; from here he corresponded with statesman, and rebuked
demagogues; from here he went to martyrdom--to seal his testimony with
his blood. And after his death, it was from here his people fled to the
wilderness in the most remarkable exodus of modern times. The Church
fled into the wilderness--not, however to be hidden from the world, but
to be lifted up on high as an ensign to the nations, to be as a city
sitting upon a hill that cannot be hid, but on the contrary, from its
lofty eminence challenges the attention of the world. In Illinois, as
in Missouri, the religious toleration guaranteed in the Constitutions
of both the State of Illinois and of the United States--religious
toleration, at once the boast and pride of Americans, and also the
test of true enlightenment and the highest civilization--this vaunted
toleration was in Nauvoo put to the test and found wanting. That is,
before the exodus of The Church from Nauvoo, it became evident that
a people accepting what to their neighbors was a singular faith, and
one that was unpopular withal, could not live in peace among their
fellow-citizens of other faiths, and hence the exodus, not only from
Nauvoo but from the entire State of Illinois and also from the United
States. The Latter-day Saints, in a word, were expatriated from the
United States, [1] and sought an asylum in the wilderness, and among
tribes of savages. From whence, after half a century, that same Church
emerges, enlarged, prosperous, more firmly rooted in safety and in
strength of faith than ever before--a greater enigma to the religious
world than when it made its exodus from Illinois.
All these things have a relation to Nauvoo, for The Church had a
sort of second birth there, which makes the Rise and Fall of Nauvoo
a theme of peculiar interest to those interested in what the world
calls Mormonism, and who is not or should not be interested in a
religious movement of such proportions, of such pretensions and of such
achievements in the face of such opposition as it has met? * * * * * *
Nauvoo, then, its rise and its fall, is to be the subject of my
discourse. The word Nauvoo comes from the Hebrew, and signifies
beautiful situation; "carrying with it also," says the prophet Joseph
Smith, "the idea of rest." And, indeed, the location of the city is
beautiful. No sooner does one come in view of it than he exclaims,
"It is rightly named!" The city, or at least the marred remains
of it, stands on a bold point around which sweeps the placid yet
majestic "Father of Waters"--the Mississippi. The city is at least
half encircled by that noble stream. From its banks the ground rises
gradually for at least a mile where it reaches the common level of the
prairie that stretches out to the eastward, farther than the eye can
reach, in a beautifully undulating surface, once covered by a luxuriant
growth of natural grasses and wild flowers, with here and there patches
of timber; but now chequered with meadows, and, at the time of my
visit, in 1885, with fields of waving corn.
Opposite Nauvoo, on the west bank of the river, the bluffs rise rather
abruptly, almost from the water's edge, and are covered, for the most
part, with a fine growth of timber. Nestling at the foot of one of the
highest of these bluffs, and immediately on the bank of the river, is
the little village of Montrose, to which I shall have occasion to refer
in these pages. Back of these bluffs before mentioned, roll off the
alternate prairie and woodlands of Iowa. Between Montrose and Nauvoo,
and perhaps two thirds of the distance across the river from the
Illinois side, is an island, from three-fourths of a mile to a mile in
length, and from fifty to one or two hundred yards in width, having its
greatest extent north and south.
Nauvoo is situated just at the head of what are usually called the
Des Moines Rapids, about one hundred and ninety miles above St.
Louis. These rapids were a serious obstacle to the navigation of the
Mississippi at this point, in an early day, as in the season of low
water they could not be passed by the steamboats plying the river.
This difficulty of late, however, has been obviated by the general
government building a fine canal, running parallel with the west bank
of the river, from Keokuk to Montrose, a distance of twelve or fifteen
miles. I was unable to learn the cost of the construction, but judge it
must have required at least several millions of dollars.
Such is the location of Nauvoo; such its immediate surroundings. It
now remains for me to relate the events which led to the establishment
of a thriving city on the site we have briefly described; how it was
converted from a sickly wilderness to the most desirable section of the
great State of Illinois; and then how, through acts of injustice and
treachery, some of its principal founders were murdered and the rest
of its inhabitants cruelly driven from the city by mob violence into
the wilderness; and how the city sank from its prosperous condition,
to become the semi-desolate place it is today; and, what is of more
importance, to trace the development of that faith taught by Joseph
Smith, which is destined to become, and indeed now is, one of the
world's great religions.
Footnotes
1. When the Mormon Pioneers arrived in the Salt Lake valley, that whole
intermountain region still belonged to the republic of Mexico.
CHAPTER II.
THE RECEPTION OF THE EXILES IN ILLINOIS.
IN what is properly a companion volume to this--"The Missouri
Persecutions"--I have told how the Latter-day Saints were driven from
Missouri under a threat of extermination from the executive of that
State, Lilburn W. Boggs. When fleeing from Missouri, where they had
suffered so much from mob violence, and from the State government
officials, the Mormon exiles crossed the Mississippi into the State of
Illinois, at the point near where the city of Quincy is located--in
fact, at the Quincy Ferry. Their destitute condition, together with
the injustice they had suffered in Missouri--the spectacle of a people
in free America being driven from their homes and exiled from one of
the States of the American Union because of religious beliefs--aroused
the indignation and excited the sympathy of the people of Quincy and
vicinity. A kind reception was given to the exiles by the people of
this section of Illinois, one very similar to that given to many of the
same people by the inhabitants of Clay County, when a cruel persecution
had driven some twelve hundred of them from their homes in Jackson
County, Missouri, five years before. [1] The Democratic Association of
Quincy was especially active in the interests of the exiles. In the
month of February a meeting was called by this association to inquire
into the situation of the Mormon exiles. At this first meeting all that
was done was to pass a resolution, to the effect that the people called
Latter-day Saints were in a situation requiring the aid of the people
of Quincy. A committee of eight was appointed to call a general meeting
of both citizens and Mormons, and to receive a statement from the
latter of their condition, with a view to relieving their necessities.
The committee was instructed to get the Congregational church in
which to hold the next meeting, but the directors having in charge
that building would not allow it to be used for that purpose. I speak
of this to show the kind of charity existing in the breasts of some
pretended followers of Him who taught that charity was the crowning
virtue. Failing to secure the church, the second meeting was held in
the courthouse.
At this meeting the special committee appointed at the first meeting
reported its labors. The committee had received statements from Sidney
Rigdon and others in relation to the expulsion of the Mormons from
Missouri, and suggested a series of resolutions setting forth that the
exiled strangers were entitled to the sympathy and aid of the people of
Quincy;
That a numerous committee, composed of individuals from every part
of the town, be appointed to allay the prejudices of the misguided
citizens of Quincy, and explain that it was not the design of the
exiled Saints to lower the wages of the laboring classes, but to secure
something to save them from starvation;
That a standing committee be appointed to relieve, so far as in their
power, the wants of the destitute and homeless; and to use their utmost
endeavors to procure employment for those who were able and willing to
labor.
The report closed by saying:--
We recommend to all the citizens of Quincy that in all their
intercourse with the strangers, they use and observe a becoming
decorum and delicacy, and be particularly careful not to indulge in
any conversation or expression calculated to wound their feelings,
or in any way to reflect upon those who, by every law of humanity,
are entitled to our sympathy and commiseration.
This good work begun by the Democratic Association was continued by
them, and substantial assistance was given to the suffering Saints
through their exertions. At a subsequent meeting of the association the
following resolutions were adopted:
That we regard the right of conscience as natural and inalienable,
and the most sacredly guaranteed by the Constitution of our free
government;
That we regard the acts of all mobs in violation of law; and those
who compose them individually responsible, both to the laws of God
and man, for every depredation committed upon the property, rights,
or life of any citizen;
That the inhabitants upon the western frontier of the State of
Missouri, in their late persecution of the people denominated
Mormons, have violated the sacred rights of conscience and every
law of justice and humanity;
That the governor of Missouri, in refusing protection to this class
of people, when pressed upon by a heartless mob, and turning upon
them a band of unprincipled militia, with orders encouraging their
extermination, has brought a lasting disgrace upon the State over
which he presides.
Thus with expressions of sympathy and material aid did the people of
Quincy assist the exiles and bid them hope for better days. Nor was
this kindly feeling confined to the people of Quincy and vicinity;
it extended throughout the State; and especially was it exhibited by
some of the leading men thereof, including Governor Carlin, Stephen A.
Douglas, Dr. Isaac Galland and many others.
Footnotes
1. Missouri Persecutions, Chapter xiv.
CHAPTER III.
COMMERCE--LAND PURCHASES.
IN the fall of 1838 a brother by the name of Israel Barlow left the
State of Missouri under the exterminating order of Governor Boggs. By
missing his way, or, what is more likely, directed by the hand of a
kind Providence, he did not leave the State by the same route as the
great body of his people, but taking a northeasterly course, struck the
Des Moines River a short distance above its mouth, in the Territory of
Iowa. He was without food and destitute of clothing. Making his wants
known to the people living in that locality, they kindly supplied him
with food and raiment. To them he related the story of the persecution
of the Latter-day Saints in Missouri, and how his people, poor and
destitute as himself, were fleeing from the State _en masse_. His
relation of the sufferings of the Saints, and the cruelties heaped
upon them by their heartless persecutors, enlisted the sympathies of
his hearers, and they gave him letters of introduction to several
gentlemen, among which was one to Dr. Isaac Galland, a gentleman of
some influence living at Commerce, a small settlement on the banks of
the Mississippi, in Illinois, and which afterward became the site of
Nauvoo.
Dr. Galland owned considerable land in Commerce, and he wrote the
Saints located in Quincy that several farms could doubtless be rented
in his locality, and that perhaps some fifty families could be
accommodated at Commerce. In addition to this offer of lands made to
The Church, another and a previous one had been made of twenty thousand
acres, between the Des Moines and the Mississippi rivers. This tract
could have been purchased at two dollars per acre, to be paid in twenty
annual payments without interest. A conference was convened at Quincy
in February, and the advisability of making the purchase and settling
the Saints in a body came up for consideration. It was decided by the
conference that it was not advisable to locate lands at that time.
Subsequently, however, on the ninth day of March, the Saints having
received further offers of land in Illinois and Iowa, called another
public meeting and appointed a committee to go and examine the lands
offered. In Iowa, the people and officers of the Territory expressed a
kindly feeling toward the exiled Saints. The governor of Iowa--Robert
Lucas--had known the Saints in Ohio, and testified to Dr. Galland that
the Mormon people, when they were in Ohio, were good citizens, and he
respected them as such now, and would treat them accordingly, should
they, or any part of them, decide to settle in his Territory. The
statement is made in answer to a letter of inquiry on the subject of
the Mormons settling in Iowa. He wrote to Dr. Isaac Galland as follows:
EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, BURLINGTON
March, 1839.
DEAR SIR--On my return to this city, after a few weeks' absence in
the interior of the Territory, I received your letter of the 25th
ultimo, in which you give a short account of the sufferings of the
_people called Mormons_, and ask "whether they could be permitted
to purchase lands, and settle upon them, in the Territory of Iowa,
and there worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their
own consciences, secure from oppression," etc.
In answer to your inquiry, I would say, that I know of no authority
that can constitutionally deprive them of this right. They are
citizens of the United States, and are entitled to all the rights
and privileges of other citizens. The 2nd section of the 4th
Article of the Constitution of the United States (which all are
solemnly bound to support), declares that the "citizens of each
State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of
citizens of the several States." This privilege extends in full
force to the Territories of the United States. The first Amendment
to the Constitution of the United States declares that "Congress
shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof."
The Ordinance of Congress of the 13th July, 1787, for the
government of the Territory northwest of the river Ohio, secures
to the citizens of said Territory, and the citizens of the States
thereafter to be formed therein, certain privileges which were, by
the late Act of Congress organizing the Territory of Iowa, extended
to the citizens of this Territory.
The first fundamental Article in that Ordinance, which is declared
to be forever unalterable, except by common consent, reads as
follows, to-wit: "No person demeaning himself in a peaceable and
orderly manner, shall ever be molested on account of his mode of
worship, or religious sentiments in said Territory."
These principles, I trust, will ever be adhered to in the Territory
of Iowa. They make no distinction between religious sects. They
extend equal privileges and protection to all; each must rest upon
its own merits, and will prosper in proportion to the purity of its
principles, and the fruit of holiness and piety produced thereby.
With regard to the peculiar people mentioned in your letter, I know
but little. They had a community in the northern part of Ohio for
several years; and I have no recollection of ever having heard in
that State of any complaints against them from violating the laws
of the country. Their religious opinions, I consider, has nothing
to do with our political transactions. They are citizens of the
United States, and are entitled to the same political rights and
legal protection that other citizens are entitled to.
The foregoing are briefly my views on the subject of your inquiries.
With sincere respect,
I am your obedient servant,
ROBERT LUCAS.
To ISAAC GALLAND, Esq., Commerce, Illinois.
This communication Dr. Galland sent to the Quincy _Argus_, accompanied
by the following note:
COMMERCE, ILLINOIS,
April 12, 1839.
MESSRS. EDITORS:--Enclosed I send you a communication from Governor
Lucas of Iowa Territory. If you think the publication thereof
will in any way promote the cause of justice, by vindicating
the slandered reputation of the people called Mormons, from the
ridiculous falsehoods which the malice, cupidity and envy of
their murderers in Missouri have endeavored to heap upon them,
you are respectfully solicited to publish it in the _Argus_. The
testimony of Governor Lucas as to the good moral character of
these people, I think will have its deserved influence upon the
people of Illinois, in encouraging our citizens in their humane and
benevolent exertions to relieve this distressed people, who are now
wandering in our neighborhoods without comfortable food, raiment,
or a shelter from the pelting storm.
I am, gentlemen, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
ISAAC GALLAND.
In conversation with Dr. Galland, Isaac Van Allen, Esq.,
attorney-general for the same Territory (Iowa), gave him to understand
that he would, so far as within his power, protect the Mormon people
from insult and injury. It was these assurances of sympathy and
protection which led to a reconsideration of the conclusion of the
former conference, and the appointment of a committee to examine the
lands offered. But little or nothing was ever done by this committee.
On the twenty-second of April, 1839, the Prophet Joseph joined the
exiled Saints at Quincy. After a cruel imprisonment of over five
months, he had escaped from his persecutors while en route from Liberty
prison, Clay County, to Columbia, Boone County, to which he and his
companions in prison had taken a change of venue for trial. The guards
got drunk and were evidently willing for their prisoners to escape.
At any rate, the Prophet, in stating the circumstance in his history,
says: "We thought it a favorable opportunity to make our escape;
knowing that the only object of our enemies was our destruction; and
likewise knowing that a number of our brethren had been massacred by
them on Shoal Creek, amongst whom were two children; and they had
sought every opportunity to abuse others who were left in the State;
and that they were never brought to an account for their barbarous
proceedings, but were winked at and encouraged by those in authority.
We thought that it was necessary for us, inasmuch as we loved our
lives, and did not wish to die by the hand of murderers and assassins;
and inasmuch as we loved our families and friends, to deliver ourselves
from our enemies." And so the Prophet and his companions escaped and
arrived in Quincy as already stated.
I need not stop to undertake a description of the scenes of this
exiled people welcoming their youthful Prophet into their midst, after
such trials as they had passed through, in which the strength of each
man's soul and love for his brethren had been tested. The Saints had
seen their Prophet and his fellow prisoners betrayed into the hands
of a merciless enemy, and knew that a court-martial of the Missouri
State militia had condemned him and his companions to be shot in the
public square at Far West. They had seen him and his fellow-prisoners
torn away from their parents and families, and their people, under
circumstances the most distressing. They had been told by the haughty
commander-in-chief of the mob militia forces which invested Far
West--General Clark--that the doom of their leaders was sealed, and
they need not expect, nor even let it enter into their hearts that they
would be permitted to see them again. Many of them had seen him chained
like a felon, standing before unjust judges, whose hearts were filled
to overflowing with hatred towards him. Contrary to every principle
of justice, he had been sent to languish in prison in the midst of
his enemies; while they themselves, with bursting hearts and blinding
tears, were compelled to sign away their lands and homes at the muzzle
of the musket and flee from the Christian State of Missouri, under the
exterminating order issued by Governor Boggs. Yet in all these trials,
from the dangers of the murderous militia camps, from the malice of
corrupt courts, and the injustice of drunken juries, and at last from
the prison's gloom, a kind Providence had delivered him, and he was
again in their midst, again with them to still their fears and direct
their movements.
His presence was the signal for action. He arrived in Quincy on the
22nd of April. The day following he spent in greeting his friends, and
receiving visits from the brethren; but on the twenty-fourth he called
and presided over a conference, at which, in connection with Bishop
Knight and Alanson Ripley, he was appointed to go to Iowa to select
a place for the gathering of the exiled Saints. The conference also
advised the brethren, who could do so, to go to Commerce and locate in
Dr. Galland's neighborhood.
On the first of May the committee purchased a farm of one hundred
and thirty-five acres, for which they agreed to pay five thousand
dollars; also another and a larger farm of Dr. Galland for nine
thousand dollars. The committee desired that these farms should be
deeded to Alanson Ripley, but Sidney Rigdon, manifesting a rather
sour disposition, said that no committee should control any property
that he had anything to do with. So the purchase made of Dr. Galland
was deeded to Sidney Rigdon's son-in-law, G. W. Robinson, with the
understanding that he should deed it to The Church as soon as it was
paid for according to the contract. This was the first purchase of
lands made in Commerce. The place is thus described by Joseph: "When
I made the purchase of White and Galland, there was one stone house,
three frame houses, and two blockhouses, which constituted the whole
city of Commerce."
This small collection of houses was immediately on the banks of the
river, and scattered between them and what afterwards became the south
part of the city of Nauvoo, were one stone and three log houses. It
was one of these humble dwellings that Joseph moved into on the tenth
of May, 1839. Back some distance from the river, however, were other
dwellings scattered over the country, one of which was the home of
Daniel H. Wells, a justice of the peace for the district of Commerce,
and who afterwards became a prominent Church leader, one of the
counselors, in fact, in the First Presidency of The Church.
Later, when referring to the purchase of lands about Commerce, the
Prophet Joseph said:
The place was literally a wilderness. The land was mostly covered
with trees and bushes, and much of it was so wet that it was with
the utmost difficulty that a footman could get through, and totally
impossible for teams. Commerce was unhealthy, very few could live
there; but believing that it might become a healthy place by the
blessing of heaven to the Saints, and no more eligible place
presenting itself, I considered it wisdom to make an attempt to
build up a city.
Having spoken of the first purchase of lands at Commerce, it may not
be amiss here to say that subsequently more extensive purchases were
made of Dr. Galland and Messrs. Hubbard, Wells, Hotchkiss and others.
Considerable difficulty and embarrassment to Joseph personally and to
The Church in general arose over misunderstandings about the Hotchkiss
land purchase. Hotchkiss sold to Joseph for The Church upwards of
five hundred acres of land in Commerce, for which he was to receive
fifty-three thousand five hundred dollars, half to be paid in ten
years, and the remainder in twenty years. This amount was secured to
Hotchkiss & Company by two notes, one payable in ten years and the
other in twenty, signed by Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith and Sidney Rigdon.
The difficulty connected with this extensive land purchase arose from
some exchanges that were made of property in the east, by some of
the Saints, for its equivalent in value in land out of the Hotchkiss
purchase in Commerce; the matter, however, was finally amicably settled.
The terms on which Dr. Galland let The Church have lands were extremely
advantageous to the Saints. He sold at a reasonable rate, and on long
credit, that the people might not be distressed in paying for the
inheritance they purchased. In addition to the first purchase, he
exchanged lands with the Saints in the vicinity of Commerce for lands
in Missouri, to the value of eighty thousand dollars. And he gave
them a good title to the same. He is described as a man of literary
attainments and extensive information and influence. All of which he
used for the good of the exiled Saints in giving them a standing among
his friends. Finally he joined The Church, thus casting his lot with
the exiled people he had assisted, and from that time until his death,
partook of their joys and their sorrows; shared their fortunes and
reverses.
In addition to these land purchases, The Church made others; some of
them even more extensive than those already mentioned. The village
of Nashville, in Lee County, Iowa, and twenty thousand acres of land
adjoining, was bought, though upon what terms the purchase was made
cannot be learned. Another purchase also in Iowa was made by Bishop
Knight, and a settlement was started there called Zarahemla, which was
opposite Nauvoo. This place was organized into a stake [1] of Zion,
but in January, 1842, the stake organization was discontinued; though
Zarahemla continued as an organized branch of The Church.
Stakes of Zion in the following year were organized at Lima, in
Illinois; also at Quincy, in Adams County, for the benefit of the
Saints who continued there. Another stake was organized at Columbus,
in Adams County, Illinois, known as Mount Hope stake; besides these
stakes, branches of the Church were organized in various parts of
Lee County, Iowa, and Adams and Hancock counties, Illinois. But as
Nauvoo rose from the swamps and underbrush of Commerce, and, under the
industry and enterprise of the Saints, and the blessings of a kindly
disposed Providence, developed into a healthy, beautiful and prosperous
commercial and manufacturing city, these stake organizations in the
surrounding country were discontinued, and Nauvoo became the one great
gathering place of the Saints.
Footnotes
1. A stake of Zion is a territorial division of The Church that
embraces several wards or branches. The stake is presided over by a
president, who must be a High Priest, assisted by two counselors, also
High Priests. There must also be in each stake of Zion a high council,
consisting of twelve High Priests, over which council the presidency
of the stake preside. This high council constitutes the judicial power
(ecclesiastical) of the stake, to which appeals lie from the bishops'
courts.
CHAPTER IV.
"AS FLIES IN THE OINTMENT."
HAVING described the site of Nauvoo, and related the circumstances
connected with its establishment as a gathering place of the Saints,
it is necessary to return to the consideration of some events which
occurred at Quincy during the sojourn of the Saints at that place.
Paul, in his day, told the Hebrews that all were not Israel that were
of Israel: so all were not Saints that flocked into Quincy with the
exiles from Missouri; many of them were altogether unworthy of the
association of the people of God. These preyed upon the hospitality
of the people of Quincy to such an extent, that The Church by action
of a conference authorized Elder John Taylor, then one of the Twelve
Apostles, and who afterwards became President of the Church, to write
the following letter, which was printed in the Quincy _Argus_:
In consequence of so great an influx of strangers, arriving in
this place daily, owing to their late expulsion from the State
of Missouri, there must of necessity be, and we wish to state to
the citizens of Quincy and the vicinity, through the medium of
your columns, that there are many individuals among the numbers
who have already arrived, as well as among those who are now on
their way here, who never did belong to our Church, and others who
once did, but who, for various reasons, have been expelled from
our fellowship. Among these are some who have contracted habits
which are at variance with principles of moral rectitude (such
as swearing, dram-drinking, etc.,) which immoralities the Church
of Latter-day Saints is liable to be charged with, owing to our
amalgamation under our late existing circumstances. And as we as a
people do not wish to lay under any such imputation, we would also
state, that such individuals do not hold a name or a place amongst
us; that we altogether discountenance everything of the kind,
that every person once belonging to our community, contracting or
persisting in such immoral habits, have hitherto been expelled from
our society; and that such as we may hereafter be informed of, we
will hold no communion with, but will withdraw our fellowship from
them.
We wish further to state, that we feel laid under peculiar
obligations to the citizens of this place for the patriotic
feelings which have been manifested, and for the hand of liberality
and friendship which was extended to us, in our late difficulties;
and should feel sorry to see that philanthropy and benevolence
abused by the wicked and designing people, who under pretense of
poverty and distress, should try to work up the feelings of the
charitable and humane, get into their debt without any prospect
or intention of paying, and finally, perhaps, we as a people be
charged with dishonesty.
We say that we altogether disapprove of such practices, and we warn
the citizens of Quincy against such individuals who may pretend to
belong to our community.
I have given this letter _in extenso_, because it bears upon its face
the evidence of the honesty of The Church, and its disposition to
treat the people of Illinois, who had so nobly and kindly received its
members in the days of their distress, with candor. It also tells us
of a class even then in The Church, who by the vileness of their lives
gave some coloring to the charges subsequently so unjustly made against
the whole Church; a class who brought upon The Church reproach; an
unrighteous, apostate element, which lingered with The Church for the
sake of advantage--the bane of the body religious.
CHAPTER V.
POLITICAL AGITATION.
ABOUT this time, too, the good feeling entertained toward the Saints by
the people of Quincy and vicinity was not a little endangered through
the unwise course of Lyman Wight. He began the publication of a series
of letters in the Quincy _Whig_, in which he laid the responsibility
of the outrages perpetrated against the Saints in Missouri upon the
Democratic party, implicating not only the Democrats of Missouri,
but indirectly the National Democratic party. This gave much
dissatisfaction to members of that party in the vicinity of Quincy, a
number of whom had been very active in assisting the Saints; and some
of the leading men approached prominent brethren, who still remained in
Quincy, and desired to know if The Church sustained the assertions of
Lyman Wight. Elder R. B. Thompson wrote a letter to President Joseph
Smith on the subject, in which he protested against the course taken by
Lyman Wight, because of the influence it was having on many of those
who had so nobly befriended the Saints in the day of their distress.
Besides, it was altogether unjust, for no particular political party
in Missouri was responsible for the cruelty practiced towards the
Saints. Those who were in the mobs which robbed them of their homes,
burned their houses, ran off their stock, and who whipped, murdered and
finally drove the people from the State of Missouri, were made up of
individuals of every shade of political faith, and of every religion,
and many of no religion whatever. It was unfair, then, under these
circumstances, that the responsibility should be laid at the charge of
any one party or sect of religion. So that Wight's course was not only
doing much mischief, but was also unjust.
To counteract the evil effect of Lyman Wight's communication to the
_Whig_, Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon and Hyrum Smith, then the presiding
quorum of the Church, published a letter in the _Whig_, from which I
make the following quotation:
We have not at any time thought there was any political party,
as such, chargeable with the Missouri barbarities, neither any
religious society, as such. They were committed by a mob, composed
of all parties, regardless of difference of opinion, either
political or religious.
The determined stand in this State, and by the people of Quincy
in particular, made against the lawless outrages of the Missouri
mobbers by all parties in politics and religion, have entitled
them equally to our thanks and our profoundest regards, and such,
gentlemen, we hope they will always receive from us. * * * We wish
to say to the public, through your paper, that we disclaim any
intention of making a political question of our difficulties with
Missouri, believing that we are not justified in so doing.
Lyman Wight was a bold, independent-spirited man; inclined to be
self-willed and refractory. No one could control him; and even counsel
or advice was usually disregarded--except it was from Joseph Smith. A
few years subsequent to the time of which I am now writing, Lyman Wight
himself said: "Joseph Smith is the only man who ever did control me;
he is the only man who ever shall." But to Joseph's words Lyman Wight
gave respectful attention, and bent his own strong will to comply with
the wishes of the Prophet. He himself was a master spirit, and could
apparently bring himself to acknowledge but one to whom he was willing
to yield his own judgment and his own will, and that one was Joseph
Smith. It is said by those acquainted with him, that in the Prophet's
hands his spirit was as pliable as that of a child.
It was one of Joseph's peculiar characteristics to be able to control
men--men, too, who were themselves master spirits; who were themselves
naturally leaders; and it is seldom, indeed, that such characters are
willing to take a second place. But in the presence of Joseph they
seemed naturally to accord him the leadership. He was a leader even
among master spirits; a leader of leaders; and it may not be amiss
here to briefly inquire into the apparently mysterious influence which
the Prophet exerted over the minds of others, by reason of which he
controlled them, since this particular instance in which Lyman Wight
figures, illustrates it.
In reply to the letter of R. B. Thompson, Joseph admitted that the
course of Wight was unfair, and said: The Church was not willing to
make of their troubles a political question; but he also said that
he considered it to be "the indefeasible right of every free man to
hold his own opinion in politics and religion;" and therefore would
have it understood that, as an individual, Lyman Wight had the right
to entertain and express whatever opinion he pleased in regard to
their troubles in Missouri; only intimating that care should be taken
not to set forth individual views as the views of The Church. In
writing to Lyman Wight on the subject, Joseph did not upbraid him,
nor peremptorily order him to discontinue the publication of his
letters, or retract them, but he informed him that the matter had been
considered in a council of The Church, and that the result was that
his course was disapproved. But Joseph took occasion to express his
confidence in Wight's good intentions, and said:
Knowing your integrity of principle, and steadfastness in the cause
of Christ, I feel not to exercise even the privilege of counsel on
the subject, save only to request that you will endeavor to bear
in mind the importance of the subject, and how easy it might be to
get a misunderstanding with the brethren concerning it; and though
last, but not least, that whilst you continue to go upon your own
credit, you will steer clear of making The Church appear as either
supporting or opposing you in your politics, lest such a course may
have a tendency to bring about persecution on The Church, where a
little wisdom and caution may avoid it. I do not know that there is
any occasion for my thus cautioning you in this thing, but having
done so, I hope it will be well taken, and that all things shall
eventually be found to work together for the good of the Saints.
* * * With every possible feeling of love and friendship for an
old fellow-prisoner and brother in the Lord, I remain, sir, your
sincere friend.
Throughout this whole affair it will be observed that Joseph starts out
with the idea that every individual is absolutely free and independent
as to entertaining views and in giving expression to them, both in
politics and religion, so long as he makes no one else responsible
for them; that in correcting Lyman Wight, he does it by appealing
to the man's reason, and by pointing out the possible result of his
course, which may be avoided by a little discretion; while the whole
communication breathes such a spirit of confidence in the man he is
correcting, and love for him as an "old fellow-prisoner," that it was
altogether irresistible. And this is the secret of Joseph's power to
control his brethren. There was no petty tyranny in his government.
He was above that. Every right he claimed for himself, he accorded to
others; while his mildness in correcting errors and his unbounded love
for his brethren knit them to him in bands stronger than steel. It was
ever his method to teach correct principles and allow men to govern
themselves.
CHAPTER VI.
A DAY OF GOD'S POWER.
DURING the summer of 1839 the Saints who had been driven from Missouri
continued to gather at Nauvoo and settle on the lands which had been
purchased by The Church authorities. The violent persecution they had
passed through in Missouri had well nigh wrecked the people. They had
been stripped of their earthly possessions, until they were reduced to
the most abject poverty. And the exposure and hardships endured made
them an easy prey to the malaria that infected Nauvoo and vicinity.
Another thing which doubtless contributed to make them unable to resist
the ravages of disease, was the fact that a period of relaxation was
following the intense excitement under which they had lived for more
than two years.
The spirit has such power when it is once thoroughly aroused, that
for a time it so braces up the body as to make it almost impregnable
to disease and unconscious of fatigue. But this cannot continue long.
It wears out the body; and as soon as the excitement is removed, then
comes the period of relaxation and the body sinks down from sheer
exhaustion.
Such was the condition of the exiled Saints who came flocking into
Nauvoo, in the summer of 1839. They had reached a haven of rest. The
fearful strain on the nervous system under which they had labored
during the mobbings in Missouri and their flight from that State was
removed; and they fell down in Nauvoo exhausted, to be a prey to the
deadly malaria prevalent in that locality. Such was their condition on
the morning of the 22nd of July. Joseph's house was crowded with the
sick whom he was trying to nurse back to health. In his door-yard were
a number of people camped in tents, who had but newly arrived, but upon
whom the fever had seized. Joseph himself was prostrate with sickness,
and the general distress of the Saints weighed down his spirit with
sadness. While still thinking of the trials of his people in the past,
and the gloom that then overshadowed them, the purifying influence
of God's Spirit rested upon him and he was immediately healed. He
arose and began to administer to the sick in his house, all of whom
immediately recovered. He then healed those encamped in his door-yard,
and from thence went from house to house calling on the sick to arise
from their beds of affliction, and they obeyed and were healed.
In company with P.P. Pratt, Orson Pratt, John Taylor, Heber C. Kimball,
and John E. Page, he crossed the river to Montrose, and healed the sick
there. One case is mentioned by all who have written on the subject
as being very remarkable. This was the case of Elijah Fordham. He was
almost unconscious and nearly dead. Bending over him, the Prophet asked
the dying man if he knew him, and believed him to be a servant of God.
In a whisper he replied that he did. Joseph then took him by the hand,
and with an energy that would have awoke the dead, he commanded him
in the name of Jesus Christ to arise from his bed and walk. Brother
Fordham leaped from his bed, removed the bandages and mustard plasters
from his feet, dressed himself, ate a bowl of bread and milk, and
accompanied the Prophet to other houses on his mission of love.
All day the work continued; and to the Saints who witnessed the
remarkable manifestation of God's power in behalf of the sick, the
twenty-second day of July, 1839, is remembered with gratitude to
Almighty God, who through the demonstration of His power that day, gave
an indisputable witness to the world that He was with Joseph Smith,
and had authorized him to speak in the name of Jesus Christ. To the
Saints it was a testimony that God was with them; for they witnessed a
fulfillment of God's ancient promise to His people, viz.--
Is any sick among you? Let him call for the Elders of the Church;
and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil, in the name of
the Lord: and the prayer of faith shall save the sick, and the Lord
shall raise him up. [1]
And again:
These signs shall follow them that believe: In My name shall they
cast out devils; they shall speak with new tongues; * * * they
shall lay hands on the sick and they shall recover. [2]
These ancient promises to God's people had also been renewed to the
Latter-day Saints in modern revelations to the Church through the
Prophet Joseph himself:
As I said unto mine apostles I say unto you again, that every soul
who believeth on your words, and is baptized by water for the
remission of sins, shall receive the Holy Ghost; and these signs
shall follow them that believe. In my name they shall do many
wonderful works:
In my name they shall cast out devils;
In my name they shall heal the sick;
In my name they shall open the eyes of the blind, and unstop the
ears of the deaf; and the tongue of the dumb shall speak; and if
any man shall administer poison unto them it shall not hurt them. *
* * But a commandment I give unto them, that they shall not boast
themselves of these things, neither speak them before the world. [3]
Again, I say, to the Saints who witnessed the demonstration of God's
power on the 22nd of July, 1839, in the healing of the sick in
fulfillment of these promises ancient and modern, it was a witness to
them that God was with them and with their Prophet.
Footnotes
1. James v: 14, 15.
2. Mark xvi: 17.
3. Doc. & Cov., Sec. lxxxiv. The revelation was given in September,
1832.
CHAPTER VII.
DEPARTURE OF THE TWELVE FOR ENGLAND.
A REVELATION had been received by the Prophet Joseph on the eighth of
July, 1838, in which a commandment was given to fill up the quorum of
the Twelve Apostles by ordaining John Taylor, John E. Page, Wilford
Woodruff, and Willard Richards to take the places of those who had
fallen through apostasy. The following spring "let them depart," said
the revelation, "to go over the great waters, and there promulgate my
Gospel, the fullness thereof, and bear record of my name. Let them take
leave of my Saints in the city of Far West, on the twenty-sixth day of
April next, on the building spot of my house." By the twenty-sixth of
April, the day set for them to take leave of the Saints to start on
their mission, nearly all the members of The Church had been driven
from Far West. I have already related, however, in "The Missouri
Persecutions" how five of the Apostles and several who were to be
ordained returned by different routes to Far West, met with a few
of the Saints there and fulfilled the mandates of this revelation,
notwithstanding the boasts of the mob that it should fail. [1] For some
time the Apostles who started from the public square at Far West for
England were detained to aid in settling the Saints at Nauvoo, but the
latter part of the summer of 1839 found them making every exertion to
continue their journey.
Wilford Woodruff and John Taylor were the first of the quorum to leave
Nauvoo for England. Elder Woodruff at this time was living at Montrose,
and was rowed across the river in a canoe by Brigham Young. On landing,
he lay down to rest on a side of sole leather, near the post office.
While there Joseph came along and said: "Well, Brother Woodruff, you
have started on your mission?"
"Yes, but I feel and look more like a subject for the dissecting room
than a missionary," was the reply.
"What did you say that for?" asked Joseph. "Get up and go along, all
will be well with you."
Shortly afterwards Elder Woodruff was joined by Elder Taylor, and
together they started on their mission. On their way they passed Parley
P. Pratt, stripped, bareheaded and barefooted, hewing some logs for a
house. He hailed the brethren as they passed and gave them a purse,
though he had nothing to put in it. Elder Heber C. Kimball, who was but
a short distance away, stripped as Elder Pratt was, came up and said:
"As Brother Parley has given you a purse, I have a dollar I will give
you to put in it." And mutually blessing each other, they separated to
meet again in foreign lands.
On the twenty-ninth of August, Parley P. Pratt and his brother Orson
started for England, leaving Nauvoo in their own carriage.
On the fourteenth of the following month Brigham Young left his home
at Montrose and started for England. He had been prostrated for some
time by sickness, and at the time of starting on his mission was so
feeble that he had to be assisted to the ferry, only some thirty rods
from his house. All his children were sick, and he left his wife with
a babe but ten days old, and in the poorest of circumstances, for the
mobs of Missouri had robbed him of all he had. After crossing the river
to the Nauvoo side, Israel Barlow took him on a horse behind him and
carried him to the house of Elder Heber C. Kimball, where his strength
altogether failed him, and he had to remain there for several days,
nursed by his wife, who, hearing that he was unable to get farther than
Brother Kimball's, had crossed the river from Montrose to care for him.
On the eighteenth of the month, however, Brigham, in company with
Heber C. Kimball, made another start. A brother by the name of Charles
Hubbard sent a boy with a team to take them a day's journey on their
way. Elder Kimball left his wife in bed shaking with ague, and all his
children sick. It was only by the assistance of some of the brethren
that Heber himself could climb into the wagon. "It seemed to me," he
remarked afterwards in relating the circumstance, "as though my very
inmost parts would melt within me at the thought of leaving my family
in such a condition, as it were, almost in the arms of death. I felt as
though I could scarcely endure it."
"Hold up!" said he to the teamster, who had just started. "Brother
Brigham, this is pretty tough, but let us rise and give them a cheer."
Brigham, with much difficulty, rose to his feet, and joined Elder
Kimball in swinging his hat and shouting, "Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah for
Israel!" The two sisters hearing the cheer came to the door--Sister
Kimball with great difficulty--and waved a farewell; and the two
Apostles continued on their journey without purse, without scrip, for
England.
The departure of Elders George A. Smith, Reuben Hedlock, and Theodore
Turley was but little less remarkable. They were feeble in health, in
fact, down with the ague. Before they were out of sight of Nauvoo their
wagon upset, and spilled them down the bank of the river. Elders Smith
and Turley were unable to get up, not because of any injuries they had
received, but because of their illness. Elder Hedlock helped them into
their wagon and they resumed their journey. They had not proceeded far
when they met some gentlemen who stopped their team and said to the
driver: "Mr., what graveyard have you been robbing?" There mark being
elicited by the ghostly appearance of the Elders _en route_ for England.
Thus in sickness and poverty, without purse and without scrip, leaving
their families destitute of the comforts of life, with nothing but the
assurances of the people, who were as poor as themselves, that they
should be provided for, the Twelve turned their faces toward Europe, to
preach the Gospel to the highly civilized peoples of the world. Shaking
with the ague, and then burning up with the fever; now in the homes of
the wealthy, then in the hovels of the poor; now derided by the learned
and self-styled refined, and now welcomed by the poor of this world who
rejoiced in the message they bore--they journeyed on, never looking
back, nor complaining of the hardships through which they were called
to pass for the Master's sake. They had ringing in their ears the words
of Jesus:
"He that loveth father or mother, houses or lands, wives or children
more than he loveth me is not worthy of me." And again they had the
promise: "There is no man that hath left houses, or parents, or
brethren, or wife, or children for the kingdom of God's sake, who shall
not receive manifold more in this present time, and in the world to
come life everlasting."
With this warning and this promise before them, they made their way by
different routes, but at last met in England, where an effectual door
was opened for the preaching of the Gospel, and thousands with joy
embraced the truth.
These men went out weeping, bearing precious seed; they returned in
time bringing their sheaves with them, and had joy in their harvest.
And what shall separate these men who endured so much for the Gospel's
sake, from the love of God? "Shall tribulation, or distress, or
persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword?" "Nay, in all
these things they shall be more than conquerors through Him that loved
them."
Footnotes
1. Missouri Persecutions, Chapter XLVIII.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE "TIMES AND SEASONS."
THE power of the press in sustaining the work he had begun, was
early recognized by Joseph Smith and his associates; and it was this
recognition of its powers which led him to establish, as early as
possible, a paper that would be under the control of The Church,
voice its sentiments and defend its principles. The Church had been
organized but eighteen months, and its membership was very small
when a conference held in Ohio authorized the purchase of a press,
and instructed W. W. Phelps to begin the publication of a paper in
Independence, Missouri. In June, 1832, the first number of that paper,
the _Evening and Morning Star_, was published.
The following year the _Evening and Morning Star_ press was broken and
the type scattered by the mob, which collected at Independence to drive
the Saints from Jackson County. The press and the book-binding property
were never again restored to The Church, though the _Star_ afterwards
reappeared in Kirtland, edited by Oliver Cowdery.
Another periodical was also published in Kirtland called _The Saints'
Messenger and Advocate_, the first number of which appeared in
December, 1833. This periodical was superseded in a few years--1837--by
the _Elders' Journal_. But when Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon had to
flee from Kirtland for their lives, in the spring of 1838, the press
and type on which the _Journal_ was printed were removed to Far West.
Here an effort was made to re-issue the _Journal_, Sidney Rigdon being
appointed editor. But again the assembling of angry mobs hindered the
work. And the night that General Lucas' mob-militia force surrounded
Far West, this press and type were buried in the dooryard of a brother
by the name of Dawson. The form for a number of the _Elders' Journal_
was buried, with the ink on it, in the hurry to get it safely hidden
from the enemy. It remained in its grave until taken up by Elias Smith,
Hyrum Clark and some others, and taken to Commerce, where, in the fall
of 1839, it was set up in a cellar, through which a spring of water was
running, and on it was published the _Times and Seasons_.
This periodical was issued first as a sixteen page monthly, but
afterwards became semi-monthly. Its first editor and manager was Don
Carlos Smith, the youngest brother of Joseph Smith, who learned the
printer's art in the office of Oliver Cowdery, and at the time he took
charge of the _Times and Seasons_ was but twenty-four years of age.
His associate was Ebenezer Robinson. The paper was first issued in
November, 1839.
Don Carlos Smith continued to act as editor of this paper until his
death, which occurred on the seventh of August, 1841. Ebenezer Robinson
then became the editor and Elder Robert B. Thompson was appointed
to assist him. The manner in which the paper was conducted was very
unsatisfactory to The Church authorities, and the Twelve Apostles
took charge of it with Elders John Taylor and Wilford Woodruff as
its managers, and President Joseph Smith as editor-in-chief. It was
conducted by these parties for about a year, when the Prophet Joseph
resigned the editorial chair, and Elder John Taylor was assigned to the
position of chief editor, and kept that place until the discontinuance
of the publication, in consequence of the Saints being driven from
Nauvoo. It was a valuable means of communication for The Church
authorities, as they were enabled to reach the Saints through its
columns notwithstanding their scattered condition; and in its pages
are collected the principal historical events which occurred in the
early days of The Church; which, in connection with the principles and
doctrine expounded by its editors, and the communications from the
Prophet, make it of inestimable value to the student of Church history
or the development of Church doctrine.
CHAPTER IX.
AN APPEAL TO THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT FOR REDRESS OF GRIEVANCES.
IT will be remembered by those who have read "The Missouri
Persecutions," that Sidney Rigdon was released from prison in Liberty,
Missouri, before Joseph and the other brethren escaped. On his arrival
in Quincy, his position as one of the presidents of The Church, his
education and eloquence, gave him the attention of the leading citizens
of Quincy, and particularly enlisted the sympathy of Governor Carlin,
of Illinois. By coming in contact with him, and relating the cruelties
practiced against the Saints in Missouri, he conceived the altogether
fanciful and utterly impracticable idea of impeaching the charter
of Missouri on an item in the Constitution, viz: "that the general
government shall give to each State a republican form of government."
And it was his point to prove that such a government did not exist in
Missouri. His plan was to present the story of the Saints' wrongs to
the governors of the respective States, before the assembly of the
several legislatures, and induce as many of them as possible to bring
the case before the legislatures in their messages. Another part of the
plan was to have a man at each State capital armed with affidavits that
would give the necessary information to the legislatures. After the
action of the State legislatures the case was to be presented to the
national Congress for its consideration and action.
To carry out his plans George W. Robinson was appointed to take
affidavits and collect general information bearing on the subject, and
Sidney Rigdon himself secured letters of introduction to the governors
of several States and to the President of the United States from
Governor Carlin, of Illinois, and Governor Robert Lucas, of Iowa. On
the fifth of May, 1839, however, at a conference of The Church held
near Quincy, Joseph Smith presiding, the gigantic and fanciful scheme
conceived by Sidney Rigdon was considered and somewhat reduced of its
unwieldy proportions by the conference simply resolving:
That this conference send a delegate to the city of Washington to
lay our case before the general government; and that President
Rigdon be the delegate: and that Colonel Lyman Wight be appointed
to receive the affidavits which are to be sent to the city of
Washington.
Here the matter rested for a time through the inactivity of President
Rigdon, whose ardor in the work of God about this time began to wane.
In consequence of the inactivity and lack of interest manifested
by Sidney Rigdon in going to Washington to present the case of the
Latter-day Saints _vs_. the State of Missouri to the President and
Congress of the United States, at a High Council meeting, held at
Commerce on the twentieth of October, 1839, the Prophet Joseph was
appointed to be the delegate to Washington, and a few days later Sidney
Rigdon and Elias Higbee were appointed by the same council to assist
him in this mission.
As a contrast between the two men, Sidney Rigdon and Joseph Smith,
I call attention to the fact that after his appointment to go to
Washington to petition the general government for a redress of
grievances, in behalf of the Saints, Sidney Rigdon had allowed nearly
six months to pass away without doing anything; but the ninth day after
Joseph was appointed to this mission he was found leaving Commerce
with a two-horse carriage, accompanied by Rigdon, Higbee and Orin P.
Rockwell, _en route_ for Washington. The Prophet was always prompt in
action. There were no tedious delays in anything he under took; no
letting "I dare not wait upon I would, like the old cat 'i the adage."
His motto for the commencement of his career had been, "When the Lord
commands, do it." And it was pretty much the same thing when a council
of the Priesthood, or himself individually, had determined upon any
particular course of action, he at once set himself about performing it.
The mission for the city of Washington passed through Springfield,
the capital of the State of Illinois, on their journey, and here met
with Dr. Robert D. Foster, who afterwards, as we shall see, became
prominently connected with events at Nauvoo. Elder Rigdon being ill,
Dr. Foster administered medicines to him, journeying with Joseph's
party for several days for that purpose. At last, however, Elder Rigdon
became so weak that it became necessary to leave him near Columbus,
Ohio; and Orin P. Rockwell and Dr. Foster remained with him, while
Joseph and Judge Higbee continued their journey to Washington.
It was during this journey, too, that Joseph met another man destined
to perform a prominent part in the drama enacted at Nauvoo. This was
William Law, whom Joseph's party met at Springfield, Illinois. He was
then leading a small company of Saints from Canada to Nauvoo. Joseph's
company remained several days at Springfield, and he preached there
several times, staying at the home of James Adams, the probate judge
of that county. Judge Adams treated the Prophet with the kindness of a
father.
An incident occurred as the party approached Washington which borders
on the domain of the romantic, or perhaps may be considered to enter
directly into it. The coachman stopped his horses in front of one of
the many public houses they passed _en route_, to get his grog, when
the horses took fright, and dashed down the road at break-neck speed.
The passengers, as might be expected, became terror-stricken, and one
woman in her excitement tried to throw her babe out of the window; she
was prevented, however, by Joseph, who calmed her fears, and persuaded
the rest of the passengers to keep their seats. He then opened the door
of the coach and succeeded in climbing up the side of the vehicle, and
reaching the driver's seat. Gathering up the reins, he stopped the
horses before any accident occurred either to coach or passengers.
It is needless to say that Joseph's heroism drew from his
fellow-passengers their warmest expressions of admiration and
gratitude. No terms were sufficiently strong to convey their admiration
of his daring. Among the passengers were several members of Congress
who proposed mentioning the incident to Congress, for they believed
that body would reward Joseph's conduct by some public act. With this
object in view they asked for his name, and were doubtless dumbfounded
to learn that they had been saved from their imminent peril by the
courage of the Mormon Prophet. At any rate the profusion of thanks
and admiration was stayed, "and," says Joseph, "I heard no more of
their praise, gratitude or reward." Need one stop to moralize on the
littleness of man when he allows prejudice to dictate his action
instead of reason?
It was on the twenty-eighth of November, 1839, that Joseph and Judge
Elias Higbee arrived in Washington, and took up their abode at an
unpretentious boarding house, on the corner of Missouri and Third
Streets. They were very much cramped on account of means, as the
people they represented were poor in this world's goods, and unable to
supply the means necessary to enable their delegates to indulge in the
luxurious style of living usually adopted by those who go to the seat
of government on special missions.
The day following his arrival, Joseph obtained an interview with
President Martin Van Buren, who had been elected to the presidency
by the Democratic party. I give Joseph's own account of this visit
to President Van Buren, that our readers may judge of the impression
he made upon the Prophet, and what the Prophet thought of Congress
generally:
On Friday, the twenty-ninth, we proceeded to the house of the
President. We found a very large and splendid palace, surrounded
with a splendid enclosure, decorated with all the fineries and
elegancies of the world. We went to the door and requested to see
the President, when we were immediately introduced into an upper
apartment, where we met the President, and were introduced into his
parlor, where we presented him with our letters of introduction.
As soon as he had read one of them, he looked upon us with a kind
of half frown and said: "What can I do? I can do nothing for you!
If I do anything, I shall come in contact with the whole State of
Missouri." [1]
I cannot determine whether it was on the occasion of this visit that
President Van Buren made use of the expression, "Your cause is just,
but I can do nothing for you," or whether he so expressed himself at
some subsequent meeting. But under date of February 6th, 1840, Joseph
remarks, in speaking of his mission to Washington:
During my stay I had an interview with Martin Van Buren, the
President, who treated me very insolently, and it was with great
reluctance he listened to our message, which, when he heard, he
said: "Gentlemen, your cause is just, but I can do nothing for
you. If I take up for you, I shall lose the vote of Missouri."
His whole course went to show that he was an office-seeker, that
self-aggrandizement was his ruling passion, and that justice and
righteousness were no part of his composition.
As this language is somewhat different to that reported by Joseph on
the occasion of his first visit to the President, I am inclined to the
opinion that the language attributed to him in the latter quotation
was used at some subsequent meeting to the first. I again quote from
Joseph's letter to Hyrum:
Now we shall endeavor to express our feelings and views concerning
the President, as we have been eye-witness to his majesty. He is a
small man, sandy complexion, and ordinary features, with frowning
brow, and considerable body, but not well proportioned as to his
arms and legs, * * * and in fine, to come directly to the point, he
is so much of a fop or a fool (for he judged our cause before he
knew it), we could find no place to put truth into him. We do not
say the Saints shall not vote for him, but we do say boldly, that
we do not intend he shall have our votes.
Joseph speaks very highly of the senators and representatives from
Illinois, who rendered him some considerable assistance in getting a
hearing before a congressional committee, but he was not favorably
impressed with congressmen or their conduct on the whole. He says:
For a general thing there is but little solidity and honorable
deportment among those who are sent here to represent the people,
but a great deal of pomposity and show. * * * There is such an
itching disposition to display their oratory on the most trivial
occasions, and so much etiquette, bowing and scraping, twisting
and turning, to make a display of their witticism, that it seems
to us rather a display of folly and show, more than substance and
gravity, such as becomes a great nation like ours. However, there
are some exceptions.
After the meeting with the President, a meeting with the Illinois
delegation in Congress was arranged, to take into consideration the
best means of getting the wrongs of the Saints before Congress. This
meeting took place on the sixth of December. A Mr. Robinson of that
delegation, whether a member of the House or Senate I do not know,
took a stand against the Saints presenting any claims to be liquidated
by the United States; but Joseph contended against him, and presented
the constitutional rights of the people, and Mr. Robinson promised to
reconsider the subject, and at the meeting the next day it was decided
that a memorial and petition be drawn in concise form and presented
by Judge Young, who had taken a lively interest in the cause of the
Saints. At this stage of the proceedings, Joseph and Judge Higbee
learned that it was necessary to have more positive testimony on the
subject in hand, so that they sent to Nauvoo and a very large number
of affidavits were taken and forwarded to Washington to sustain the
statements to be presented to Congress.
The petition presented to Congress related the outrages committed
against the Saints at considerable length, from the commencement of
difficulties in Jackson County, in the autumn of 1833, until their
final expulsion from the State in the winter of 1838-9; and made
emphatic the infamy of Governor Boggs' exterminating orders, which gave
the coloring of authority for the action of the State mob-militia. They
said in their statement of wrongs that if given an opportunity they
could prove every allegation they made against the State of Missouri.
And that "neither the Mormons as a body, nor as individuals of that
body, had been guilty of any offense against the laws of Missouri, or
of the United States: but their only offense had been their religious
opinions."
In conclusion the petition represents that for the wrongs endured--
The Mormons ought to have some redress; yet how and where shall
they seek and obtain it?
Your Constitution guarantees to every citizen, even the humblest,
the enjoyment of life, liberty and property. It promises to all
their religious freedom, the right to worship God beneath their
own vine and fig tree, according to their own conscience. It
guarantees to all the citizens of the several States the right
to become citizens of any one of the States, and to enjoy all
the rights and immunities of the citizens of the State of his
adoption. Yet of all these rights have the Mormons been deprived.
They have, without a cause, without a trial, been deprived of life,
liberty and property. They have been persecuted for their religious
opinions. They have been driven from the State of Missouri at the
point of the bayonet, and prevented from enjoying and exercising
the rights of citizens of the State of Missouri. It is the theory
of our laws, that for the protection of every legal right, there
is a legal remedy. What, then, we would ask, is the remedy for
the Mormons? Shall they appeal to the legislature of the State of
Missouri for redress? They have done so. They have petitioned,
and these petitions have been treated with silence and contempt.
Shall they apply to the federal courts? They were, at the time,
citizens of the State of Missouri. Shall they apply to the courts
of the State of Missouri? Whom shall they sue? The order for their
destruction, their extermination, was granted by the executive of
the State of Missouri. Is not this a plea of justification for the
loss of individuals, done in pursuance of the order? If not, before
whom shall the Mormons institute a trial? Shall they summon a jury
of the individuals who composed the mob? An appeal to them were in
vain. They dare not go to Missouri to institute a suit, their lives
would be in danger.
For ourselves we see no redress, unless it be awarded by the
Congress of the United States. And we here make our appeal as
_American citizens_, as _Christians_, and as _men_--believing the
high sense of justice which exists in your honorable bodies, will
not allow such oppression to be practiced upon any portion of the
citizens of this vast republic with impunity, but that some measure
which your wisdom may dictate, may be taken, so that the great
body of people who have been thus abused, may have redress for the
wrongs which they have suffered.
The statement of wrongs and petition for their redress was introduced
into the Senate by Judge Young, and referred to the committee on
judiciary of which General Wall was chairman.
At this stage of the proceedings Joseph left Washington and went to
Philadelphia, where he labored in the ministry among the Saints; but
Judge Elias Higbee was left in Washington to look after the interest of
the petitioners before the Senate committee. The subject was held under
advisement and discussed occasionally, until the fourth of March, 1840,
when the committee reported. That report was of a character to crush
forever the hopes of obtaining, at the hands of the general government,
any redress for the outrages perpetrated against them in Missouri.
The report said that after full examination and consideration, the
committee unanimously concurred in the opinion: "That the case
presented for their investigation is not such a one as will justify or
authorize any interposition of this government."
They stated that the wrongs complained of were not alleged to have
been committed by officers of the United States; that the charges were
all against the citizens and authorities of the State of Missouri;
that the petitioners were citizens or inhabitants of Missouri; that
the grievances complained of were committed within the territory of
Missouri; and for these reasons the Senate judiciary committee did "not
consider themselves justified in inquiring into the truth or falsehood
of facts charged in the petition." The committee represented that if
the charges were true, then the petitioners must seek redress in the
courts of judicature, either of Missouri or of the United States,
whichever might have jurisdiction in the case. "Or," said the report,
"the petitioners may, if they see proper, apply to the justice and
magnanimity of the State of Missouri--an appeal which the committee
feel justified in believing will never be made in vain by the injured
or oppressed." The report said that it could not be presumed that a
State wanted either the power or lacked the disposition to redress
the wrongs of its own citizens, committed within its own territory,
"whether they proceed from the lawless acts of her officers or any
other person."
The report closed by asking the passage of the following resolution:
_Resolved_, That the committee on the judiciary be discharged from
the further consideration of the memorial in this case; and that
the memorialists have leave to withdraw the papers which accompany
their memorial.
The resolution was passed without dissent, and thus the appeal to
Congress for redress of the outrages committed against the Saints by
Missouri ended.
At a conference of The Church held in April following, a number of
resolutions were adopted, regretting and condemning the action of the
Senate judiciary committee, and approving the course pursued by their
delegation to Congress, Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon and Elias Higbee,
and requesting them to continue their exertions to obtain redress for
a suffering people as opportunities became more favorable for such
efforts, and if at last all hopes of obtaining satisfaction for the
injuries done us be entirely blasted, that they then "appeal our case
to the Court of Heaven, believing that the Great Jehovah, who rules
over the destiny of nations, and who notices the falling sparrows,
will undoubtedly redress our wrongs, and ere long avenge us of our
adversaries."
Footnotes
1. Letter to Hyrum Smith, Dec. 5, 1839.
CHAPTER X.
ORSON HYDE'S MISSION TO JERUSALEM.
THOSE who have read "The Missouri Persecutions," will remember the
disaffection of Orson Hyde at Far West, and the statements he made
in connection with Thomas B. Marsh against The Church, in the autumn
of 1838--that time when men's hearts were failing them for fear, and
death and destruction were rife; when even strong hearts grew faint
and brave cheeks were blanched. Well, as stated in the account of his
disaffection, like Peter of old, this modern Apostle wept bitterly
for his error, returned to The Church, was forgiven; and during the
conference held at Commerce in April, 1840, he was called to go on a
mission to Jerusalem.
It appears that Elder Hyde in a heavenly vision saw himself on the
Mount of Olives blessing the land for the return of the people of
Judah, hence, that he might be obedient to the vision, he was appointed
to go to that land for the purpose mentioned. In the letter of
appointment, which the Prophet gave him, occurs the following passage:
The Jewish nation have been scattered abroad among the Gentiles for
a long period; and in our estimation the time of the commencement
of their return to the Holy Land has already arrived. * * * It
is highly important, in our opinion, that the present views and
movements of the Jewish people be sought after, and laid before the
American people for their consideration, their profit and their
learning.
On the 15th of the same month that Elder Hyde was called, he left his
family at Nauvoo and started for Jerusalem without purse or scrip. The
next day he met with John E. Page, who subsequently to the conference
at which Orson Hyde had been called, was appointed to go with him to
the Holy Land.
They traveled through several States together, preaching as they went.
In the city of Cincinnati they succeeded in raising up a large and
prosperous branch of The Church; and while Elder Page remained in
Cincinnati to strengthen the Saints, Elder Hyde made his way to New
York.
These labors consumed the summer of 1840, and in January, 1841, the
word of the Lord came to the Prophet Joseph saying that he was not
well pleased with the long delays of his servants in starting on
their mission to Jerusalem, and they were requested to hasten their
departure. In the meantime, however, Elder Page had lost the spirit of
his appointment and had no disposition to go, but Orson Hyde on the
receipt of this reproof set sail at once from New York for England.
It is not our design to follow him through all his meanderings in
Europe, or relate his trials or his perils in crossing the mighty seas,
and passing through states in which war was raging. He succeeded in
reaching the Holy City some time in October, and on the twenty-fourth
of that month, 1841, early in the morning, was seated on the Mount of
Olives, as he had seen himself in vision; and wrote the prayer he had
to offer in behalf of the Jews and their city, which had been for so
long a time trodden down of the Gentiles.
In that prayer he referred to the prophecies of God's servants in
relation to the Jews and Jerusalem, and asked that all might be
fulfilled. He called for the richest blessings of heaven upon the
Jews; he blessed, by virtue of his Priesthood, the city, the land, and
all the elements, to the end that Judah might be gathered, Jerusalem
rebuilt, and become an holy city, that the Lord's name might be
glorified in all the earth. At the conclusion of his prayer, he says:
On the top of the Mount of Olives, I erected a pile of stones, as a
witness according to ancient custom. On what was anciently called
Mount Zion, where the temple stood, I erected another, and used the
rod according to the prediction upon my head.
Just what he meant by saying that he had used the rod "according to
prediction on his head," I have been unable to learn, except that it
was a rod with which he had measured the city.
I have called the attention of my readers to this mission of Elder
Hyde's to Jerusalem, because it doubtless has a greater significance
than most people would be inclined to give it. The rebuilding of
Jerusalem is regarded by Mormonism as of as much importance as the
establishment of Zion; the gathering of the dispersed of Judah is as
much a part of the great latter-day work as the reassembling of the
other tribes of Israel; and the commencement of that work was made by
Elder Hyde, when by the authority of his apostleship, he consecrated
that land to the return of the house of Judah, to inhabit it, and
rebuild their city according to the predictions of their prophets. It
may be somewhat beyond the scope of this chapter to call attention
to it, but surely it will be of interest to the reader to know that
this apostolic mission and blessing upon the Holy Land has not been
fruitless, but blessings as a result are flowing unto it, and the Jews
are beginning to return to it. At the time of Apostle Hyde's visit
and ceremonies on the Mount of Olives, but very few Jews were in the
city or in Judea. As late as twenty years ago the consular reports
show that there were not more than fifteen or twenty thousand Jews in
all Jerusalem. But in a popular magazine for August, 1896, under the
editorial caption--"The Plan for a Hebrew Nation"--the magazine said:
A movement of which Americans hear very little, but which may have
an important effect upon the history of the coming century, is
going forward upon the shores of the Mediterranean. This is the
return of the Jews to their ancient home in Palestine--the Zionite
movement it is called. For hundreds of years there has been talk of
the Jew returning to Jerusalem. Through all his years of oppression
and wandering, this vision of his native land has been held before
his eyes by certain of his teachers. But it is only in the last
twelve years, since the renewal of persecution in Russia, that
the idea has taken shape. There are now more than four thousand
colonists in Palestine. At Jaffa the schools are Hebrew, the
ancient language being spoken altogether, and a Hebrew literature
is being developed. The works of the great English, French and
German authors are being translated, and writers of their own race
are being encouraged.
The Zionite movement is backed by the influence of the Rothschilds
and other great Jewish families and societies, and as we see its
stirring in every country, we can believe it only requires a
great popular leader to make it one of the important movements in
history. That it is not purely religious, but racial, is proven
by the co-operation of Rabinowitz, the Christian Jew who became
so well known here during the World's Fair Congress. There is
already one Jewish Christian colony in Palestine. * * * As a Jewish
state, Palestine might well become a country that would claim
consideration among the family of nations. If the Zionite continues
to grow, such a result is almost assured.
During the same month, namely, in its impression of August 11th, 1896,
the St. Louis _Globe-Democrat_ published the following:
Only two decades ago there were not more than fifteen or twenty
thousand Jews in Jerusalem. At that [time] no houses were to be
found outside the walls of the city. Since then many changes have
taken place and the Hebrew population--mainly on account of the
increase of the Jewish immigration from Russia--now stands at
between sixty and seventy thousand. Whole streets of houses have
been built outside the walls on the site of the ancient suburban
districts, which for hundreds of years have remained deserted. It
is not, however, only in Jerusalem itself that the Jews abound,
but throughout Palestine they are buying farms and establishing
themselves in a surprisingly rapid manner. In Jerusalem they form
at present a larger community than either the Christian or the
Mohammedan.
CHAPTER XI.
DEATH'S HARVEST IN NAUVOO--RETURN OF PRODIGALS.
DURING the summer of 1840, death reaped a rich harvest in Nauvoo.
Before his ruthless stroke fell many worthy Saints who had been
connected with The Church from the time it was founded. Among the first
to fall was Bishop Edward Partridge. He died on the twenty-seventh of
May, in the forty-sixth year of his age. He was the first Bishop in The
Church, and in that capacity had presided over the Saints who gathered
to Zion, in Jackson County, Missouri, during the years 1831-33. Joseph
described him as a "pattern of piety," and the Lord himself declared
that he was like Nathaniel of old--his heart was pure before him, and
he was without guile. His life was indeed an eventful one. He was
called from his merchandising, and became a preacher of righteousness.
Much, in fact all, of his riches fell into the hands of the mobs of
Jackson County, in the autumn of 1833, and upon his meek and uncovered
head fell a double portion of their fury. Five years later, he passed
through those trying times experienced by the Saints in their exodus
from the State of Missouri, under the exterminating order of the
infamous Governor Boggs; and at that time, he again saw the fruits of
his industry fall a prey to the rapacity of his relentless enemies.
Stripped of his earthly possessions and broken in health, he reached
Commerce, but the trials through which he passed had proven too much
for his constitution, which was never robust, and he passed away, a
victim to the intolerance and religious bigotry of this generation.
In September of the same year Father Joseph Smith, Patriarch to The
Church, and father of the Prophet Joseph, was "gathered to his final
home," in the sixty-ninth year of his age. He was baptized on the sixth
day of April, 1830, and was one of the six who organized The Church on
that date. Indeed he was the one who first received the testimony of
his son after the angel Moroni visited him on that memorable night of
September 21, 1823; and it was he who first exhorted his prophet son
to be faithful and diligent to the message he had received. He endured
many persecutions on account of the claims made by his son Joseph to
being a prophet of God; for Joseph's declarations that he had received
heavenly visions and revelations together with a divine commission to
preach the Gospel of Christ, not only brought upon himself the wrath
of the ungodly, but involved his whole family in the persecutions
which followed him throughout his life. Of these things, however, his
father never complained, but endured all things patiently, and with
true heroism, and ever supported his son in carrying out the counsels
of Heaven. He was born on the twelfth of July, 1771, in Topsfield,
Massachusetts; and was the second of the seven sons of Asahel and Mary
Smith; his forefathers being among those who early came from England
to Massachusetts. He was a large man, ordinarily weighing two hundred
pounds, was six feet two inches tall, and well proportioned, strong
and active; and he stood unbowed beneath the accumulated sorrows and
hardships he had experienced during his nearly three score and ten
years of sojourn in this life. The exposures, however, that he suffered
in the exodus from Missouri brought on him consumption, of which he
died. His was an unassuming nature--noted mostly, perhaps, for its
sincerity and unwavering integrity. He was a child of nature, and one
of nature's noblest; his life had been spent in parts remote from the
busy marts, where "wealth accumulates and men decay," and he had passed
through his probation on earth without being corrupted by the evil
influences of luxury or enervating civilization. He was a type of men,
so well described by one of our poets, in the following lines:
Simple their lives--yet theirs the race
When liberty sent forth her cry,
Who crowded conflicts deadliest place,
To fight--to bleed--to die;
Who stood on Bunker's heights of red,
By hope through years were led--
And witnessed Yorktown's sun
Shine on a nation's banner spread,
A nation's freedom won!
Such was the character of the first Patriarch of The Church in this
dispensation.
Another circumstance of interest in Nauvoo during this eventful summer
of 1840 was the return of a number of prodigals to The Church. I have
already stated the case of Orson Hyde. Frederick G. Williams was
dropped from his position as counselor to the Prophet in November,
1837, and in March, 1839, was excommunicated at a conference in Quincy,
Illinois. At the April conference in 1840, however, he came before
the assembled Church and "humbly asked forgiveness, and expressed his
determination to do the will of God for the future." He was forgiven by
the Saints but was never restored to his former position in the First
Presidency.
About the time Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde fell during the trying
scenes in Missouri, W. W. Phelps and Oliver Cowdery left The Church.
Elder Phelps was a man who had been of great service to The Church
and to the Prophet in a literary way, though some of his work in
that line was marred by pedantic verbosity, and pretension to a
knowledge of ancient languages which was not justified by any extended
acquaintance he had of them. Still, he it was who in the early rise of
The Church gave the cast to very much of The Church literature, and,
as I remarked, he had been useful to The Church and the Prophet in the
capacity of an editor and writer.
During the summer of 1840 he began to feel his way back from his
apostasy into The Church. He had seen his folly and began to tremble at
the gulf which opened at his very feet to devour him. He felt debased
and humbled, and most piteously begged to be forgiven and taken back in
the confidence of his brethren and the Saints. So interesting are the
circumstances connected with his return that I give _in extenso_ the
letters which passed between himself and the Prophet.
W. W. PHELPS' LETTER TO JOSEPH SMITH.
DAYTON, OHIO, June 29, 1840.
BROTHER JOSEPH--I am alive, and with the help of God I mean to live
still. I am as a prodigal son, though I never doubt or disbelieve
the fullness of the Gospel. I have been greatly abused and humbled,
and I blessed the God of Israel when I lately read your prophetic
blessing on my head, as follows:
"The Lord will chasten him because he taketh honor to himself, and
when his soul is greatly humbled he will forsake the evil. Then
shall the light of the Lord break upon him as at noonday, and in
him shall be no darkness," etc.
I have seen the folly of my way, and I tremble at the gulf I have
passed. So it is, and why I know not. I prayed and God answered,
but what could I do? Says I, "I will repent and live, and ask my
old brethren to forgive me, and though they chasten me to death,
yet _I will die_ with them, for their God is my God. The _least
place with them_ is enough for me, yea it is bigger and better than
all Babylon." Then I dreamed that I was in a large house with many
mansions, with you and Hyrum and Sidney, and when it was said,
"Supper must be made ready," by one of the cooks, I saw no meat,
but you said there was plenty, and showed me much, and as good as
I ever saw; and while cutting to cook, your heart and mine beat
within us, and we took each other's hand and cried for joy, and I
awoke and took courage.
I know my situation, you know it, and God knows it, and I want to
be saved if my friends will help me. Like the captain that was cast
away on a desert island; when he got off, he went to sea again,
and made his fortune the next time--so let my lot be. I have done
wrong, and am sorry. The beam is in my own eye. I have not walked
with my friends according to my holy anointing. I ask forgiveness
in the name of Jesus Christ of all the Saints, for I will do
right, God helping me. I want your fellowship; if you cannot grant
that, grant me your peace and friendship, for we are brethren, and
our communion used to be sweet, and whenever the Lord brings us
together again, _I will make all the satisfaction on every point
that Saints or God can require_. Amen.
W. W. PHELPS.
Elders Hyde and Page, _en route_ for the east on their mission to
Jerusalem, met with Phelps at Dayton, and at his request these brethren
added the following to his communication:
Brother Phelps requests us to write a few lines in his letter, and
we cheerfully embrace the opportunity. Brother Phelps says he wants
to live; but we do not fell ourselves authorized to act upon his
case, but have recommended him to you; but he says his poverty will
not allow him to visit you in person at this time, and we think he
tells the truth. We therefore advise him to write, which he has
done.
He tells us verbally, that he is willing to make any sacrifice
to procure your fellowship, life not excepted, yet reposing that
confidence in your magnanimity that you will take no advantage
of this open letter and frank confession. If he can obtain your
fellowship, he wants to come to Commerce as soon as he can. But if
he cannot be received into the fellowship of The Church, he must do
the best he can in banishment and exile.
Brethren, with you are the keys of the Kingdom; to you is power
given to "exert your clemency, or display your vengeance." By
the former you will save a soul from death, and hide a multitude
of sins: by the latter you will forever discourage a returning
prodigal, cause sorrow without benefit, pain without pleasure,
ending in wretchedness and despair. But former experience teaches
that you are workmen in the art of saving souls; therefore with the
greater confidence do we recommend to your clemency and favorable
consideration, the author and subject of this communication.
"Whosoever will, let him take of the water of life freely." Brother
Phelps says he will, and so far as we are concerned, we say he may.
In the bonds of the covenant,
ORSON HYDE,
JOHN E. PAGE.
To this piteous appeal from one who had wandered far from the fold,
and who had been torn by the thorns, the Prophet wrote a most worthy
reply--a reply which clearly indicates that the spirit of the Master
burned brightly in the breast of the servant.
JOSEPH SMITH'S LETTER TO W. W. PHELPS.
NAUVOO, HANCOCK CO., ILLINOIS, July 22, 1840.
DEAR BROTHER PHELPS--I must say that it is with no ordinary
feelings I endeavor to write a few lines to you in answer to yours
of the 29th ultimo; at the same time I am rejoiced at the privilege
granted me.
You may in some measure realize what my feelings, as well as
Elder Rigdon's and Brother Hyrum's were, when we read your
letter--truly our hearts were melted into tenderness and compassion
when we ascertained your resolves, etc. I can assure you I feel
a disposition to act on your case in a manner that will meet the
approbation of Jehovah, (whose servant I am) and agreeably to the
principles of truth and righteousness which have been revealed;
and inasmuch as longsuffering, patience and mercy have ever
characterized the dealings of our Heavenly Father towards the
humble and penitent, I feel disposed to copy the example, cherish
the same principles, and by so doing be a savior of my fellow men.
It is true, that we have suffered much in consequence of your
behavior--_the cup of gall, already full enough_ for mortals to
drink, was indeed _filled to overflowing_ when _you_ turned against
us. One with whom we had oft taken sweet counsel together, and
enjoyed many refreshing seasons from the Lord--"had it been an
enemy, we could have borne it." "In the day that thou stoodest on
the other side, in the day when strangers carried away captive his
forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon
Far West, even thou wast as one of them; but thou shouldest not
have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a
stranger, neither shouldest thou have spoken proudly in the day of
distress."
However, the cup has been drunk, the will of our Father has been
done, and we are yet alive, for which we thank the Lord. And having
been delivered from the hands of wicked men by the mercy of our
God, we say it is your privilege to be delivered from the powers of
the adversary, be brought into the liberty of God's dear children,
and again take your stand among the Saints of the Most High, and by
diligence, humility, and love unfeigned, commend yourself to our
God, and your God, and to The Church of Jesus Christ.
Believing your confession to be real, and your repentance genuine,
I shall be happy once again to give you the right hand of
fellowship, and rejoice over the returning prodigal.
Your letter was read to the Saints last Sunday, and an expression
was taken, when it was unanimously--
_Resolved_, That W. W. Phelps should be received into fellowship.
"Come on, dear brother, since the war is past,
For friends at first are friends again at last."
Yours as ever,
JOSEPH SMITH, JR.
Some time after this, when laying out work for the brethren to do, in a
sudden burst of kindness he said to his secretary:
Write Oliver Cowdery, and ask him if he has not eaten husks long
enough. If he is not almost ready to return, be clothed with robes
of righteousness, and go up to Jerusalem. Orson Hyde hath need of
him.
A letter was written accordingly, but the Prophet's generous tender
of forgiveness and fellowship called forth no response from Oliver
Cowdery, once the second Elder of The Church, and the first to make
public proclamation of the Gospel to the world. Subsequently, however,
he did return, namely in 1848.