CHAPTER I.

THE

ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER.

THE

ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER;

OR,

The History of the Wars and Conquests of Alexander the Great.

_LITERALLY TRANSLATED, WITH A COMMENTARY,

FROM THE GREEK OF ARRIAN THE NICOMEDIAN_,

BY

E. J. CHINNOCK, M.A., LL.B., LONDON,

_Rector of Dumfries Academy_.

London:

HODDER AND STOUGHTON,

27, PATERNOSTER ROW.

MDCCCLXXXIV.

Butler & Tanner,

The Selwood Printing Works,

Frome, and London.

PREFACE.

When I began this Translation, more than two years ago, I had no

intention of publishing it; but as the work progressed, it occurred

to me that Arrian is an Author deserving of more attention from the

English-speaking races than he has yet received. No edition of his

works has, so far as I am aware, ever appeared in England, though on

the Continent many have been published. In the following Translation I

have tried to give as literal a rendering of the Greek text as I could

without transgressing the idioms of our own language. My theory of the

duty of a Translator is, to give the _ipsissima verba_ of his Author

as nearly as possible, and not put into his mouth words which he never

used, under the mistaken notion of improving his diction or his way of

stating his case. It is a comparatively easy thing to give a paraphrase

of a foreign work, presenting the general drift of the original; but no

one, unless he has himself tried it, can understand the difficulty of

translating a classical Author correctly without omission or mutilation.

In the Commentary which I have compiled, continual reference has been

made to the other extant authorities on the history of Alexander,

such as Diodorus, Plutarch, Curtius, Justin, and Aelian; so that I

think I may safely assert that, taking the Translation and the Notes

together, the book forms a complete history of Alexander’s reign. Much

geographical and other material has also been gathered from Herodotus,

Strabo, Pliny, and Ammianus; and the allusions to the places which are

also mentioned in the Old Testament are given from the Hebrew.

As Arrian lived in the second century of the present era, and nearly

five hundred years after Demosthenes, it is not to be expected that he

wrote classical Greek. There are, however, at least a dozen valuable

Greek authors of this century whose works are still extant, and of

these it is a safe statement to make, that Arrian is the best of them

all, with the single exception of Lucian. I have noticed as many of his

deviations from Attic Greek constructions as I thought suitable to a

work of this kind. A complete index of Proper Names has been added, and

the quantities of the vowels marked for the aid of the English Reader.

In the multiplicity of references which I have put into the Notes, I

should be sanguine if I imagined that no errors will be found; but if

such occur, I must plead as an excuse the pressure of work which a

teacher in a large school experiences, leaving him very little energy

for literary labour.

E. J. C.

DUMFRIES,

_December, 1883_.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Life and Writings of Arrian 1

Arrian’s Preface 6

BOOK I.

CHAP.

I. Death of Philip and Accession of Alexander.—His Wars

with the Thracians 8

II. Battle with the Triballians 12

III. Alexander at the Danube and in the Country of the

Getae 14

IV. Alexander destroys the City of the Getae.—The Ambassadors

of the Celts 16

V. Revolt of Clitus and Glaucias 18

VI. Defeat of Clitus and Glaucias 22

VII. Revolt of Thebes (_September_, B.C. 335) 25

VIII. Fall of Thebes 28

IX. Destruction of Thebes 31

X. Alexander’s Dealings with Athens 34

XI. Alexander crosses the Hellespont and visits Troy 36

XII. Alexander at the Tomb of Achilles.—Memnon’s advice

Rejected by the Persian Generals 38

XIII. Battle of the Granicus (B.C. 334) 41

XIV. Arrangement of the Hostile Armies 43

XV. Description of the Battle of the Granicus 45

XVI. Defeat of the Persians.—Loss on Both Sides 47

XVII. Alexander in Sardis and Ephesus 50

XVIII. Alexander marches to Miletus and Occupies the

Island of Lade 52

XIX. Siege and Capture of Miletus 55

XX. Siege of Halicarnassus.—Abortive Attack on Myndus 58

XXI. Siege of Halicarnassus 61

XXII. Siege of Halicarnassus 63

XXIII. Destruction of Halicarnassus.—Ada, Queen of Caria 64

XXIV. Alexander in Lycia and Pamphylia 66

XXV. Treason of Alexander, Son of Aëropus 68

XXVI. Alexander in Pamphylia.—Capture of Aspendus and

Side 70

XXVII. Alexander in Phrygia and Pisidia 72

XXVIII. Operations in Pisidia 74

XXIX. Alexander in Phrygia 76

BOOK II.

I. Capture of Mitylene by the Persians.—Death of Memnon 78

II. The Persians capture Tenedus.—They are Defeated at

Sea 80

III. Alexander at Gordium 82

IV. Conquest of Cappadocia.—Alexander’s Illness at Tarsus 84

V. Alexander at the Tomb of Sardanapalus.—Proceedings

in Cilicia 87

VI. Alexander advances to Myriandrus.—Darius Marches

against him 89

VII. Darius at Issus.—Alexander’s Speech to his Army 91

VIII. Arrangement of the Hostile Armies 94

IX. Alexander changes the Disposition of his Forces 97

X. Battle of Issus 99

XI. Defeat and Flight of Darius 101

XII. Kind Treatment of Darius’s Family 104

XIII. Flight of Macedonian Deserters into Egypt.—Proceedings

of Agis, King of Sparta.—Alexander occupies

Phoenicia 106

XIV. Darius’s Letter, and Alexander’s Reply 111

XV. Alexander’s Treatment of the Captured Greek

Ambassadors.—Submission of Byblus and Sidon 114

XVI. The Worship of Hercules in Tyre.—The Tyrians refuse

to admit Alexander 117

XVII. Speech of Alexander to his Officers 120

XVIII. Siege of Tyre.—Construction of a Mole from the

Mainland to the Island 121

XIX. The Siege of Tyre 123

XX. Tyre Besieged by Sea as well as Land 124

XXI. Siege of Tyre 127

XXII. Siege of Tyre.—Naval Defeat of the Tyrians b 129

XXIII. Siege of Tyre 131

XXIV. Capture of Tyre 132

XXV. The Offers of Darius rejected.—Batis, Governor of

Gaza, refuses to Submit 134

XXVI. Siege of Gaza 136

XXVII. Capture of Gaza 137

BOOK III.

I. Conquest of Egypt.—Foundation of Alexandria 140

II. Foundation of Alexandria.—Events in the Aegean 142

III. Alexander visits the Temple of Ammon 144

IV. The Oasis of Ammon 147

V. Settlement of the Affairs of Egypt 148

VI. March into Syria.—Alexander’s Kindness to Harpalus

and his other early Adherents 150

VII. Passage of the Euphrates and Tigris 152

VIII. Description of Darius’s Army at Arbela 154

IX. Alexander’s Tactics.—His Speech to the Officers 157

X. Rejection of Parmenio’s Advice 159

XI. Tactics of the Opposing Generals 160

XII. Alexander’s Tactics 163

XIII. The Battle of Arbela 164

XIV. Battle of Arbela.—Flight of Darius 166

XV. Defeat of the Persians and Pursuit of Darius 168

XVI. Escape of Darius into Media.—March of Alexander

to Babylon and Susa 170

XVII. Subjugation of the Uxians 174

XVIII. Defeat of Ariobarzanes and Capture of Persepolis 176

XIX. Darius pursued into Media and Parthia 179

XX. March through the Caspian Gates 181

XXI. Darius is Assassinated by Bessus 182

XXII. Reflections on the Fate of Darius 185

XXIII. Expedition into Hyrcania 187

XXIV. Expedition against the Mardians 189

XXV. March to Bactra.—Bessus aided by Satibarzanes 191

XXVI. Philotas and Parmenio put to Death 193

XXVII. Treatment of Amyntas.—The Ariaspians 195

XXVIII. Alexander crosses the Hindu-Koosh 196

XXIX. Conquest of Bactria, and Pursuit of Bessus across

the Oxus 199

XXX. Capture of Bessus.—Exploits in Sogdiana 201

BOOK IV.

I. Rebellion of the Sogdianians 205

II. Capture of Five Cities in Two Days 206

III. Storming of Cyropolis.—Revolt of the Scythians 208

IV. Defeat of the Scythians beyond the Tanais 210

V. Spitamenes destroys a Macedonian Detachment 212

VI. Spitamenes driven into the Desert 214

VII. Treatment of Bessus 216

VIII. The Murder of Clitus 218

IX. Alexander’s grief for Clitus 221

X. Dispute between Callisthenes and Anaxarchus 223

XI. Callisthenes Opposes the Proposal to honour Alexander

by Prostration 225

XII. Callisthenes refuses to Prostrate himself 228

XIII. Conspiracy of the Pages 229

XIV. Execution of Callisthenes and Hermolaüs 231

XV. Alliance with the Scythians and Chorasmians 233

XVI. Subjugation of Sogdiana.—Revolt of Spitamenes 235

XVII. Defeat and Death of Spitamenes 237

XVIII. Oxyartes Besieged in the Sogdian Rock 239

XIX. Alexander Captures the Rock and Marries Roxana 241

XX. Magnanimous Treatment of the Family of Darius 242

XXI. Capture of the Rock of Chorienes 244

XXII. Alexander reaches the River Cabul, and Receives the

Homage of Taxiles 246

XXIII. Battles with the Aspasians 248

XXIV. Operations against the Aspasians 250

XXV. Defeat of the Aspasians.—The Assacenians and

Guraeans Attacked 252

XXVI. Siege of Massaga 254

XXVII. Sieges of Massaga and Ora 255

XXVIII. Capture of Bazira.—Advance to the Rock of

Aornus 257

XXIX. Siege of Aornus 260

XXX. Capture of Aornus.—Arrival at the Indus 262

BOOK V.

I. Alexander at Nysa 265

II. Alexander at Nysa 267

III. Incredulity of Eratosthenes.—Passage of the Indus 269

IV. Digression about India 270

V. Mountains and Rivers of Asia 273

VI. General Description of India 274

VII. Method of Bridging Rivers 277

VIII. March from the Indus to the Hydaspes 279

IX. Porus obstructs Alexander’s Passage 280

X. Alexander and Porus at the Hydaspes 282

XI. Alexander’s Stratagem to get across 283

XII. Passage of the Hydaspes 284

XIII. Passage of the Hydaspes 285

XIV. The Battle at the Hydaspes 287

XV. Arrangements of Porus 288

XVI. Alexander’s Tactics 290

XVII. Defeat of Porus 291

XVIII. Losses of the Combatants.—Porus Surrenders 293

XIX. Alliance with Porus.—Death of Bucephalas 295

XX. Conquest of the Glausians.—Embassy from Abisares.—Passage

of the Acesines 297

XXI. Advance beyond the Hydraotes 299

XXII. Invasion of the Land of the Cathaeans 301

XXIII. Assault upon Sangala 302

XXIV. Capture of Sangala 304

XXV. The Army refuses to Advance.—Alexander’s Speech

to the Officers 306

XXVI. Alexander’s Speech (_continued_) 308

XXVII. The Answer of Coenus 311

XXVIII. Alexander resolves to Return 313

XXIX. Alexander recrosses the Hydraotes and Acesines 314

BOOK VI.

I. Preparations for a Voyage down the Indus 317

II. Voyage down the Hydaspes 318

III. Voyage down the Hydaspes (_continued_) 320

IV. Voyage down the Hydaspes into the Acesines 321

V. Voyage down the Acesines 323

VI. Campaign against the Mallians 324

VII. Campaign against the Mallians (_continued_) 326

VIII. Defeat of the Mallians at the river Hydraotes 328

IX. Storming of the Mallian Stronghold 329

X. Alexander dangerously Wounded 331

XI. Alexander Wounded 333

XII. Anxiety of the Soldiers about Alexander 335

XIII. Joy of the Soldiers at Alexander’s Recovery 336

XIV. Voyage down the Hydraotes and Acesines into the

Indus 338

XV. Voyage down the Indus to the Land of Musicanus 340

XVI. Campaign against Oxycanus and Sambus 342

XVII. Musicanus Executed.—Capture of Patala 343

XVIII. Voyage down the Indus 345

XIX. Voyage down the Indus into the Sea 346

XX. Exploration of the Mouths of the Indus 348

XXI. Campaign against the Oritians 349

XXII. March through the Desert of Gadrosia 351

XXIII. March through the Desert of Gadrosia 353

XXIV. March through Gadrosia 355

XXV. Sufferings of the Army 356

XXVI. Alexander’s Magnanimous Conduct 358

XXVII. March through Carmania.—Punishment of Viceroys 360

XXVIII. Alexander in Carmania 362

XXIX. Alexander in Persis.—Tomb of Cyrus Repaired 364

XXX. Peucestas appointed Viceroy of Persis 367

BOOK VII.

I. Alexander’s Plans.—The Indian Philosophers 369

II. Alexander’s Dealings with the Indian Sages 371

III. Self-sacrifice of the Indian Calanus 372

IV. Marriages between Macedonians and Persians 374

V. The Soldiers Rewarded 376

VI. An Army of Asiatics Trained under the Macedonian

Discipline 378

VII. Navigation of the Tigres 379

VIII. The Macedonians Offended at Alexander 381

IX. Alexander’s Speech 383

X. Alexander’s Speech (_continued_) 386

XI. Reconciliation between Alexander and his Army 387

XII. Ten Thousand Macedonians sent Home with Craterus.—Disputes

between Antipater and Olympias 390

XIII. The Nisaean Plain.—The Amazons 393

XIV. Death of Hephaestion 395

XV. Subjugation of the Cossaeans.—Embassies from Distant

Nations 398

XVI. Exploration of the Caspian.—The Chaldaean Soothsayers 400

XVII. The Advice of the Chaldees rejected 402

XVIII. Predictions of Alexander’s Death 404

XIX. Embassies from Greece.—Fleet prepared for Invading

Arabia 406

XX. Description of Arabia.—Voyage of Nearchus 408

XXI. Description of the Euphrates and the Pallacopas 411

XXII. An Omen of Alexander’s Approaching Death 412

XXIII. The Army Recruited from the Persians.—Hephaestion’s

Memory Honoured 414

XXIV. Another Omen of Alexander’s Death 417

XXV. Alexander Seized with Fever 418

XXVI. Alexander’s Death 420

XXVII. Rumour that Alexander was Poisoned 421

XXVIII. Character of Alexander 422

XXIX. Apology for Alexander’s Errors 424

XXX. Eulogy of Alexander 425

Index of Proper Names 429

ERRATA.

Page 3. Four lines from the bottom, for Anab. v. 1, _read_ v. 5, 1.

Page 8. Note 1, for Diod., xix. 93, 94; _read_ xvi. 93, 94.

Note 3, for Diod., xvi. 85; _read_ xvii. 4.

Page 48. For Onares _read_ Omares.

Page 108. (Note) for Zeph. i. 2; _read_ 11.

Page 116. (Note) for _Paradise Lost_, viii. 18; _read_ i. 446.

LIFE AND WRITINGS OF ARRIAN.

All we know of Arrian is derived from the notice of him in the

_Bibliotheca_ of Photius, who was Patriarch of Constantinople in

the ninth century, and from a few incidental references in his own

writings. We learn from Suidas that Dion Cassius wrote a biography of

Arrian; but this work is not extant. Flavius Arrianus was born near

the end of the first century of the Christian era, at Nicomedia, the

capital of Bithynia. He became a pupil of the famous Stoic philosopher

Epictetus, and afterwards went to Athens, where he received the surname

of the “younger Xenophon,” from the fact that he occupied the same

relation to Epictetus as Xenophon did to Socrates.[1] Not only was he

called Xenophon by others, but he calls himself so in _Cynegeticus_ (v.

6); and in _Periplus_ (xii. 5; xxv. 1), he distinguishes Xenophon by

the addition _the elder_. Lucian (_Alexander_, 56) calls Arrian simply

_Xenophon_. During the stay of the emperor Hadrian at Athens, A.D. 126,

Arrian gained his friendship. He accompanied his patron to Rome, where

he received the Roman citizenship. In consequence of this, he assumed

the name of Flavius.[2] In the same way the Jewish historian, Josephus,

had been allowed by Vespasian and Titus to bear the imperial name

Flavius.[3]

Photius says, that Arrian had a distinguished career in Rome, being

entrusted with various political offices, and at last reaching the

supreme dignity of consul under Antoninus Pius.[4] Previous to this

he was appointed (A.D. 132) by Hadrian, Governor of Cappadocia, which

province was soon after invaded by the Alani, or Massagetae, whom he

defeated and expelled.[5] When Marcus Aurelius came to the throne,

Arrian withdrew into private life and returned to his native city,

Nicomedia. Here, according to Photius, he was appointed priest to

Demeter and Persephone. He died in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.

The earlier literary efforts of Arrian were philosophical. After

the expulsion of the philosophers from Rome, by Domitian, Epictetus

delivered his lectures at Nicopolis, in Epirus, where it is probable

that Arrian was his pupil.

I. These lectures were published by Arrian, under the title of

_Discourses of Epictetus_, in eight books, the first four only of which

have come down to us. He tells us himself in the introduction to this

work, that he strove as far as possible to preserve the very words

of his teacher as mementoes of his method of reasoning and diction.

Gellius (xix. 1) speaks of a fifth book of these Discourses.

II. He also compiled _The Enchiridion of Epictetus_, an abstract of

the philosophy of Epictetus, which is still extant. This manual of

the Stoic moral philosophy was very popular, both among Pagans and

Christians, for many centuries.

III. Another work by Arrian, in twelve books, distinct from the above,

is mentioned by Photius under the title of “Ὁμιλίαι Ἐπικτήτου”,

or _Friendly Conversations with Epictetus_. Of this only a few

fragments survive.

IV. Another lost work of Arrian on the life and death of Epictetus

is mentioned by Simplicius in the beginning of his Commentary on the

Enchiridion.

V. Besides editing these philosophical works, Arrian wrote many

original books. By far the most important of these is the _Anabasis of

Alexander_, or the History of Alexander the Great’s Campaigns. This

is one of the most authentic and accurate of historical works. Though

inspired with admiration for his hero, the author evinces impartiality

and freedom from hero-worship. He exhibits great literary acuteness in

the choice of his authorities and in sifting evidence. The two chief

sources from which he drew his narrative were the histories written by

Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus, both of

whom were officers in Alexander’s army. Other authorities quoted by

Arrian himself were:—Eratosthenes, Megasthenes, Nearchus, Aristus,

and Asclepiades. He also made use of Alexander’s letters, which he

mentions five times;[6] only once, however, quoting the exact words of

the writer. The last authority which he mentions, is the _Royal Diary_

kept by Eumenes, of Cardia, the private secretary of Philip as well as

of Alexander, and by the historian Diodotus, of Erythrae. It is used by

Arrian only once,[7] as it is by Plutarch.[8]

VI. The work named _Indica_, is a description of India, and was usually

united in manuscripts with the Anabasis, as an eighth book. Though

it may be looked upon as a supplement to the Anabasis, Arrian often

refers in the one work to the other.[9] From this we may infer that the

author wished the _Indica_ to be considered a distinct book from the

Anabasis; and from the remark in Anab. v. 1, it is clear that it was

composed after the Anabasis. This book is written in the Ionic dialect,

like the History of Herodotus and the Indica of Ctesias. The latter

untrustworthy book Arrian wished to supplant by his own narrative,

principally based on the works of Megasthenes and Nearchus.

VII. Photius mentions among Arrian’s historical works:—_The Events

after Alexander_, in ten books, which gives the history of Alexander’s

successors. Photius (cod. 92) has preserved many extracts from this

work.

VIII. _Bithynica_ in eight books, a work often quoted by Eustathius in

his commentaries to the Iliad and to Dionysius Periegetes. In regard

to the contents of this book, Photius (cod. 93) says:—“The Bithynica

commences from the mythical events of history and comes down as far

as the death of the last Nicomedes, who at his death bequeathed his

kingdom to the Romans, who had never been ruled by a king after the

expulsion of Tarquin.”

IX. _Parthica_, in seventeen books. See Photius (cod. 58).

X. _History of the Alani_. See Photius (cod. 93). Only fragments of

this and the _Parthica_ remain.

XI. Besides the large works, we learn from Photius (cod. 93) that

Arrian wrote the biographies of the Corinthian Timoleon and of the

Syracusan Dion. Lucian (Alex. 2), also states that he wrote the life of

Tilliborus, the notorious robber of Asia Minor.

XII. A valuable geographical work by Arrian has come down to us, called

“Περίπλους πόντου Εὐξείνου”, a description of a voyage round the coasts

of the Euxine. This naval expedition was executed by him as Governor

of Cappadocia. The Alani, or, Albani of the East, a tribe related to

the Massagetae, were threatening to invade his province, and he made

this voyage with a view of fortifying the most important strategic

points on the coast. From section 26 of the Periplus we find that this

voyage must have taken place about the year 131 or 132 A.D.; for the

death of King Cotys II., noticed in that passage as just dead, is

proved by Böckh’s investigations to have occurred in 131 A.D. Two other

geographical works, _The Periplus of the Red Sea_ and _The Periplus of

the Euxine_, formerly ascribed to Arrian, are proved to belong to a

later date.

XIII. A work on _Tactics_, composed 137 A.D. In many parts this book

agrees nearly verbally with the larger work of Aelian on the same

subject; but Leo Tacticus (vii. 85) expressly mentions the two works as

distinct.

XIV. _An Array of Battle against the Alani_, is a fragment discovered

in the seventeenth century in the Description of his Battles with the

Alani, who invaded his province, probably 137 A.D., as Arrian had

previously feared.[10]

XV. A small work by Arrian on the Chase, forms a supplement to

Xenophon’s book on the same subject. It is entitled _Cynegeticus of

Arrian or the second Xenophon the Athenian_.

The best editions of the Anabasis are the following:—The _editio

princeps_ by Trincavelli, Venice, 1535; Gerbel, Strassburg, 1539; Henri

Estienne, 1575; N. Blancardus, Amsterdam, 1668; J. Gronovius, Leyden,

1704; G. Raphelius, Amsterdam, 1757; A. C. Borkeck, Lemgovia, 1792;

F. Schmieder, Leipzig, 1798; Tauchnitz edition, Leipzig, 1818; J. O.

Ellendt, Königsberg, 1832; C. W. Krüger, Berlin, 1835; F. Dübner,

Paris, 1846; K. Abicht, Leipzig, 1871.

ARRIAN’S PREFACE.

I have admitted into my narrative as strictly authentic all the

statements relating to Alexander and Philip which Ptolemy, son of

Lagus,[11] and Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus,[12] agree in making;

and from those statements which differ I have selected that which

appears to me the more credible and at the same time the more

deserving of record. Different authors have given different accounts

of Alexander’s life; and there is no one about whom more have

written, or more at variance with each other. But in my opinion the

narratives of Ptolemy and Aristobulus are more worthy of credit than

the rest; Aristobulus, because he served under king Alexander in his

expedition, and Ptolemy, not only because he accompanied Alexander in

his expedition, but also because he was himself a king afterwards, and

falsification of facts would have been more disgraceful to him than to

any other man. Moreover, they are both more worthy of credit, because

they compiled their histories after Alexander’s death, when neither

compulsion was used nor reward offered them to write anything different

from what really occurred. Some statements made by other writers I

have incorporated in my narrative, because they seemed to me worthy of

mention and not altogether improbable; but I have given them merely as

reports of Alexander’s proceedings. And if any man wonders why, after

so many other men have written of Alexander, the compilation of this

history came into my mind, after perusing[13] the narratives of all the

rest, let him read this of mine, and then wonder (if he can).

THE ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

DEATH OF PHILIP AND ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.—HIS WARS WITH THE

THRACIANS.

It is said that Philip died[14] when Pythodemus was archon at

Athens,[15] and that his son Alexander,[16] being then about twenty

years of age, marched into Peloponnesus[17] as soon as he had secured

the regal power. There he assembled all the Greeks who were within the

limits of Peloponnesus,[18] and asked from them the supreme command of

the expedition against the Persians, an office which they had already

conferred upon Philip. He received the honour which he asked from all

except the Lacedaemonians,[19] who replied that it was an hereditary

custom of theirs, not to follow others but to lead them. The Athenians

also attempted to bring about some political change; but they were

so alarmed at the very approach of Alexander, that they conceded to

him even more ample public honours than those which had been bestowed

upon Philip.[20] He then returned into Macedonia and busied himself in

preparing for the expedition into Asia.

However, at the approach of spring (B.C. 335), he marched towards

Thrace, into the lands of the Triballians and Illyrians,[21] because

he ascertained that these nations were meditating a change of policy;

and at the same time, as they were lying on his frontier, he thought

it inexpedient, when he was about to start on a campaign so far away

from his own land, to leave them behind him without being entirely

subjugated. Setting out then from Amphipolis, he invaded the land of

the people who were called independent Thracians,[22] keeping the

city of Philippi and mount Orbelus on the left. Crossing the river

Nessus,[23] they say he arrived at mount Haemus[24] on the tenth day.

Here, along the defiles up the ascent to the mountain, he was met by

many of the traders equipped with arms, as well as by the independent

Thracians, who had made preparations to check the further advance of

his expedition by seizing the summit of the Haemus, along which was the

route for the passage of his army. They had collected their waggons,

and placed them in front of them, not only using them as a rampart

from which they might defend themselves, in case they should be forced

back, but also intending to let them loose upon the phalanx of the

Macedonians, where the mountain was most precipitous, if they tried to

ascend. They had come to the conclusion[25] that the denser the phalanx

was with which the waggons rushing down came into collision, the more

easily would they scatter it by the violence of their fall upon it.

But Alexander formed a plan by which he might cross the mountain with

the least danger possible; and since he was resolved to run all risks,

knowing that there were no means of passing elsewhere, he ordered the

heavy-armed soldiers, as soon as the waggons began to rush down the

declivity, to open their ranks, and directed that those whom the road

was sufficiently wide to permit to do so should stand apart, so that

the waggons might roll through the gap; but that those who were hemmed

in on all sides should either stoop down together or even fall flat

on the ground, and lock their shields compactly together, so that the

waggons rushing down upon them, and in all probability by their very

impetus leaping over them, might pass on without injuring them. And it

turned out just as Alexander had conjectured and exhorted. For some

of the men made gaps in the phalanx, and others locked their shields

together. The waggons rolled over the shields without doing much

injury, not a single man being killed under them. Then the Macedonians

regained their courage, inasmuch as the waggons, which they had

excessively dreaded, had inflicted no damage upon them. With a loud

cry they assaulted the Thracians. Alexander ordered his archers to

march from the right wing in front of the rest of the phalanx, because

there the passage was easier, and to shoot at the Thracians where they

advanced. He himself took his own guard, the shield-bearing infantry

and the Agrianians,[26] and led them to the left. Then the archers

shot at the Thracians who sallied forward, and repulsed them; and

the phalanx, coming to close fighting, easily drove away from their

position men who were light-armed and badly equipped barbarians. The

consequence was, they no longer waited to receive Alexander marching

against them from the left, but casting away their arms they fled down

the mountain as each man best could. About 1,500 of them were killed;

but only a few were taken prisoners on account of their swiftness of

foot and acquaintance with the country. However, all the women who were

accompanying them were captured, as were also their children and all

their booty.

CHAPTER II.

BATTLE WITH THE TRIBALLIANS.

Alexander sent the booty away southward to the cities on the

seashore,[27] entrusting to Lysanias and Philotas[28] the duty of

setting it up for sale. But he himself crossed the summit, and

advancing through the Haemus into the land of the Triballians, he

arrived at the river Lyginus.[29] This river is distant from the

Ister[30] three days’ march to one intending to go to the Haemus.

Syrmus, king of the Triballians, hearing of Alexander’s expedition long

before, had sent the women and children of the nation on in advance

to the Ister, ordering them to pass over into one of the islands in

that river, the name of which was Peuce.[31] To this island also the

Thracians, whose territories were conterminous with those of the

Triballians, had fled together for refuge at the approach of Alexander.

Syrmus himself likewise, accompanied by his train, had fled for refuge

to the same place. But the main body of the Triballians fled back to

the river, from which Alexander had started the day before.

When he heard of their starting, he wheeled round again, and, marching

against them, surprised them just as they were encamping. And those

who were surprised drew themselves up in battle array in a woody glen

along the bank of the river. Alexander drew out his phalanx into a

deep column, and led it on in person. He also ordered the archers

and slingers to run forward and discharge arrows and stones at the

barbarians, hoping to provoke them by this to come out of the woody

glen into the ground unencumbered with trees. When they were within

reach of the missiles, and were struck by them, they rushed out

against the archers, who were undefended by shields, with the purpose

of fighting them hand-to-hand. But when Alexander had drawn them thus

out of the woody glen, he ordered Philotas to take the cavalry which

came from upper Macedonia, and to charge their right wing, where they

had advanced furthest in their sally. He also commanded Heraclides and

Sopolis[32] to lead on the cavalry which came from Bottiaea[33] and

Amphipolis against the left wing; while he himself extended the phalanx

of infantry and the rest of the horse in front of the phalanx and

led them against the enemy’s centre. And indeed as long as there was

only skirmishing on both sides, the Triballians did not get the worst

of it; but as soon as the phalanx in dense array attacked them with

vigour, and the cavalry fell upon them in various quarters, no longer

merely striking them with the javelin, but pushing them with their very

horses, then at length they turned and fled through the woody glen to

the river. Three thousand were slain in the flight; few of them were

taken prisoners, both because there was a dense wood in front of the

river, and the approach of night deprived the Macedonians of certainty

in their pursuit. Ptolemy says, that of the Macedonians themselves

eleven horsemen and about forty foot soldiers were killed.

CHAPTER III.

ALEXANDER AT THE DANUBE AND IN THE COUNTRY OF THE GETAE.

On the third day after the battle, Alexander reached the river Ister,

which is the largest of all the rivers in Europe, traverses a very

great tract of country, and separates very warlike nations. Most of

these belong to the Celtic race,[34] in whose territory the sources

of the river take their rise. Of these nations the remotest are the

Quadi[35] and Marcomanni[36]; then the Iazygians,[37] a branch of

the Sauromatians[38]; then the Getae,[39] who hold the doctrine of

immortality; then the main body of the Sauromatians; and, lastly, the

Scythians,[40] whose land stretches as far as the outlets of the river,

where through five mouths it discharges its water into the Euxine

Sea.[41] Here Alexander found some ships of war which had come to him

from Byzantium, through the Euxine Sea and up the river. Filling these

with archers and heavy-armed troops, he sailed to the island to which

the Triballians and Thracians had fled for refuge. He tried to force a

landing; but the barbarians came to meet him at the brink of the river,

where the ships were making the assault. But these were only few in

number, and the army in them small. The shores of the island, also,

were in most places too steep and precipitous for landing, and the

current of the river alongside it, being, as it were, shut up into a

narrow channel by the nearness of the banks, was rapid and exceedingly

difficult to stem.

Alexander therefore led back his ships, and determined to cross the

Ister and march against the Getae, who dwelt on the other side of that

river; for he observed that many of them had collected on the bank of

the river for the purpose of barring his way, if he should cross. There

were of them about 4,000 cavalry and more than 10,000 infantry. At

the same time a strong desire seized him to advance beyond the Ister.

He therefore went on board the fleet himself. He also filled with hay

the hides which served them as tent-coverings, and collected from the

country around all the boats made from single trunks of trees. Of these

there was a great abundance, because the people who dwell near the

Ister use them for fishing in the river, sometimes also for journeying

to each other for traffic up the river; and most of them carry on

piracy with them. Having collected as many of these as he could, upon

them he conveyed across as many of his soldiers as was possible in such

a fashion. Those who crossed with Alexander amounted in number to 1,500

cavalry and 4,000 infantry.

CHAPTER IV.

ALEXANDER DESTROYS THE CITY OF THE GETAE.—THE AMBASSADORS OF THE CELTS.

They crossed over by night to a spot where the corn stood high; and in

this way they reached the bank more secretly. At the approach of dawn

Alexander led his men through the field of standing corn, ordering the

infantry to lean upon the corn with their pikes[42] held transversely,

and thus to advance into the untilled ground. As long as the phalanx

was advancing through the standing corn, the cavalry followed; but

when they marched out of the tilled land, Alexander himself led the

horse round to the right wing, and commanded Nicanor[43] to lead the

phalanx in a square. The Getae did not even sustain the first charge

of the cavalry; for Alexander’s audacity seemed incredible to them,

in having thus easily crossed the Ister, the largest of rivers, in a

single night, without throwing a bridge over the stream. Terrible to

them also was the closely-locked order of the phalanx, and violent

the charge of the cavalry. At first they fled for refuge into their

city, which was distant about a parasang[44] from the Ister; but when

they saw that Alexander was leading his phalanx carefully along the

river, to prevent his infantry being anywhere surrounded by the Getae

lying in ambush; whereas he was leading his cavalry straight on, they

again abandoned the city, because it was badly fortified. They carried

off as many of their women and children as their horses could carry,

and betook themselves into the steppes, in a direction which led as

far as possible from the river. Alexander took the city and all the

booty which the Getae left behind. This he gave to Meleager[45] and

Philip[46] to carry off. After razing the city to the ground, he

offered sacrifice upon the bank of the river, to Zeus the preserver,

to Heracles,[47] and to Ister himself, because he had allowed him to

cross; and while it was still day he brought all his men back safe to

the camp.

There ambassadors came to him from Syrmus, king of the Triballians,

and from the other independent nations dwelling near the Ister. Some

even arrived from the Celts who dwelt near the Ionian gulf.[48] These

people are of great stature, and of a haughty disposition. All the

envoys said that they had come to seek Alexander’s friendship. To all

of them he gave pledges of amity, and received pledges from them in

return. He then asked the Celts what thing in the world caused them

special alarm, expecting that his own great fame had reached the Celts

and had penetrated still further, and that they would say that they

feared him most of all things. But the answer of the Celts turned out

quite contrary to his expectation; for, as they dwelt so far away from

Alexander, inhabiting districts difficult of access, and as they saw he

was about to set out in another direction, they said they were afraid

that the sky would some time or other fall down upon them. These men

also he sent back, calling them friends, and ranking them as allies,

making the remark that the Celts were braggarts.[49]

CHAPTER V.

REVOLT OF CLITUS AND GLAUCIAS.

He then advanced into the land of the Agrianians and Paeonians,[50]

where messengers reached him, who reported that Clitus, son of

Bardylis,[51] had revolted, and that Glaucias,[52] king of the

Taulantians,[53] had gone over to him. They also reported that the

Autariatians[54] intended to attack him on his way. He accordingly

resolved to commence his march without delay. But Langarus, king of the

Agrianians, who, in the lifetime of Philip, had been an open and avowed

friend of Alexander, and had gone on an embassy to him in his private

capacity, at that time also came to him with the finest and best armed

of the shield-bearing troops, which he kept as a body-guard. When this

man heard that Alexander was inquiring who the Autariatians were, and

what was the number of their men, he said that he need take no account

of them, since they were the least warlike of the tribes of that

district; and that he would himself make an inroad into their land, so

that they might have too much occupation about their own affairs to

attack others. Accordingly, at Alexander’s order, he made an attack

upon them; and not only did he attack them, but he swept their land

clean of captives and booty. Thus the Autariatians were indeed occupied

with their own affairs. Langarus was rewarded by Alexander with the

greatest honours, and received from him the gifts which were considered

most valuable in the eyes of the king of the Macedonians. Alexander

also promised to give him his sister Cyna[55] in marriage when he

arrived at Pella.[56] But Langarus fell ill and died on his return home.

After this, Alexander marched along the river Erigon,[57] and proceeded

to the city of Pelium;[58] for Clitus had seized this city, as it was

the strongest in the country. When Alexander arrived at this place,

and had encamped near the river Eordaicus,[59] he resolved to make an

assault upon the wall the next day. But Clitus held the mountains which

encircled the city, and commanded it from their height; moreover, they

were covered with dense thickets. His intention was to fall upon the

Macedonians from all sides, if they assaulted the city. But Glaucias,

king of the Taulantians, had not yet joined him. Alexander, however,

led his forces towards the city; and the enemy, after sacrificing three

boys, an equal number of girls, and three black rams, sallied forth for

the purpose of receiving the Macedonians in a hand-to-hand conflict.

But as soon as they came to close quarters, they left the positions

which they had occupied, strong as they were,[60] in such haste that

even their sacrificial victims were captured still lying on the ground.

On this day he shut them up in the city, and encamping near the wall,

he resolved to intercept them by a circumvallation; but on the next

day Glaucias, king of the Taulantians, arrived with a great force.

Then, indeed, Alexander gave up the hope of capturing the city with

his present force, since many warlike troops had fled for refuge

into it, and Glaucias with his large army would be likely to follow

him up closely if he assailed the wall. But he sent Philotas on a

foraging expedition, with the beasts of burden from the camp and a

sufficient body of cavalry to serve as a guard. When Glaucias heard

of the expedition of Philotas he marched out to meet him, and seized

the mountains which surrounded the plain, from which Philotas intended

to procure forage. As soon as Alexander was informed that his cavalry

and beasts of burden would be in danger if night overtook them, taking

the shield-bearing troops,[61] the archers, the Agrianians, and about

four hundred cavalry, he went with all speed to their aid. The rest of

the army he left behind near the city, to prevent the citizens from

hastening forth to form a junction with Glaucias (as they would have

done), if all the Macedonian army had withdrawn. Directly Glaucias

perceived that Alexander was advancing, he evacuated the mountains,

and Philotas and his forces returned to the camp in safety. But Clitus

and Glaucias still imagined that they had caught Alexander in a

disadvantageous position; for they were occupying the mountains, which

commanded the plain by their height, with a large body of cavalry,

javelin-throwers, and slingers, besides a considerable number of

heavy-armed infantry. Moreover, the men who had been beleaguered in

the city were expected to pursue the Macedonians closely if they made

a retreat. The ground also through which Alexander had to march was

evidently narrow and covered with wood; on one side it was hemmed in by

a river, and on the other there was a very lofty and craggy mountain,

so that there would not be room for the army to pass, even if only four

shield-bearers marched abreast.

CHAPTER VI.

DEFEAT OF CLITUS AND GLAUCIAS.

Then Alexander drew up his army in such a way that the depth of the

phalanx was 120 men; and stationing 200 cavalry on each wing, he

ordered them to preserve silence, in order to receive the word of

command quickly. Accordingly he gave the signal to the heavy-armed

infantry in the first place to hold their spears erect, and then to

couch them at the concerted sign; at one time to incline their spears

to the right, closely locked together, and at another time towards

the left. He then set the phalanx itself into quick motion forward,

and marched it towards the wings, now to the right, and then to the

left. After thus arranging and re-arranging his army many times very

rapidly, he at last formed his phalanx into a sort of wedge, and led

it towards the left against the enemy, who had long been in a state of

amazement at seeing both the order and the rapidity of his evolutions.

Consequently they did not sustain Alexander’s attack, but quitted

the first ridges of the mountain. Upon this, Alexander ordered the

Macedonians to raise the battle cry and make a clatter with their

spears upon their shields; and the Taulantians, being still more

alarmed at the noise, led their army back to the city with all speed.

As Alexander saw only a few of the enemy still occupying a ridge,

along which lay his route, he ordered his body-guards and personal

companions to take their shields, mount their horses, and ride to

the hill; and when they reached it, if those who had occupied the

position awaited them, he said that half of them were to leap from

their horses, and to fight as foot-soldiers, being mingled with the

cavalry. But when the enemy saw Alexander’s advance, they quitted the

hill and retreated to the mountains in both directions. Then Alexander,

with his companions,[62] seized the hill, and sent for the Agrianians

and archers, who numbered 2,000. He also ordered the shield-bearing

guards to cross the river, and after them the regiments of Macedonian

infantry, with instructions that, as soon as they had succeeded in

crossing, they should draw out in rank towards the left, so that the

phalanx of men crossing might appear compact at once. He himself, in

the vanguard, was all the time observing from the ridge the enemy’s

advance. They, seeing the force crossing the river, marched down the

mountains to meet them, with the purpose of attacking Alexander’s rear

in its retreat. But, as they were just drawing near, Alexander rushed

forth with his own division, and the phalanx raised the battle-cry,

as if about to advance through the river. When the enemy saw all the

Macedonians marching against them, they turned and fled. Upon this,

Alexander led the Agrianians and archers at full speed towards the

river, and succeeded in being himself the first man to cross it. But

when he saw the enemy pressing upon the men in the rear, he stationed

his engines of war upon the bank, and ordered the engineers to shoot

from them as far forward as possible all sorts of projectiles which are

usually shot from military engines.[63] He directed the archers, who

had also entered the water, to shoot their arrows from the middle of

the river. But Glaucias durst not advance within range of the missiles;

so that the Macedonians passed over in such safety, that not one of

them lost his life in the retreat.

Three days after this, Alexander discovered that Clitus and Glaucias

lay carelessly encamped; that neither were their sentinels on guard

in military order, nor had they protected themselves with a rampart

or ditch, as if they imagined he had withdrawn through fear; and that

they had extended their line to a disadvantageous length. He therefore

crossed the river again secretly, at the approach of night, leading

with him the shield-bearing guards, the Agrianians, the archers, and

the brigades of Perdiccas[64] and Coenus,[65] after having given orders

for the rest of the army to follow. As soon as he saw a favourable

opportunity for the attack, without waiting for all to be present, he

despatched the archers and Agrianians against the foe. These, being

arranged in phalanx, fell unawares with the most furious charge upon

their flank, where they were likely to come into conflict with their

weakest point, and slew some of them still in their beds, others being

easily caught in their flight. Accordingly, many were there captured

and killed, as were many also in the disorderly and panic-stricken

retreat which ensued. Not a few, moreover, were taken prisoners.

Alexander kept up the pursuit as far as the Taulantian mountains;

and as many of them as escaped, preserved their lives by throwing

away their arms. Clitus first fled for refuge into the city, which,

however, he set on fire, and withdrew to Glaucias, in the land of the

Taulantians.

CHAPTER VII.

REVOLT OF THEBES (_September_, B.C. 335).

While these events were occurring, some of the exiles who had been

banished from Thebes, coming to the city by night, and being brought in

by some of the citizens, in order to effect a change in the government,

apprehended and slew outside the Cadmea,[66] Amyntas and Timolaüs,[67]

two of the men who held that fortress, having no suspicion that

any hostile attempt was about to be made. Then entering the public

assembly, they incited the Thebans to revolt from Alexander, holding

out to them as pretexts the ancient and glorious words, liberty and

freedom of speech, and urging them now at last to rid themselves of the

heavy yoke of the Macedonians. By stoutly maintaining that Alexander

had been killed in Illyria they gained more power in persuading the

multitude;[68] for this report was prevalent, and for many reasons it

gained credit, both because he had been absent a long time, and because

no news had arrived from him. Accordingly, as is usual in such cases,

not knowing the facts, each man conjectured what was most pleasing to

himself.

When Alexander heard what was being done at Thebes, he thought it was

a movement not at all to be slighted, inasmuch as he had for a long

time suspected the city of Athens and deemed the audacious action of

the Thebans no trivial matter, if the Lacedaemonians, who had long been

disaffected in their feelings to him, and the Aetolians and certain

other States in the Peloponnese, who were not firm in their allegiance

to him, should take part with the Thebans in their revolutionary

effort. He therefore led his army through Eordaea and Elimiotis[69] and

along the peaks of Stymphaea and Paravaea,[70] and on the seventh day

arrived at Pelina[71] in Thessaly. Starting thence, he entered Boeotia

on the sixth day; so that the Thebans did not learn that he had passed

south of Thermopylae, until he was at Onchestus[72] with the whole of

his army. Even then the authors of the revolt asserted that Antipater’s

army had arrived out of Macedonia, stoutly affirming that Alexander

himself was dead, and being very angry with those who announced that

it was Alexander himself who was advancing.[73] For they said it must

be another Alexander, the son of Aëropus, who was coming.[74] On the

following day Alexander set out from Onchestus, and advanced towards

the city along the territory consecrated to Iolaüs;[75] where indeed

he encamped, in order to give the Thebans further time to repent of

their evil resolutions and to send an embassy to him. But so far were

they from showing any sign of wishing to come to an accommodation,

that their cavalry and a large body of light-armed infantry sallied

forth from the city as far as the camp, and, skirmishing with the

Macedonian outposts, slew a few of their men. Alexander hereupon sent

forth a party of his light-armed infantry and archers to repel their

sortie; and these men repelled them with ease, just as they were

approaching the very camp. The next day he took the whole of his army

and marched round towards the gate which led to Eleutherae and Attica.

But not even then did he assault the wall itself, but encamped not

far away from the Cadmea, in order that succour might be at hand to

the Macedonians who were occupying that citadel. For the Thebans had

blockaded the Cadmea with a double stockade and were guarding it, so

that no one from without might be able to give succour to those who

were beleaguered, and that the garrison might not be able, by making

a sally, to do them any injury, when they were attacking the enemy

outside. But Alexander remained encamped near the Cadmea, for he still

wished rather to come to friendly terms with the Thebans than to come

to a contest with them.[76] Then those of the Thebans who knew what

was for the best interest of the commonwealth were eager to go out to

Alexander and obtain pardon for the commonalty of Thebes for their

revolt; but the exiles and those who had summoned them home kept on

inciting the populace to war by every means in their power, since they

despaired of obtaining for themselves any indulgence from Alexander,

especially as some of them were also Boeotarchs.[77] However not even

for this did Alexander assault the city.

CHAPTER VIII.

FALL OF THEBES.

But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, tells us that Perdiccas, who had been posted

in the advanced guard of the camp with his own brigade, and was not far

from the enemy’s stockade, did not wait for the signal from Alexander

to commence the battle; but of his own accord was the first to assault

the stockade, and, having made a breach in it, fell upon the advanced

guard of the Thebans.[78] Amyntas,[79] son of Andromenes, followed

Perdiccas, because he had been stationed with him. This general also

of his own accord led on his brigade when he saw that Perdiccas had

advanced within the stockade. When Alexander saw this, he led on the

rest of his army, fearing that unsupported they might be intercepted by

the Thebans and be in danger of destruction. He gave instructions to

the archers and Agrianians to rush within the stockade, but he still

retained the guards and shield-bearing troops outside. Then indeed

Perdiccas, after forcing his way within the second stockade, fell there

wounded with a dart, and was carried back grievously injured to the

camp, where he was with difficulty cured of his wound. However the men

of Perdiccas, in company with the archers sent by Alexander, fell upon

the Thebans and shut them up in the hollow way leading to the temple

of Heracles, and followed them in their retreat as far as the temple

itself. The Thebans, having wheeled round, again advanced from that

position with a shout, and put the Macedonians to flight. Eurybotas the

Cretan, the captain of the archers, fell with about seventy of his men;

but the rest fled to the Macedonian guard and the royal shield-bearing

troops. Now, when Alexander saw that his own men were in flight, and

that the Thebans had broken their ranks in pursuit, he attacked them

with his phalanx drawn up in proper order, and drove them back within

the gates. The Thebans fled in such a panic that being driven into

the city through the gates they had not time to shut them; for the

Macedonians, who were close behind the fugitives, rushed with them

within the fortifications, inasmuch as the walls were destitute of

defenders on account of the numerous pickets in front of them. When the

Macedonians had entered the Cadmea, some of them marched out of it,

in company with those who held the fortress, into the other part of

the city opposite the temple of Amphion,[80] but others crossing along

the walls, which were now in the possession of those who had rushed in

together with the fugitives, advanced with a run into the market-place.

Those of the Thebans who had been drawn up opposite the temple of

Amphion stood their ground for a short time; but when the Macedonians

under the command of Alexander were seen to be pressing hard upon

them in various directions, their cavalry rushed through the city

and sallied forth into the plain, and their infantry fled for safety

as each man found it possible. Then indeed the Thebans, no longer

defending themselves, were slain, not so much by the Macedonians as by

the Phocians, Plataeans and other Boeotians,[81] who by indiscriminate

slaughter vented their rage against them. Some were even attacked in

the houses, having there turned to defend themselves from the enemy,

and others were slain as they were supplicating the protection of the

gods in the temples; not even the women and children being spared.[82]

CHAPTER IX.

DESTRUCTION OF THEBES.

This was felt by the Greeks to be a general calamity for it struck

the rest of the Greeks with no less consternation than it did those

who had themselves taken part in the struggle, both on account of the

magnitude of the captured city and the celerity of the action, the

result of which was in the highest degree contrary to the expectation

both of the sufferers and the perpetrators. For the disasters which

befell the Athenians in relation to Sicily,[83] though in regard to

the number of those who perished they brought no less misfortune to

the city, yet, because their army was destroyed far away from their

own land, being composed for the most part rather of auxiliary troops

than of native Athenians, and because their city itself was left to

them intact, so that afterwards they held their own in war even for a

long time, though fighting against the Lacedaemonians and their allies,

as well as the Great King; these disasters, I say, neither produced

in the persons who were themselves involved in the calamity an equal

sensation of the misfortune, nor did they cause the other Greeks a

similar consternation at the catastrophe. Again, the defeat sustained

by the Athenians at Aegospotami[84] was a naval one, and the city

received no other humiliation than the demolition of the Long Walls,

the surrender of most of her ships, and the loss of supremacy. However,

they still retained their hereditary form of government, and not long

after recovered their former power to such a degree as not only to

build up the Long Walls but to recover the rule of the sea[85] and in

their turn to preserve from extreme danger those very Lacedaemonians

then so formidable to them, who had come and almost obliterated their

city. Moreover, the defeat of the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra and

Mantinea filled them with consternation rather by the unexpectedness

of the disaster than because of the number of those who perished.[86]

And the attack made by the Boeotians and Arcadians under Epaminondas

upon the city of Sparta, even this terrified both the Lacedaemonians

themselves and those who participated with them in the transactions at

that time,[87] rather by the novelty of the sight than by the reality

of the danger. The capture of the city of the Plataeans was not a great

calamity, by reason of the small number of those who were taken in it;

most of the citizens having long before escaped to Athens.[88] Again,

the capture of Melus and Scione simply related to insular States, and

rather brought disgrace to those who perpetrated the outrages than

produced great surprise among the Grecian community as[89] a whole.

But the Thebans having effected their revolt suddenly and without any

previous consideration, the capture of the city being brought about

in so short a time and without difficulty on the part of the captors,

the slaughter, being great, as was natural, from its being made by men

of the same race who were glutting their revenge on them for ancient

injuries, the complete enslavement of a city which excelled among those

in Greece at that time both in power and warlike reputation, all this

was attributed not without probability to the avenging wrath of the

deity. It seemed as if the Thebans had after a long time suffered this

punishment for their betrayal of the Greeks in the Median war,[90] for

their seizure of the city of Plataeae during the truce, and for their

complete enslavement of it, as well as for the un-Hellenic slaughter

of the men who had surrendered to the Lacedaemonians, which had been

committed at the instigation of the Thebans; and for the devastation

of the territory in which the Greeks had stood in battle-array against

the Medes and had repelled danger from Greece; lastly, because by

their vote they had tried to ruin the Athenians when a motion was

brought forward among the allies of the Lacedaemonians for the

enslavement of Athens.[91] Moreover it was reported that before the

disaster many portents were sent from the deity, which indeed at the

time were treated with neglect, but afterwards when men called them

to remembrance they were compelled to consider that the events which

occurred had been long before prognosticated.[92]

The settlement of Theban affairs was entrusted by Alexander to the

allies who had taken part in the action. They resolved to occupy the

Cadmea with a garrison; to raze the city to the ground; to distribute

among themselves all the territory, except what was dedicated to the

gods; and to sell into slavery the women and children, and as many of

the males as survived, except those who were priests or priestesses,

and those who were bound to Philip or Alexander by the ties of

hospitality or had been public agents of the Macedonians. It is said

that Alexander preserved the house and the descendants of Pindar the

poet, out of respect for his memory.[93] In addition to these things,

the allies decreed that Orchomenus[94] and Plataeae should be rebuilt

and fortified.

CHAPTER X.

ALEXANDER’S DEALINGS WITH ATHENS.

As soon as news of the calamity which had befallen the Thebans reached

the other Greeks, the Arcadians, who had set out from their own

land for the purpose of giving aid to the Thebans, passed sentence

of death on those who had instigated them to render aid. The Eleans

also received back their exiles from banishment, because they were

Alexander’s adherents; and the Aetolians, each tribe for itself,

sent embassies to him, begging to receive pardon, because they also

had attempted to effect a revolution, on the receipt of the report

which had been spread by the Thebans. The Athenians also, who, at the

time when some of the Thebans, escaping from the carnage, arrived at

Athens, were engaged in celebrating the Great Mysteries,[95] abandoned

the sacred rites in great consternation, and carried their goods and

chattels from the rural districts into the city. The people came

together in public assembly, and, on the motion of Demades, elected

from all the citizens ten ambassadors, men whom they knew to be

Alexander’s special adherents, and sent them to signify to him, though

somewhat unseasonably, that the Athenian people rejoiced at his safe

return from the land of the Illyrians and Triballians, and at the

punishment which he had inflicted upon the Thebans for their rebellion.

In regard to other matters he gave the embassy a courteous reply, but

wrote a letter to the people demanding the surrender of Demosthenes and

Lycurgus, as well as that of Hyperides, Polyeuctus, Chares, Charidemus,

Ephialtes, Diotimus, and Moerocles;[96] alleging that these men were

the cause of the disaster which befell the city at Chaeronea, and the

authors of the subsequent offensive proceedings after Philip’s death,

both against himself and his father.[97] He also declared that they

had instigated the Thebans to revolt no less than had those of the

Thebans themselves who favoured a revolution. The Athenians, however,

did not surrender the men, but sent another embassy to Alexander,[98]

entreating him to remit his wrath against the persons whom he had

demanded. The king did remit his wrath against them, either out of

respect for the city of Athens, or from an earnest desire to start on

the expedition into Asia, not wishing to leave behind him among the

Greeks any cause for distrust. However, he ordered Charidemus alone of

the men whom he had demanded as prisoners and who had not been given

up, to go into banishment. Charidemus therefore went as an exile to

King Darius in Asia.[99]

CHAPTER XI.

ALEXANDER CROSSES THE HELLESPONT AND VISITS TROY.

Having settled these affairs, he returned into Macedonia. He then

offered to the Olympian Zeus the sacrifice which had been instituted

by Archelaüs,[100] and had been customary up to that time; and he

celebrated the public contest of the Olympic games at Aegae.[101] It is

said that he also held a public contest in honour of the Muses. At this

time it was reported that the statue of Orpheus, son of Oeagrus the

Thracian, which was in Pieris,[102] sweated incessantly.[103] Various

were the explanations of this prodigy given by the soothsayers; but

Aristander,[104] a man of Telmissus, a soothsayer, bade Alexander take

courage; for he said it was evident from this that there would be much

labour for the epic and lyric poets, and for the writers of odes, to

compose and sing about Alexander and his achievements.

(B.C. 334.) At the beginning of the spring he marched towards the

Hellespont, entrusting the affairs of Macedonia and Greece to

Antipater. He led not much above 30,000 infantry together with

light-armed troops and archers, and more than 5,000 cavalry.[105]

His march was past the lake Cercinitis,[106] towards Amphipolis and

the mouths of the river Strymon. Having crossed this river he passed

by the Pangaean mountain,[107] along the road leading to Abdera and

Maronea, Grecian cities built on the coast. Thence he arrived at the

river Hebrus,[108] and easily crossed it. Thence he proceeded through

Paetica to the river Melas, having crossed which he arrived at Sestus,

in twenty days altogether from the time of his starting from home. When

he came to Elaeūs he offered sacrifice to Protesilaus upon the tomb of

that hero, both for other reasons and because Protesilaus seemed to

have been the first of the Greeks who took part with Agamemnon in the

expedition to Ilium to disembark in Asia. The design of this sacrifice

was, that his disembarking in Asia might be more fortunate than that of

Protesilaus had been.[109] He then committed to Parmenio the duty of

conveying the cavalry and the greater part of the infantry from Sestus

to Abydus; and they were transported in 160 triremes, besides many

trading vessels.[110] The prevailing account is, that Alexander started

from Elaeūs and put into the Port of Achaeans,[111] that with his own

hand he steered the general’s ship across, and that when he was about

the middle of the channel of the Hellespont he sacrificed a bull to

Poseidon and the Nereids, and poured forth a libation to them into the

sea from a golden goblet. They say also that he was the first man to

step out of the ship in full armour on the land of Asia,[112] and that

he erected altars to Zeus, the protector of people landing, to Athena,

and to Heracles, at the place in Europe whence he started, and at the

place in Asia where he disembarked. It is also said that he went up to

Ilium and offered sacrifice to the Trojan Athena; that he set up his

own panoply in the temple as a votive offering, and in exchange for it

took away some of the consecrated arms which had been preserved from

the time of the Trojan war. These arms were said to have been carried

in front of him into the battles by the shield-bearing guards. A report

also prevails that he offered sacrifice to Priam upon the altar of Zeus

the household god, deprecating the wrath of Priam against the progeny

of Neoptolemus, from whom Alexander himself derived his origin.

CHAPTER XII.

ALEXANDER AT THE TOMB OF ACHILLES.—MEMNON’S ADVICE REJECTED BY THE

PERSIAN GENERALS.

When he went up to Ilium, Menoetius the pilot crowned him with a golden

crown; after him Chares the Athenian,[113] coming from Sigeum, as well

as certain others, both Greeks and natives, did the same. Alexander

then encircled the tomb of Achilles with a garland; and it is said

that Hephaestion[114] decorated that of Patroclus in the same way.

There is indeed a report that Alexander pronounced Achilles fortunate

in getting Homer as the herald of his fame to posterity.[115] And in

truth it was meet that Alexander should deem Achilles fortunate for

this reason especially; for to Alexander himself this privilege was

wanting, a thing which was not in accordance with the rest of his good

fortune. His achievements have, therefore, not been related to mankind

in a manner worthy of the hero. Neither in prose nor in verse has any

one suitably honoured him; nor has he ever been sung of in a lyric

poem, in which style of poetry Hiero, Gelo, Thero, and many others not

at all comparable with Alexander, have been praised.[116] Consequently

Alexander’s deeds are far less known than the meanest achievements of

antiquity. For instance, the march of the ten thousand with Cyrus up to

Persia against King Artaxerxes, the tragic fate of Clearchus and those

who were captured along with him,[117] and the march of the same men

down to the sea, in which they were led by Xenophon, are events much

better known to men through Xenophon’s narrative than are Alexander and

his achievements. And yet Alexander neither accompanied another man’s

expedition, nor did he in flight from the Great King overcome those who

obstructed his march down to the sea. And, indeed, there is no other

single individual among Greeks or barbarians who achieved exploits so

great or important either in regard to number or magnitude as he did.

This was the reason which induced me to undertake this history, not

thinking myself incompetent to make Alexander’s deeds known to men. For

whoever I may be, this I know about myself, that there is no need for

me to assert my name, for it is not unknown to men; nor is it needful

for me to say what my native land and family are, or if I have held

any public office in my own country. But this I do assert, that this

historical work is and has been from my youth up, in place of native

land, family, and public offices to me; and for this reason I do not

deem myself unworthy to rank among the first authors in the Greek

language, if Alexander indeed is among the first in arms.

From Ilium Alexander came to Arisbe, where his entire force had

encamped after crossing the Hellespont; and on the following day

he came to Percote. On the next, passing by Lampsacus, he encamped

near the river Practius, which flows from the Idaean mountains and

discharges itself into the sea between the Hellespont and the Euxine

Sea. Thence passing by the city of Colonae, he arrived at Hermotus. He

now sent scouts before the army under the command of Amyntas, son of

Arrhabaeus, who had the squadron of the Companion cavalry which came

from Apollonia,[118] under the captain Socrates, son of Sathon, and

four squadrons of what were called Prodromi (runners forward). In the

march he despatched Panegorus, son of Lycagoras, one of the Companions,

to take possession of the city of Priapus, which was surrendered by the

inhabitants.

The Persian generals were Arsames, Rheomithres, Petines, Niphates,

and with them Spithridates, viceroy of Lydia and Ionia, and Arsites,

governor of the Phrygia near the Hellespont. These had encamped

near the city of Zeleia with the Persian cavalry and the Grecian

mercenaries. When they were holding a council about the state of

affairs, it was reported to them that Alexander had crossed (the

Hellespont). Memnon, the Rhodian,[119] advised them not to risk a

conflict with the Macedonians, since they were far superior to them

in infantry, and Alexander was there in person; whereas Darius was

not with them. He advised them to advance and destroy the fodder,

by trampling it down under their horses’ hoofs, to burn the crops

of the country, and not even to spare the very cities. “For then

Alexander,” said he, “will not be able to stay in the land from lack

of provisions.”[120] It is said that in the Persian conference Arsites

asserted that he would not allow a single house belonging to the people

placed under his rule to be burned, and that the other Persians agreed

with Arsites, because they had a suspicion that Memnon was deliberately

contriving to protract the war for the purpose of obtaining honour from

the king.

CHAPTER XIII.

BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS (B.C. 334).

Meantime Alexander was advancing to the river Granicus,[121] with his

army arranged for battle, having drawn up his heavy-armed troops in a

double phalanx, leading the cavalry on the wings, and having ordered

that the baggage should follow in the rear. And Hegelochus at the head

of the cavalry, who were armed with the long pike,[122] and about

500 of the light-armed troops, was sent by him to reconnoitre the

proceedings of the enemy. When Alexander was not far from the river

Granicus, some of his scouts rode up to him at full speed and announced

that the Persians had taken up their position on the other side of

the Granicus, drawn up ready for battle. Thereupon Alexander arranged

all his army with the intention of fighting. Then Parmenio approached

him and spoke as follows: “I think, O king, that it is advisable for

the present to pitch our camp on the bank of the river as we are.

For I think that the enemy, being, as they are, much inferior to us

in infantry, will not dare to pass the night near us, and therefore

they will permit the army to cross the ford with ease at daybreak.

For we shall then pass over before they can put themselves in order

of battle;[123] whereas, I do not think that we can now attempt the

operation without evident risk, because it is not possible to lead the

army through the river with its front extended. Besides, it is clear

that many parts of the stream are deep, and you see that these banks

are steep and in some places abrupt. Therefore the enemy’s cavalry,

being formed into a dense square, will attack us as we emerge from

the water in broken ranks and in column, in the place where we are

weakest. At the present juncture the first repulse would be difficult

to retrieve, as well as perilous for the issue of the whole war.”

But to this Alexander replied: “I recognise the force of these

arguments, O Parmenio; but I should feel it a disgrace, if, after

crossing the Hellespont so easily, this brook (for with such an

appellation he made light of the Granicus) should bar our passage for

a moment. I consider that this would be in accordance neither with the

fame of the Macedonians nor with my own eagerness for encountering

danger. Moreover, I think that the Persians will regain courage, as

being a match in war for Macedonians, since up to the present time they

have suffered no defeat from me to warrant the fear they entertain.”

CHAPTER XIV.

ARRANGEMENT OF THE HOSTILE ARMIES.

Having spoken thus, he sent Parmenio to command upon the left wing,

while he led in person on the right. And at the head of the right wing

he placed the following officers:—Philotas, son of Parmenio, with the

cavalry Companions, the archers, and the Agrianian javelin-men; and

Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, with the cavalry carrying the long pike,

the Paeonians, and the squadron of Socrates, was posted near Philotas.

Close to these were posted the Companions who were shield-bearing

infantry under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next to these

the brigade of Perdiccas, son of Orontes, then that of Coenus, son of

Polemocrates; then that of Craterus,[124] son of Alexander, and that of

Amyntas, son of Andromenes; finally, the men commanded by Philip, son

of Amyntas. The first on the left wing were the Thessalian cavalry,

commanded by Calas, son of Harpalus;[125] next to these, the cavalry of

the Grecian allies, commanded by Philip, son of Menelaüs;[126] next to

these the Thracians, commanded by Agatho.[127] Close to these were the

infantry, the brigades of Craterus, Meleager, and Philip, reaching as

far as the centre of the entire line.

The Persian cavalry were about 20,000 in number, and their infantry,

consisting of Grecian mercenaries, fell a little short of the same

number.[128] They had extended their horse along the bank of the river

in a long phalanx, and had posted the infantry behind the cavalry,

for the ground above the bank was steep and commanding. They also

marshalled dense squadrons of cavalry upon that part of the bank where

they observed Alexander himself advancing against their left wing;

for he was conspicuous both by the brightness of his arms and by the

respectful service of his attendants. Both armies stood a long time

at the margin of the river, keeping quiet from dread of the result;

and profound silence was observed on both sides. For the Persians were

waiting till the Macedonians should step into the water, with the

intention of attacking them as they emerged. Alexander leaped upon his

steed, ordering those about him to follow, and exhorting them to show

themselves valiant men. He then commanded Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus,

to make the first rush into the river at the head of the skirmishing

cavalry, the Paeonians, and one regiment of infantry; and in front of

these he had placed Ptolemy, son of Philip, in command of the squadron

of Socrates, which body of men indeed on that day happened to have

the lead of all the cavalry force. He himself led the right wing with

sounding of trumpets, and the men raising the war-cry to Enyalius.[129]

He entered the ford, keeping his line always extended obliquely in the

direction in which the stream flowed, in order that the Persians might

not fall upon him on the flank as he was emerging from the water, but

that he might, as far as practicable,[130] encounter them with his

phalanx.

CHAPTER XV.

DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS.

The Persians began the contest by hurling missiles from above in the

direction where the men of Amyntas and Socrates were the first to

reach the bank; some of them casting javelins into the river from

their commanding position on the bank, and others stepping down along

the flatter parts of it to the very edge of the water. Then ensued a

violent struggle on the part of the cavalry, on the one side to emerge

from the river, and on the other to prevent the landing. From the

Persians there was a terrible discharge of darts; but the Macedonians

fought with spears. The Macedonians, being far inferior in number,

suffered severely at the first onset, because they were obliged to

defend themselves in the river, where their footing was unsteady,

and where they were below the level of their assailants; whereas the

Persians were fighting from the top of the bank, which gave them an

advantage, especially as the best of the Persian horse had been posted

there. Memnon himself, as well as his sons, were running every risk

with these; and the Macedonians who first came into conflict with

the Persians, though they showed great valour, were cut down, except

those who retreated to Alexander, who was now approaching. For the

king was already near, leading with him the right wing. He made his

first assault upon the Persians at the place where the whole mass of

their horse and the leaders themselves were posted; and around him a

desperate conflict raged,[131] during which one rank of the Macedonians

after another easily kept on crossing the river. Though they fought on

horseback, it seemed more like an infantry than a cavalry battle; for

they struggled for the mastery, horses being jammed with horses and

men with men, the Macedonians striving to drive the Persians entirely

away from the bank and to force them into the plain, and the Persians

striving to obstruct their landing and to push them back again into

the river. At last Alexander’s men began to gain the advantage, both

through their superior strength and military discipline, and because

they fought with spear-shafts made of cornel-wood, whereas the Persians

used only darts.

Then indeed, Alexander’s spear being broken to shivers in the conflict,

he asked Aretis, one of the royal guards, whose duty it was to assist

the king to mount his horse, for another spear. But this man’s spear

had also been shivered whilst he was in the thickest of the struggle,

and he was conspicuous fighting with the half of his broken spear.

Showing this to Alexander, he bade him ask some one else for one. Then

Demaratus, a man of Corinth, one of his personal Companions, gave him

his own spear; which he had no sooner taken than seeing Mithridates,

the son-in-law of Darius, riding far in front of the others, and

leading with him a body of cavalry arranged like a wedge, he rode on

in front of the others, and hitting at the face of Mithridates with

his spear, struck him to the ground. But hereupon, Rhoesaces rode up

to Alexander and hit him on the head with his scimitar, breaking off

a piece of his helmet. But the helmet broke the force of the blow.

This man also Alexander struck to the ground, hitting him in the chest

through the breastplate with his lance. And now Spithridates from

behind had already raised aloft his scimitar against the king, when

Clitus, son of Dropidas, anticipated his blow, and hitting him on the

arm, cut it off, scimitar and all.[132] Meantime the horsemen, as many

as were able, kept on securing a landing all down the river, and were

joining Alexander’s forces.

CHAPTER XVI.

DEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS.—LOSS ON BOTH SIDES.

The Persians themselves, as well as their horses, were now being

struck on their faces with the lances from all sides, and were being

repulsed by the cavalry. They also received much damage from the

light-armed troops who were mingled with the cavalry. They first began

to give way where Alexander himself was braving danger in the front.

When their centre had given way, the horse on both wings were also

naturally broken through, and took to speedy flight. Of the Persian

cavalry only about 1,000 were killed; for Alexander did not pursue

them far, but turned aside to attack the Greek mercenaries, the

main body of whom was still remaining where it was posted at first.

This they did rather from amazement at the unexpected result of the

struggle than from any steady resolution. Leading the phalanx against

these, and ordering the cavalry to fall upon them from all sides in

the midst, he soon cut them up, so that none of them escaped except

such as might have concealed themselves among the dead bodies. About

2,000 were taken prisoners.[133] The following leaders of the Persians

also fell in the battle: Niphates, Petines, Spithridates, viceroy

of Lydia, Mithrobuzanes, governor of Cappadocia, Mithridates, the

son-in-law of Darius, Arbupales, son of Darius the son of Artaxerxes,

Pharnaces, brother of the wife of Darius,[134] and Onares, commander

of the auxiliaries. Arsites fled from the battle into Phrygia, where

he is reported to have committed suicide, because he was deemed by the

Persians the cause of their defeat on that occasion.

Of the Macedonians, about twenty-five of the Companions were killed

at the first onset; brazen statues of whom were erected at Dium,[135]

executed by Lysippus,[136] at Alexander’s order. The same statuary

also executed a statue of Alexander himself, being chosen by him for

the work in preference to all other artists. Of the other cavalry over

sixty were slain, and of the infantry, about thirty.[137] These were

buried by Alexander the next day, together with their arms and other

decorations. To their parents and children he granted exemption from

imposts on agricultural produce, and he relieved them from all personal

services and taxes upon property. He also exhibited great solicitude in

regard to the wounded, for he himself visited each man, looked at their

wounds, and inquired how and in the performance of what duty they had

received them, allowing them both to speak and brag of their own deeds.

He also buried the Persian commanders and the Greek mercenaries who

were killed fighting on the side of the enemy. But as many of them as

he took prisoners he bound in fetters and sent them away to Macedonia

to till the soil, because, though they were Greeks, they were fighting

against Greece on behalf of the foreigners in opposition to the decrees

which the Greeks had made in their federal council.[138] To Athens also

he sent 300 suits of Persian armour to be hung up in the Acropolis[139]

as a votive offering to Athena, and ordered this inscription to be

fixed over them: “Alexander, son of Philip, and all the Greeks except

the Lacedaemonians, present this offering from the spoils taken from

the foreigners inhabiting Asia.”

CHAPTER XVII.

ALEXANDER IN SARDIS AND EPHESUS.

Having appointed Calas to the post of viceroy of the territory

which had been under the rule of Arsites, and having commanded the

inhabitants to pay to him the same tribute which they had paid to

Darius, he ordered as many of the natives as came down from the

mountains and surrendered to him to depart to their several abodes.

He also acquitted the people of Zeleia[140] of blame, because he

knew they had been compelled to assist the Persians in the war. He

then despatched Parmenio to occupy Dascylium,[141] which he easily

performed; for the garrison evacuated it. He himself advanced towards

Sardis; and when he was about 70 stades[142] distant from that city, he

was met by Mithrines, the commandant of the garrison in the Acropolis,

accompanied by the most influential of the citizens of Sardis. The

latter surrendered the city into his hands, and Mithrines the fortress

and the money laid up in it. Alexander encamped near the river

Hermus,[143] which is about twenty stades[144] distant from Sardis;

but he sent Amyntas, son of Andromenes, to occupy the citadel of

Sardis.[145] He took Mithrines with him, treating him with honour; and

granted the Sardians and other Lydians the privilege of enjoying the

ancient laws of Lydia, and permitted them to be free. He then ascended

into the citadel, which was garrisoned by the Persians. And the

position seemed to him a strong one; for it was very lofty, precipitous

on every side, and fenced round by a triple wall. He therefore resolved

to build a temple to the Olympian Zeus on the hill, and to erect an

altar in it; but while he was considering which part of the hill was

the most suitable site, suddenly a winter storm arose, though it was

the summer season, loud claps of thunder were heard, and rain fell on

the spot where the palace of the kings of Lydia had stood. From this

Alexander thought that the deity had revealed to him where the temple

to Zeus ought to be built; and he gave orders accordingly. He left

Pausanias, one of the Companions, to be superintendent of the citadel

of Sardis, Nicias to supervise the collection of the tribute and taxes,

and Asander, son of Philotas, to be superintendent of Lydia and the

rest of the dominion of Spithridates, giving him as large a number

of cavalry and light-armed infantry as seemed sufficient for present

emergencies. He also sent Calas and Alexander, son of Aëropus, into the

country of Memnon,[146] in command of the Peloponnesians and most of

the other Grecian allies, except the Argives, who had been left behind

to guard the citadel of Sardis.

Meantime, when the news of the cavalry battle was spread abroad, the

Grecian mercenaries who formed the garrison of Ephesus, seized two of

the Ephesian triremes and set off in flight. They were accompanied

by Amyntas,[147] son of Antiochus, who had fled from Alexander out

of Macedonia, not because he had received any injury from the king,

but from ill-will to him, and thinking it not unlikely that he should

suffer some ill-treatment from him (on account of his disloyalty). On

the fourth day Alexander arrived at Ephesus, where he recalled from

exile all the men who had been banished from the city on account

of their adherence to him; and having broken up the oligarchy, he

established a democratical form of government there. He also ordered

the Ephesians to contribute to Artemis[148] all the tribute which

they were in the habit of paying to the Persians. When the people of

Ephesus were relieved of their dread of the oligarchs, they rushed

headlong to kill the men who had brought Memnon into the city, as also

those who had pillaged the temple of Artemis, and those who had thrown

down the statue of Philip which was in the temple, and those who had

dug up and carried off from the tomb in the market place the bones of

Heropythus, the liberator of their city. They also led Syrphax, and

his son Pelagon, and the sons of Syrphax’s brothers out of the temple

and stoned them to death. But Alexander prevented them making any

further quest of the rest of the oligarchs for the purpose of wreaking

their vengeance upon them; for he knew that if the people were not

checked, they would kill the innocent along with the guilty, some from

hatred, and others for the sake of seizing their property. At this time

Alexander gained great popularity both by his general course of action

and especially by what he did at Ephesus.

CHAPTER XVIII.

ALEXANDER MARCHES TO MILETUS AND OCCUPIES THE ISLAND OF LADE.

Men now came to him both from Magnesia[149] and Tralles, offering to

surrender those cities; and to them he sent Parmenio, giving him 2,500

infantry from the Grecian auxiliaries, an equal number of Macedonians,

and about 200 of the Cavalry Companions. He also sent Lysimachus, son

of Agathocles,[150] with an equal force to the Aeolic cities,[151] and

to as many of the Ionic cities[152] as were still under the Persians.

He was ordered to break up the oligarchies everywhere, to set up the

democratical form of government, to restore their own laws to each of

the cities, and to remit the tribute which they were accustomed to pay

to the foreigners. But Alexander himself remained behind at Ephesus,

where he offered a sacrifice to Artemis and conducted a procession in

her honour with the whole of his army fully armed and marshalled for

battle.[153]

On the following day he took the rest of his infantry, the archers, the

Agrianians, the Thracian cavalry, the royal squadron of the Companions,

and three other squadrons in addition, and set out for Miletus. At

his first assault he captured that which was called the outer city;

for the garrison had evacuated it. There he encamped and resolved to

blockade the inner city; for Hegesistratus, to whom the king Darius

had entrusted the command of the garrison in Miletus, kept on sending

letters before this to Alexander, offering to surrender Miletus to

him. But then, having regained his courage from the fact that the

Persian fleet was not far off, he made up his mind to preserve the

city for Darius. But Nicanor, the commander of the Grecian fleet,

anticipated the Persians by sailing into the port of Miletus three days

before they approached; and with 160 ships he anchored at the island

of Lade, which lies near Miletus.[154] The Persian ships arriving

too late, and the admirals discovering that Nicanor had occupied

the anchorage at Lade before them, they took moorings near Mount

Mycale.[155] Alexander had forestalled them in seizing the island, not

only by mooring his ships near it, but also by transporting into it the

Thracians and about 4,000 of the other auxiliary troops. The ships of

the foreigners were about 400 in number.

Notwithstanding the superiority of the Persian fleet, Parmenio advised

Alexander to fight a sea-battle, expecting that the Greeks would be

victorious with their fleet both for other reasons and especially

because an omen from the deity made him confident of the result; for

an eagle had been seen sitting upon the shore, opposite the sterns of

Alexander’s ships.[156] He also urged that if they won the battle, they

would reap a great advantage from it in regard to their main object

in the war; and if they were beaten, their defeat would not be of any

great moment; for even as it was, the Persians held the sovereignty of

the sea. He added that he was willing to go on board the fleet himself

and to share the danger. However, Alexander replied that Parmenio was

mistaken in his judgment, and did not explain the sign according to

probability. For it would be rash for him with a few ships to fight a

battle against a fleet far more numerous than his own, and with his

unpractised naval force to contend against the disciplined fleet of

the Cyprians and Phoenicians. Besides, he did not wish to deliver over

to the foreigners on so unstable an element the advantage which the

Macedonians derived from their skill and courage; and if they were

beaten in the sea-battle, their defeat would be no small hindrance to

their final success in the war, both for other reasons, and especially

because the Greeks, being animated with courage at the news of his

naval defeat, would attempt to effect a revolution. Taking all these

things into consideration, he declared that he did not think that it

was a suitable time for fighting a sea-battle; and for his part, he

expounded the divine omen in a different way. He admitted that the

eagle was in his favour; but as it was seen sitting on the land, it

seemed to him rather to be a sign that he should get the mastery over

the Persian fleet by defeating their army on land.

CHAPTER XIX.

SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF MILETUS.

At this time Glaucippus, one of the most notable men in Miletus, was

sent out to Alexander by the people and the Grecian mercenaries, to

whom rather than to the citizens the town had been entrusted, to

tell him that the Milesians were willing to make their walls and

harbours[157] free to him and the Persians in common; and on these

terms to demand that he should raise the siege. But Alexander ordered

Glaucippus to depart without delay into the city, and tell the citizens

to prepare for a battle at daybreak. He then stationed his military

engines near the wall, and having in a short time partly broken and

partly shaken down a large piece of it, he led his army near, that the

men might enter wherever the wall had been thrown down or shaken. The

Persians from Mycale were following close[158] upon them and could

almost see their friends and allies being besieged. In the meantime,

Nicanor, observing from Lade Alexander’s commencement of the attack,

began to sail into the harbour of Miletus, rowing along the shore;

and mooring his triremes as close as possible together, with their

prows facing the enemy, across the narrowest part of the mouth of

the harbour, he shut off the Persian fleet from the port and made it

impossible for the Persians to give succour to the Milesians. Then

the Macedonians from all sides pressed close upon the citizens and

the Grecian mercenaries, who took to flight; some of them, casting

themselves into the sea, floated along upon their shields with the

hollow upwards to an unnamed islet which lies near the city; others

getting into their skiffs and hastening to get the start of the

Macedonian triremes, were captured by them at the mouth of the harbour.

But the majority of them were slain in the city itself. As soon as

Alexander had got possession of the city, he sailed against those who

had fled for refuge into the island; ordering the men to carry ladders

upon the prows of the triremes, with the intention of effecting a

landing along the cliffs of the island, as one would mount a wall. But

when he saw that the men on the island were resolved to run every risk,

he was moved with pity for them, because they appeared to him both

brave and loyal; wherefore he made a truce with them on the condition

that they would serve as his soldiers. These Grecian mercenaries were

about 300 in number. He likewise pardoned all the citizens of Miletus

who had escaped death in the capture of the city, and he granted them

their freedom.

The foreigners used to start from Mycale every day and sail up to the

Grecian fleet, hoping to induce them to accept the challenge and come

forth to a battle; but during the night they used to moor their vessels

near Mycale, which was an inconvenient station, because they were under

the necessity of fetching water from the mouth of the river Maeander, a

great way off.[159] Alexander guarded the harbour of Miletus with his

ships, in order to prevent the foreigners from forcing an entrance;

and at the same time he sent Philotas to Mycale in command of the

cavalry and three regiments of infantry, with instructions to prevent

the men in the ships from landing. Accordingly, they, being through

the scarcity of fresh water and of the other necessaries of life as

good as besieged in their ships, sailed away to Samos; where furnishing

themselves with food, they sailed back again to Miletus. They then drew

up most of their ships in front of the harbour on the deep sea, with

the hope that they might in some way or other induce the Macedonians

to come out into the open sea. Five of their ships sailed into the

roadstead which lay between the island of Lade and the camp, expecting

to surprise Alexander’s ships while empty of their crews; for they had

ascertained that the sailors for the most part were dispersed from the

ships, some to gather fuel, others to collect provisions, and others

being arranged in foraging parties.[160] And indeed it happened that a

number of the sailors were absent; but as soon as Alexander observed

the five Persian ships sailing towards him, he manned ten ships with

the sailors who happened to be at hand, and sent them with all speed

against them with orders to attack prow to prow. No sooner did the men

in the five Persian ships see the Macedonians bearing up against them,

contrary to their expectation, than they immediately tacked about,

though far off, and fled to the rest of their fleet. However, the ship

of the Iassians,[161] not being a fast sailer, was captured in the

flight, men and all; but the other four succeeded in escaping to their

own triremes. After this the Persians sailed away from Miletus without

effecting anything.

CHAPTER XX.

SIEGE OF HALICARNASSUS.—ABORTIVE ATTACK ON MYNDUS.

Alexander now resolved to disband his fleet, partly from lack of

money at the time, and partly because he saw that his own fleet was

not a match in battle for that of the Persians. On this account he

was unwilling to run the risk of losing even a part of his armament.

Besides, he considered, that now he was occupying Asia with his

land force, he would no longer be in need of a fleet; and that he

would be able to break up that of the Persians, if he captured the

maritime cities; since they would neither have any ports from which

they could recruit their crews, nor any harbour in Asia to which they

could bring their ships. Thus he explained the omen of the eagle to

signify that he should get the mastery over the enemy’s ships by his

land force. After doing this, he set forth into Caria,[162] because

it was reported that a considerable force, both of foreigners and

of Grecian auxiliaries, had collected in Halicarnassus.[163] Having

taken all the cities between Miletus and Halicarnassus as soon as

he approached them, he encamped near the latter city, at a distance

from it of about five stades,[164] as if he expected a long siege.

For the natural position of the place made it strong; and wherever

there seemed to be any deficiency in security, it had been entirely

supplied long before by Memnon, who was there in person, having now

been proclaimed by Darius governor of lower Asia and commander of the

entire fleet. Many Grecian mercenary soldiers had been left in the

city, as well as many Persian troops; the triremes also were moored

in the harbour, so that the sailors might render him valuable aid in

the operations. On the first day of the siege, while Alexander was

leading his men up to the wall in the direction of the gate leading

towards Mylasa,[165] the men in the city made a sortie, and a skirmish

took place; but Alexander’s men making a rush upon them repulsed

them with ease, and shut them up in the city. A few days after this,

the king took the shield-bearing guards, the Cavalry Companions, the

infantry regiments of Amyntas, Perdiccas and Meleager, and in addition

to these the archers and Agrianians, and went round to the part of

the city which is in the direction of Myndus, both for the purpose

of inspecting the wall, to see if it happened to be more easy to be

assaulted there than elsewhere; and at the same time to see if he could

get hold of Myndus[166] by a sudden and secret attack. For he thought

that if Myndus were his own, it would be no small help in the siege of

Halicarnassus; moreover, an offer to surrender had been made by the

Myndians if he would approach the town secretly, under the cover of

night. About midnight, therefore, he approached the wall, according to

the plan agreed on; but as no sign of surrender was made by the men

within, and though he had with him no military engines or ladders,

inasmuch as he had not set out to besiege the town, but to receive

it on surrender, he nevertheless led the Macedonian phalanx near and

ordered them to undermine the wall. They threw down one of the towers,

which, however, in its fall did not make a breach in the wall. But the

men in the city stoutly defending themselves, and at the same time

many from Halicarnassus having already come to their aid by sea, made

it impossible for Alexander to capture Myndus by surprise or sudden

assault. Wherefore he returned without accomplishing any of the plans

for which he had set out, and devoted himself once more to the siege of

Halicarnassus.

In the first place he filled up with earth the ditch which the enemy

had dug in front of the city, about thirty cubits wide and fifteen

deep; so that it might be easy to bring forward the towers, from which

he intended to discharge missiles against the defenders of the wall;

and that he might bring up the other engines with which he was planning

to batter the wall down. He easily filled up the ditch, and the towers

were then brought forward. But the men in Halicarnassus made a sally by

night with the design of setting fire both to the towers and the other

engines which had been brought up to the wall, or were nearly brought

up to it. They were, however, easily repelled and shut up again within

the walls by the Macedonians who were guarding the engines, and by

others who were aroused by the noise of the struggle and who came to

their aid. Neoptolemus, the brother of Arrhabaeus, son of Amyntas, one

of those who had deserted to Darius, was killed, with about 170 others

of the enemy. Of Alexander’s soldiers sixteen were killed and 300

wounded; for the sally being made in the night, they were less able to

guard themselves from being wounded.

CHAPTER XXI.

SIEGE OF HALICARNASSUS.

A few days after this, two Macedonian hoplites of the brigade of

Perdiccas, living in the same tent and being messmates, happened in

the course of conversation each to be extolling himself and his own

exploits. Hence a quarrel arose between them as to which of them was

the braver, and, being somewhat inflamed with wine, they agreed to arm

themselves, and of their own accord go and assault the wall facing

the citadel, which for the most part was turned towards Mylasa. This

they did rather to make a display of their own valour than to engage

in a dangerous conflict with the enemy. Some of the men in the city,

however, perceiving that there were only two of them, and that they

were approaching the wall inconsiderately, rushed out upon them; but

they slew those who came near, and hurled darts at those who stood at

a distance. At last, however, they were overmatched both by the number

of their assailants and the disadvantage of their own position; for the

enemy made the attack upon them, and threw darts at them from a higher

level.[167] Meanwhile some other men from the brigade of Perdiccas,

and others from Halicarnassus, rushed out against each other; and a

sharp contest ensued near the wall. Those who had made the sally from

the city were driven back, and again shut up within the gates by the

Macedonians. The city also narrowly escaped capture; for the walls

at that time were not under strict guard, and two towers, with the

whole intermediate space, having already fallen to the ground, would

have offered an easy entrance within the wall to the army, if the

whole of it had undertaken the task. The third tower, which had been

thoroughly shaken, would likewise have been easily thrown down if it

had been undermined; but the enemy easily succeeded in building inside

a crescent-shaped brick wall to take the place of the one which had

fallen. This they were able to do so quickly because of the multitude

of hands at their disposal. On the following day Alexander brought his

engines up to this wall also; and the men in the city made another

sally to set them on fire. A part of the wicker-work shed near the

wall and a piece of one of the wooden towers were burnt, but the rest

were protected by Philotas and Hellanicus, to whom the charge of them

had been committed. But as soon as those who were making the sally saw

Alexander, the men who had come out to render aid by holding torches

threw them away, and the majority of them cast away their arms and fled

within the walls of the city. Then at first they had the advantage from

the nature of their position, which was commanding on account of its

height; for not only did they cast missiles right in front against the

men who were guarding the engines, but also from the towers which alone

had been left standing at each end of the battered-down wall, they were

able to cast them against the sides, and almost against the backs, of

those who were assaulting the wall which had just been built in place

of the ruined one.[168]

CHAPTER XXII.

SIEGE OF HALICARNASSUS.

A few days after this, when Alexander again brought his military

engines up to the inner brick wall, and was himself superintending

the work, a sortie in mass was made from the city, some advancing by

the breach in the wall, where Alexander himself was posted, others by

the triple gate, where the Macedonians did not at all expect them.

The first party cast torches and other combustibles at the engines,

in order to set them on fire and to defy the engineers excessively.

But when the men around Alexander attacked them vigorously, hurling

great stones with the engines from the towers, and launching darts

at them, they were easily put to rout and fled into the city; and as

a great number of them had sallied forth and great audacity had been

exhibited in the fight, no small slaughter of them took place. For

some of them were slain fighting hand-to-hand with the Macedonians,

others were killed near the ruins of the wall,[169] because the breach

was too narrow for such a multitude to pass through, and the fragments

of the wall made it difficult for them to scale it. The second party,

which sallied forth by the triple gate, was met by Ptolemy,[170] one

of the royal body-guards, who had with him the regiments of Addaeus

and Timander and some of the light-armed troops. These soldiers by

themselves easily put the men of the city to rout; but as the latter

in their retreat were fleeing over a narrow bridge which had been made

over the ditch, they had the misfortune to break it down by the weight

of their multitude. Many of them fell into the ditch, some of whom

were trampled to death by their own comrades, and others were killed

by the Macedonian weapons from above. A very great slaughter was also

made at the very gates, because they were shut before the proper time

in a state of panic. For the enemy, being afraid that the Macedonians,

who were close upon the fugitives, would rush in with them, shut many

of their friends out, who were slain by the Macedonians near the very

walls. The city narrowly escaped capture; indeed it would have been

taken, had not Alexander called back his army, to see if some friendly

sign of surrender would be made by the Halicarnassians; for he was

still desirous of saving their city. Of the men in the city about one

thousand were slain; and of Alexander’s men about forty, among whom

were Ptolemy, one of the king’s body-guards, Clearchus, a captain of

the archers, Addaeus, who had the command of a thousand infantry, and

other Macedonians of no mean position.[171]

CHAPTER XXIII.

DESTRUCTION OF HALICARNASSUS.—ADA, QUEEN OF CARIA.

Then Orontobates and Memnon, the commanders of the Persians, met and

decided from the state of affairs that they could not hold out long

against the siege, seeing that part of the wall had already fallen

down and part had been battered and weakened, and that many of their

soldiers had either perished in the sorties or been wounded and

disabled. Taking these things into consideration, about the second

watch of the night they set fire to the wooden tower which they had

themselves built to resist the enemy’s military engines, and to the

magazines in which their weapons were stored. They also cast fire into

the houses near the wall; and others were burned by the flames, which

were carried with great fury from the magazines and the tower by the

wind bearing in that direction. Some of the enemy then withdrew to the

stronghold in the island (called Arconnesus), and others to another

fortress called Salmacis. When this was reported to Alexander by some

deserters from the incendiaries, and he himself could see the raging

fire, though the occurrence took place about midnight, yet he led out

the Macedonians and slew those who were still engaged in setting fire

to the city. But he issued orders to preserve all the Halicarnassians

who should be taken in their houses. As soon as the daylight appeared

he could discern the strongholds which the Persians and the Grecian

mercenaries had occupied; but he decided not to besiege them,

considering that he would meet with no small delay beleaguering them,

from the nature of their position, and moreover thinking that they

would be of little importance to him now that he had captured the whole

city.

Wherefore, burying the dead in the night, he ordered the men who

had been placed in charge of the military engines to convey them to

Tralles. He himself marched into Phrygia, after razing the city to

the ground, and leaving 3,000 Grecian infantry and 200 cavalry as a

guard both of this place and of the rest of Caria, under the command

of Ptolemy. He appointed Ada to act as his viceroy of the whole

of Caria.[172] This queen was daughter of Hecatomnus and wife of

Hidrieus, who, though he was her brother, lived with her in wedlock,

according to the custom of the Carians. When Hidrieus was dying, he

confided the administration of affairs to her, for it had been a

custom in Asia, ever since the time of Semiramis, even for women to

rule men. But Pixodarus expelled her from the rule, and seized the

administration of affairs himself. On the death of Pixodarus, his

son-in-law Orontobates was sent by the king of the Persians to rule

over the Carians. Ada retained Alinda alone, the strongest place in

Caria; and when Alexander invaded Caria she went to meet him, offering

to surrender Alinda to him, and adopting him as her son.[173] Alexander

confided Alinda to her, and did not think the title of son unworthy of

his acceptance; moreover, when he had captured Halicarnassus and become

master of the rest of Caria, he granted her the privilege of ruling

over the whole country.

CHAPTER XXIV.

ALEXANDER IN LYCIA AND PAMPHYLIA.

Some of the Macedonians who served in Alexander’s army had married just

before he undertook the expedition. He thought that he ought not to

treat these men with neglect, and therefore sent them back from Caria

to spend the winter in Macedonia with their wives. He placed them under

the command of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, one of the royal body-guards,

and of the two generals Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and Meleager, son

of Neoptolemus, because they were also newly married. He gave these

officers instructions to levy as many horse and foot soldiers as they

could from the country, when they returned to him and brought back the

men who had been sent away with them. By this act more than by any

other Alexander acquired popularity among the Macedonians. He also sent

Cleander, son of Polemocrates, to levy soldiers in Peloponnesus,[174]

and Parmenio to Sardis, giving him the command of a regiment of the

Cavalry Companions, the Thessalian cavalry, and the rest of the Grecian

allies. He ordered him to take the wagons to Sardis and to advance from

that place into Phrygia.

He himself marched towards Lycia and Pamphylia, in order to gain

command of the coastland, and by that means render the enemy’s fleet

useless. The first place on his route was Hyparna, a strong position,

having a garrison of Grecian mercenaries; but he took it at the first

assault, and allowed the Greeks to depart from the citadel under a

truce. Then he invaded Lycia and brought over the Telmissians by

capitulation; and crossing the river Xanthus, the cities of Pinara,

Xanthus, Patara, and about thirty other smaller towns were surrendered

to him.[175] Having accomplished this, though it was now the very depth

of winter, he invaded the land called Milyas,[176] which is a part of

Great Phrygia, but at that time paid tribute to Lycia, according to

an arrangement made by the Great King. Hither came envoys from the

Phaselites,[177] to treat for his friendship, and to crown him with

a golden crown; and the majority of the maritime Lycians also sent

heralds to him as ambassadors to treat for the same object. He ordered

the Phaselites and Lycians to surrender their cities to those who were

despatched by him to receive them; and they were all surrendered. He

soon afterwards arrived himself at Phaselis, and helped the men of

that city to capture a strong fort which had been constructed by the

Pisidians to overawe the country; and sallying forth from which those

barbarians used to inflict much damage upon the Phaselites who tilled

the land.[178]

CHAPTER XXV.

TREASON OF ALEXANDER, SON OF AËROPUS.

While the king was still near Phaselis he received information that

Alexander, son of Aëropus, who was not only one of the Companions, but

also at that time commander of the Thessalian horse, was conspiring

against him. This Alexander was brother of Heromenes and Arrhabaeus,

who had taken part in the murder of Philip.[179] At that time King

Alexander pardoned him, though he was accused of complicity with them,

because after Philip’s death he was among the first of his friends to

come to him, and, helping him on with his breastplate, accompanied him

to the palace. The king afterwards showed him honour at his court,

sent him as general into Thrace; and when Calas the commander of the

Thessalian horse was sent away to a viceroyalty[180] he was appointed

to succeed that general. The details of the conspiracy were reported

as follows: When Amyntas deserted to Darius,[181] he conveyed to

him certain messages and a letter from this Alexander. Darius then

sent Sisines, one of his own faithful Persian courtiers, down to the

sea-coast, under pretence of going to Atizyes, viceroy of Phrygia, but

really to communicate with this Alexander, and to give him pledges,

that if he would kill king Alexander, Darius would appoint him king of

Macedonia, and would give him 1,000 talents of gold[182] in addition

to the kingdom. But Sisines, being captured by Parmenio, told him the

real object of his mission. Parmenio sent him immediately under guard

to the king, who obtained the same intelligence from him. The king

then, having collected his friends, proposed to them as a subject

for deliberation what decision he ought to make in regard to this

Alexander. The Companions thought that formerly he had not resolved

wisely in confiding the best part of his cavalry to a faithless man,

and that now it was advisable to put him out of the way as speedily as

possible, before he became even more popular among the Thessalians and

should try to effect some revolutionary plan with their aid. Moreover

they were terrified by a certain divine portent. For, while Alexander

the king was still besieging Halicarnassus, it is said that he was

once taking rest at midday, when a swallow flew about over his head

loudly twittering, and perched now on this side of his couch and now on

that, chirping more noisily than usual. On account of his fatigue he

could not be roused from sleep, but being disquieted by the sound he

brushed her away gently with his hand. But though struck she was so far

from trying to escape, that she perched upon the very head of the king,

and did not desist until he was wide awake. Thinking the affair of

the swallow of no trivial import, he communicated it to a soothsayer,

Aristander the Telmissian,[183] who told him that it signified a plot

formed by one of his friends. He said it also signified that the plot

would be discovered, because the swallow was a bird fond of man’s

society and well disposed to him as well as more loquacious than any

other bird. Therefore, comparing this with the depositions of the

Persian, the king sent Amphoterus, son of Alexander and brother of

Craterus to Parmenio; and with him he sent some Pergaeans to show him

the way. Amphoterus, putting on a native dress, so that he should not

be recognised on the road, reached Parmenio by stealth. He did not

carry a letter from Alexander, because it did not appear to the king

advisable to write openly about such a matter; but he reported the

message entrusted to him by word of mouth. Consequently this Alexander

was arrested and kept under guard.

CHAPTER XXVI.

ALEXANDER IN PAMPHYLIA.—CAPTURE OF ASPENDUS AND SIDE.

Alexander then, moving from Phaselis, sent part of his army to Perga

through the mountains, where the Thracians had levelled a road for him

by a route which was otherwise difficult and long. But he himself led

his own brigade by the beach along the sea, where there is no route,

except when the north wind blows. But if the south wind prevails it is

impossible to journey along the beach. At that time, after a strong

south wind, the north winds blew, and rendered his passage easy and

quick, not without the divine intervention, as both he and his men

interpreted.[184] As he was advancing from Perga, he was met on the

road by envoys from the Aspendians[185] with full powers, who offered

to surrender their city, but begged him not lead a garrison into it.

Having gained their request in regard to the garrison, they went back;

but he ordered them to give him fifty talents[186] as pay for his army,

as well as the horses which they were rearing as tribute to Darius.

Having agreed with him about the money, and having likewise promised to

hand over the horses, they departed.

Alexander then marched to Sidē,[187] the inhabitants of which were

Cymaeans from Cyme, in Aeolis. These people give the following account

of themselves, saying that their ancestors starting from Cyme,

arrived in that country, and disembarked to found a settlement. They

immediately forgot the Grecian language, and forthwith began to utter a

foreign speech, not, indeed, that of the neighbouring barbarians, but

a speech peculiar to themselves, which had never before existed. From

that time the Sidetans used to speak a foreign language unlike that of

the neighbouring nations. Having left a garrison in Sidē, Alexander

advanced to Syllium,[188] a strong place, containing a garrison of

Grecian mercenaries as well as of native barbarians themselves. But

he was unable to take Syllium offhand by a sudden assault, for he

was informed on his march that the Aspendians refused to perform any

of their agreements, and would neither deliver the horses to those

who were sent to receive them, nor pay the money; but that they had

collected their property out of the fields into the city, shut their

gates against his men, and were repairing their walls where they had

become dilapidated. Hearing this, he marched off to Aspendus.

CHAPTER XXVII.

ALEXANDER IN PHRYGIA AND PISIDIA.

The greater part of Aspendus had been built upon a strong and

precipitous rock, at the very foot of which flows the river

Eurymedon[189]; but round the rock, on the low ground, were many of

the citizens’ houses, surrounded by a small wall. As soon as they

ascertained that Alexander was approaching, the inhabitants deserted

the wall and the houses situated on the low ground, which they thought

they were unable to protect; and they fled in a body to the rock. When

he arrived with his forces, he passed within the deserted wall and

took up his quarters in the houses which had been abandoned by the

Aspendians. When these saw that Alexander himself had come, contrary to

their expectation, and that his camp was encircling them on all sides,

they sent envoys to him, entreating him to form an agreement with them

on the former terms. Alexander, considering the strength of the place,

and how unprepared he was to undertake a long siege, entered into an

agreement with them, though not on the same terms as before. For he

ordered them to give him their most influential men as hostages, to

hand over the horses which they had formerly agreed to give him, to pay

100 talents instead of fifty, to obey the viceroy appointed by him, and

to pay an annual tribute to the Macedonians. Moreover he directed an

inquiry to be held about the land which they were accused of holding by

force, though it belonged of right to their neighbours.

When all these concessions had been made to him, he marched away to

Perga, and thence set out for Phrygia, his route leading him past the

city of Termessus. The people of this city are foreigners, of the

Pisidian race, inhabiting a very lofty place, precipitous on every

side; so that the road to the city is a difficult one. For a mountain

stretches from the city as far as the road, where it suddenly stops

short; and over against it rises another mountain, no less precipitous.

These mountains form gates, as it were, upon the road; and it is

possible for those who occupy these eminences even with a small guard

to render the passage impracticable. On this occasion the Termissians

had come out in a body, and were occupying both the mountains; seeing

which, Alexander ordered the Macedonians to encamp there, armed as they

were, imagining that the Termissians would not remain in a body when

they saw them bivouacking, but that most of them would withdraw into

their city, which was near, leaving upon the mountains only sufficient

men to form a guard. And it turned out just as he conjectured; for

most of them retired, and only a guard remained. He forthwith took the

archers, the regiments of javelin-throwers, and the lighter hoplites,

and led them against those who were guarding the pass. When these were

attacked with missiles, they did not stand their ground, but abandoned

the position. Alexander then passed through the defile, and encamped

near the city.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

OPERATIONS IN PISIDIA.

While he was there, ambassadors came to him from the Selgians, who are

also Pisidian barbarians, inhabiting a large city, and being warlike.

Because they happened to be inveterate enemies to the Termessians they

had despatched this embassy to Alexander, to treat for his friendship.

He made a treaty with them, and from this time found them faithful

allies in all his proceedings. Despairing of being able to capture

Termessus without a great loss of time, he marched on to Sagalassus.

This was also a large city, inhabited likewise by Pisidians; and though

all the Pisidians are warlike, the men of this city were deemed the

most so. On this occasion they had occupied the hill in front of the

city, because it was no less strong than the walls, from which to

attack the enemy; and there they were awaiting him. But Alexander drew

up the phalanx of Macedonians in the following way: on the right wing,

where he had himself taken up his position, he held the shield-bearing

guards, and next to these he extended the foot Companions as far as

the left wing, in the order that each of the generals had precedence

in the array that day. On the left wing he stationed Amyntas, son of

Arrhabaeus, as commander. In front of the right wing were posted the

archers and Agrianians, and in front of the left wing the Thracian

javelin-throwers under the command of Sitalces. But the cavalry were

no use to him in a place so rough and unfavourable. The Termessians

also had come to the aid of the Pisidians, and arrayed themselves with

them. Alexander had already made an attack upon the mountain which the

Pisidians were occupying, advancing up the most abrupt part of the

ascent, when the barbarians from an ambuscade attacked him on both

wings, in a place where it was very easy for themselves to advance,

but where the route was very difficult for their enemy. The archers,

who were the first to approach, were put to rout, inasmuch as they

were insufficiently armed; but the Agrianians stood their ground, for

the Macedonian phalanx was already drawing near, at the head of which

Alexander himself was seen. When the battle became a hand-to-hand one,

though the barbarians were destitute of armour, they rushed against

the Macedonian hoplites, and fell wounded on all sides. Then, indeed,

they gave way, after about 500 of them had been killed. As they were

nimble and well-acquainted with the locality, they effected their

retreat without difficulty; whereas the Macedonians, on account of

the heaviness of their arms and their ignorance of the roads, durst

not pursue them vigorously. Alexander therefore held off from the

fugitives, and took their city by storm. Of those with him, Cleander,

the general of the archers, and about twenty others were slain.

Alexander then marched against the rest of the Pisidians, and took some

of their strongholds by storm; others he won over to him by granting

them terms of capitulation.

CHAPTER XXIX.

ALEXANDER IN PHRYGIA.

Thence he went into Phrygia, passing by the lake called Ascania,[190]

in which salt is naturally concreted. The natives use this salt, and

do not need the sea at all for this article. On the fifth day of

his march, he arrived at Celaenae,[191] in which city there was a

fortified rock, precipitous on all sides. This citadel was occupied

by the viceroy of Phrygia with a garrison of 1,000 Carians and 100

Grecian mercenaries. These men despatched ambassadors to Alexander,

promising to surrender the place to him, if succour did not reach them

by a day which had been agreed upon with them, naming the day.[192]

This arrangement seemed to Alexander more advantageous than to besiege

the fortified rock, which was inaccessible on all sides to attack.

At Celaenae he left a garrison of 1,500 soldiers. Remaining here ten

days, he appointed Antigonus, son of Philip,[193] viceroy of Phrygia,

placed Balacrus, son of Amyntas[194] as general over the Grecian allies

in place of Antigonus, and then directed his march to Gordium.[195]

He sent an order to Parmenio to meet him there with the forces under

his command; an order which that general obeyed. The newly-married men

also, who had been despatched to Macedonia, now arrived at Gordium, and

with them another army which had been levied, and put under the command

of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,[196] Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and

Meleager, son of Neoptolemus. This army consisted of 3,000 Macedonian

foot-soldiers and 300 horse-soldiers, 200 Thessalian cavalry, and 150

Eleans under the command of Alcias the Elean.

Gordium is in the Phrygia which lies near the Hellespont, and is

situated upon the river Sangarius, which takes its rise in Phrygia,

but, flowing through the land of the Bithynian Thracians, falls into

the Euxine Sea. Here an embassy reached Alexander from the Athenians,

beseeching him to release to them the Athenian prisoners who had been

captured at the river Granicus, fighting for the Persians, and were

then in Macedonia serving in chains with the two thousand others

captured in that battle. The envoys departed without obtaining their

request on behalf of the prisoners for the present. For Alexander

did not think it safe, whilst the war against the Persian was still

going on, to relax in the slightest degree the terror with which he

inspired the Greeks, who did not deem it unbecoming for them to serve

as soldiers on behalf of the foreigners against Greece. However, he

replied that whenever his present enterprise had been successfully

achieved, they might then come as ambassadors to treat on behalf of the

same persons.[197]

BOOK II.

CHAPTER I.

CAPTURE OF MITYLENE BY THE PERSIANS.—DEATH OF MEMNON.

Soon after this, Memnon, whom King Darius had appointed commander of

the whole fleet and of the entire sea-coast, with the design of moving

the seat of war into Macedonia and Greece, acquired possession of

Chios, which was surrendered to him by treachery. Thence he sailed to

Lesbos and brought over to his side all the cities of the island,[198]

except Mitylene, the inhabitants of which did not submit to him. When

he had gained these cities over, he turned his attention to Mitylene;

and walling off the city from the rest of the island by constructing

a double stockade from sea to sea, he easily got the mastery on the

land side by building five camps. A part of his fleet guarded their

harbour, and, intercepting the ships passing by, he kept the rest of

his fleet as a guard off Sigrium,[199] the headland of Lesbos, where is

the best landing-place for trading vessels from Chios, Geraestus,[200]

and Malea.[201] By this means he deprived the Mitylenaeans of all hope

of succour by sea. But meantime he himself fell ill and died, and his

death at that crisis was exceedingly injurious to the king’s interests.

Nevertheless Autophradates, and Pharnabazus, son of Artabazus,

prosecuted the siege with vigour. To the latter indeed, Memnon, when

dying, had entrusted his command, as he was his sister’s son, till

Darius should come to some decision on the matter. The Mitylenaeans,

therefore, being excluded from the land, and being blockaded on the

sea by many ships lying at anchor, sent to Pharnabazus and came to

the following agreement:—That the auxiliary troops which had come

to their aid from Alexander should depart, that the citizens should

demolish the pillars on which the treaty made by them with Alexander

was inscribed,[202] that they should become allies of Darius on the

terms of the peace which was made with King Darius in the time of

Antalcidas,[203] and that their exiles should return from banishment

on condition of receiving back half the property which they possessed

when they were banished. Upon these terms the compact was made between

the Mitylenaeans and the Persians. But as soon as Pharnabazus and

Autophradates once got within the city, they introduced a garrison with

Lycomedes, a Rhodian, as its commandant. They also appointed Diogenes,

one of the exiles, to be despot of the city, and exacted money from the

Mitylenaeans, taking part of it by violence for themselves from the

wealthy citizens, and laying the rest as a tax upon the community.

CHAPTER II.

THE PERSIANS CAPTURE TENEDUS.—THEY ARE DEFEATED AT SEA.

After accomplishing this, Pharnabazus sailed to Lycia, taking with

him the Grecian mercenaries; but Autophradates sailed to the other

islands. Meantime Darius sent Thymondas, son of Mentor,[204] down to

the maritime districts, to take over the Grecian auxiliaries from

Pharnabazus and to lead them up to him; and to tell Pharnabazus that

he was to be the ruler of all that Memnon had ruled. So Pharnabazus

handed over to him the Grecian auxiliaries and then sailed to join

Autophradates and the fleet. When they met, they despatched Datames,

a Persian, with ten ships to the islands called Cyclades,[205] whilst

they with 100 sailed to Tenedus.[206] Having sailed into the harbour of

Tenedus which is called Borēus, they sent a message to the inhabitants,

commanding them to demolish the pillars on which the treaty made by

them with Alexander and the Greeks was inscribed, and to observe in

regard to Darius the terms of the peace which they had ratified with

the king of Persia in the time of Antalcidas. The Tenedians preferred

to be on terms of amity with Alexander and the Greeks; but in the

present crisis it seemed impossible to save themselves except by

yielding to the Persians, since Hegelochus, who had been commissioned

by Alexander to collect another naval force, had not yet gathered so

large a fleet as to warrant them in expecting any speedy succour from

him. Accordingly Pharnabazus made the Tenedians comply with his demands

rather from fear than good-will.

Meantime Proteas, son of Andronicus, by command of Antipater,[207]

succeeded in collecting ships of war from Euboea and the Peloponnese,

so that there might be some protection both for the islands and for

Greece itself, if the foreigners attacked them by sea, as it was

reported they intended to do. Learning that Datames with ten ships was

moored near Siphnus,[208] Proteas set out by night with fifteen from

Chalcis on the Euripus,[209] and approaching the island of Cythnus[210]

at dawn, he spent the day there in order to get more certain

information of the movements of the ten ships, resolving at the same

time to fall upon the Phoenicians by night, when he would be likely

to strike them with greater terror. Having discovered with certainty

that Datames was moored with his ships at Siphnus, he sailed thither

while it was still dark, and just at the very dawn fell upon them when

they least expected it, and captured eight of the ships, men and all.

But Datames, with the other two triremes, escaped by stealth at the

beginning of the attack made by the ships with Proteas, and reached the

rest of the Persian fleet in safety.

CHAPTER III.

ALEXANDER AT GORDIUM.

When Alexander arrived at Gordium, he was seized with an ardent desire

to go up into the citadel, which contained the palace of Gordius and

his son Midas. He was also desirous of seeing the wagon of Gordius and

the cord which bound the yoke to the wagon. There was a great deal of

talk about this wagon among the neighbouring population. It was said

that Gordius was a poor man among the ancient Phrygians, who had a

small piece of land to till, and two yoke of oxen. He used one of these

in ploughing and the other to draw the wagon. On one occasion, while

he was ploughing, an eagle settled upon the yoke,[211] and remained

sitting there until the time came for unyoking the oxen. Being alarmed

at the sight, he went to the Telmissian soothsayers to consult them

about the sign from the deity; for the Telmissians were skilful in

interpreting the meaning of Divine manifestations, and the power of

divination has been bestowed not only upon the men, but also upon

their wives and children from generation to generation. When Gordius

was driving his wagon near a certain village of the Telmissians, he

met a maiden fetching water from the spring, and to her he related how

the sign of the eagle had appeared to him. As she herself was of the

prophetic race, she instructed him to return to the very spot and offer

sacrifice to Zeus the king. Gordius requested her to accompany him and

direct him how to perform the sacrifice. He offered the sacrifice in

the way the girl suggested, and afterwards married her. A son was born

to them named Midas, who, when he arrived at the age of maturity, was

both handsome and valiant. At this time the Phrygians were harassed by

civil discord, and consulting the oracle, they were told that a wagon

would bring them a king, who would put an end to their discord.[212]

While they were still deliberating about this very matter, Midas

arrived with his father and mother, and stopped near the assembly with

the very wagon in question. They, interpreting the oracular response to

refer to him, decided that this was the person whom the god told them

the wagon would bring. They therefore appointed Midas king; and he,

putting an end to their discord, dedicated his father’s wagon in the

citadel as a thank-offering to Zeus the king for sending the eagle. In

addition to this the following report was current concerning the wagon,

that whosoever could loosen the cord with which the yoke of the wagon

was tied, was destined to be the ruler of Asia. The cord was made of

cornel bark, and neither end nor beginning to it could be seen. It is

said by some that when Alexander could find out no way to loosen the

cord and yet was unwilling to allow it to remain unloosened, lest it

should exercise some disturbing influence upon the multitude, he struck

the cord with his sword and cut it through, saying that it had been

untied by him. But Aristobulus says that he pulled out the pin of the

wagon-pole, which was a wooden peg driven right through it, holding

the cord together. Having done this, he drew out the yoke from the

wagon-pole. How Alexander performed the feat in connection with this

cord, I cannot affirm with confidence. At any rate both he and his

troops departed from the wagon as if the oracular prediction concerning

the untying of the cord had been fulfilled. Moreover, that very night,

the thunder and lightning were signs from heaven of its fulfilment; and

for this reason Alexander offered sacrifice on the following day to the

gods who had revealed the signs and assured him that the cord had been

untied in a proper way.[213]

CHAPTER IV.

CONQUEST OF CAPPADOCIA.—ALEXANDER’S ILLNESS AT TARSUS.

The next day he sent out to Ancyra[214] in Galatia, where he was met by

an embassy from the Paphlagonians, offering to surrender their nation

to him and to enter into an alliance with him; but they requested him

not to invade their land with his forces. He therefore commanded them

to submit to the authority of Calas, the viceroy of Phrygia. Marching

thence into Cappadocia, he subjugated all that part of it which lies on

this side of the river Halys,[215] and much of that which lies beyond

it. Having appointed Sabictas viceroy of Cappadocia, he advanced to

the Gates of Cilicia,[216] and when he arrived at the Camp of Cyrus,

who (went) with Xenophon,[217] and saw that the Gates were occupied by

strong guards, he left Parmenio there with the regiments of infantry

which were more heavily armed; and about the first watch, taking the

shield-bearing guards, the archers, and the Agrianians, he advanced by

night to the Gates, in order to fall upon the guards when they least

expected it. However, his advance was not unobserved; but his boldness

served him equally well, for the guards, perceiving that Alexander was

advancing in person, deserted their post and set off in flight. At dawn

next day he passed through the Gates with all his forces and descended

into Cilicia.[218] Here he was informed that Arsames had previously

intended to preserve Tarsus for the Persians; but when he heard that

Alexander had already passed through the Gates, he resolved to abandon

the city; and that the Tarsians were therefore afraid he would turn to

plunder their city and afterwards evacuate it. Hearing this, Alexander

led his cavalry and the lightest of his light infantry to Tarsus with

a forced march; consequently Arsames, hearing of his start, fled with

speed from Tarsus to King Darius without inflicting any injury upon the

city.

Alexander now fell ill from the toils he had undergone, according

to the account of Aristobulus; but other authors say that while he

was very hot and in profuse perspiration he leaped into the river

Cydnus[219] and swam, being eager to bathe in its water. This river

flows through the midst of the city; and as its source is in mount

Taurus and it flows through a clean district, it is cold and its water

is clear. Alexander therefore was seized with convulsions, accompanied

with high fever and continuous sleeplessness. None of the physicians

thought he was likely to survive,[220] except Philip, an Acarnanian,

a physician in attendance on the king, and very much trusted by him

in medical matters, who also enjoyed a great reputation in the army

in general affairs. This man wished to administer a purgative draught

to Alexander, and the king ordered him to administer it. While Philip

was preparing the cup, a letter was given to the king from Parmenio,

warning him to beware of Philip; for he heard that the physician had

been bribed by Darius to poison Alexander with medicine. But he, having

read the letter, and still holding it in his hand, took the cup which

contained the medicine and gave Philip the letter to read. While Philip

was reading the news from Parmenio, Alexander drank the potion. It was

at once evident to the king that the physician was acting honourably

in giving the medicine, for he was not alarmed at the letter, but only

so much the more exhorted the king to obey all the other prescriptions

which he might give, promising that his life would be saved if he

obeyed his instructions. Alexander was purged by the draught, and his

illness then took a favourable turn. He afterwards proved to Philip

that he was a faithful friend to him; and to the rest of those about

he proved that he had perfect confidence in his friends by refusing

to entertain any suspicion of their fidelity; and at the same time he

showed that he could meet death with dauntless courage.[221]

CHAPTER V.

ALEXANDER AT THE TOMB OF SARDANAPALUS.—PROCEEDINGS IN CILICIA.

After this he sent Parmenio to the other Gates which separate the land

of the Cilicians from that of the Assyrians, in order to capture them

before the enemy could do so, and to guard the pass.[222] He gave

him the allied infantry, the Grecian mercenaries, the Thracians who

were under the command of Sitalces, and the Thessalian cavalry. He

afterwards marched from Tarsus, and on the first day arrived at the

city of Anchialus.[223] According to report, this city was founded by

Sardanapalus the Assyrian;[224] and both from the circumference and

from the foundations of the walls it is evident that a large city had

been founded and that it had reached a great pitch of power. Also near

the wall of Anchialus was the monument of Sardanapalus, upon the top

of which stood the statue of that king with the hands joined to each

other just as they are joined for clapping.[225] An inscription had

been placed upon it in Assyrian characters,[226] which the Assyrians

asserted to be in metre. The meaning which the words expressed was

this:—“Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxas, built Anchialus and Tarsus

in one day; but do thou, O stranger, eat, drink, and play, since all

other human things are not worth this!” referring, as in a riddle, to

the empty sound which the hands make in clapping. It was also said that

the word translated _play_ had been expressed by a more lewd one in the

Assyrian language.

From Anchialus Alexander went to Soli,[227] into which city he

introduced a garrison, and imposed upon the inhabitants a fine of 200

talents of silver,[228] because they were more inclined to favour

the Persians than himself. Then, having taken three regiments of

Macedonian infantry, all the archers, and the Agrianians, he marched

away thence against the Cilicians, who were holding the mountains;

and in seven days in all, having expelled some by force, and having

brought the rest over by composition, he marched back to Soli. Here he

ascertained that Ptolemy and Asander[229] had gained the mastery over

Orontobates the Persian who was guarding the citadel of Halicarnassus,

and was also holding Myndus, Caunus, Thera, and Callipolis.[230] Cos

and Triopium[231] also had been brought into subjection. They wrote

to inform him that Orontobates had been worsted in a great battle;

that about 700 of his infantry and 50 of his cavalry had been killed,

and not less than 1,000 taken prisoners. In Soli Alexander offered

sacrifice to Asclepius,[232] conducting a procession of the entire

army, celebrating a torch race, and superintending a gymnastic and

musical contest. He granted the Solians the privilege of a democratical

constitution; and then marched away to Tarsus, despatching the

cavalry under Philotas to march through the Aleian plain to the

river Pyramus.[233] But he himself with the infantry and the royal

squadron of cavalry came to Magarsus, where he offered sacrifice to

the Magarsian Athena. Thence he marched to Mallus, where he rendered

to Amphilochus the sacrificial honours due to a hero.[234] He also

arrested those who were creating a sedition among the citizens, and

thus put a stop to it. He remitted the tribute which they were paying

to King Darius, because the Malliotes were a colony of the Argives, and

he himself claimed to have sprung from Argos, being a descendant of

Heracles.

CHAPTER VI.

ALEXANDER ADVANCES TO MYRIANDRUS.—DARIUS MARCHES AGAINST HIM.

While he was still at Mallus, he was informed that Darius was encamped

with all his forces at Sochi, a place in the land of Assyria, distant

about two days’ march from the Assyrian Gates.[235] Then indeed he

collected the Companions and told them what was reported about Darius

and his army. They urged him to lead them on as they were, without

delay. At that time he commended them, and broke up the conference; but

next day he led them forward against Darius and the Persians. On the

second day he passed through the Gates and encamped near the city of

Myriandrus;[236] but in the night a heavy tempest and a violent storm

of wind and rain occurred which detained him in his camp. Darius, on

the other hand, had been spending a long time with his army, having

chosen a plain in the land of Assyria which stretches out in every

direction, suitable for the immense size of his army and convenient for

the evolutions of cavalry. Amyntas, son of Antiochus, the deserter from

Alexander, advised him not to abandon this position, because there was

plenty of room for the great multitude of the Persians and for the vast

quantity of their baggage. So Darius remained. But as Alexander made a

long stay at Tarsus on account of his illness, and not a short one at

Soli, where he offered sacrifice and conducted his army in procession,

and moreover spent some time in marching against the Cilician

mountaineers, Darius was induced to swerve from his resolution. He

was also not unwilling to be led to form whatever decision was most

agreeable to his own wishes; and being influenced by those who gave

him the advice which they thought would be pleasant to him, without

consideration of its utility (for kings will always have associates to

give them bad advice),[237] he came to the conclusion that Alexander

was no longer desirous of advancing further, but was shrinking from an

encounter on learning that Darius himself was marching against him.

On all sides they were urging him on, asserting that he would trample

down the army of the Macedonians with his cavalry.[238] Nevertheless,

Amyntas, at any rate, confidently affirmed that Alexander would

certainly come to any place where he heard Darius might be; and he

exhorted him by all means to stay where he was. But the worse advice,

because at the immediate time it was more pleasant to hear, prevailed;

moreover he was led by some divine influence into that locality where

he derived little advantage from his cavalry and from the sheer number

of his men, javelins and bows, and where he could not even exhibit the

mere magnificence of his army, but surrendered to Alexander and his

troops an easy victory. For it was already decreed by fate that the

Persians should be deprived of the rule of Asia by the Macedonians,

just as the Medes had been deprived of it by the Persians, and still

earlier the Assyrians by the Medes.

CHAPTER VII.

DARIUS AT ISSUS.—ALEXANDER’S SPEECH TO HIS ARMY.

Darius crossed the mountain range by what are called the Amanic Gates,

and advancing towards Issus, came without being noticed to the rear

of Alexander.[239] Having reached Issus, he captured as many of the

Macedonians as had been left behind there on account of illness.

These he cruelly mutilated and slew. Next day he proceeded to the

river Pinarus. As soon as Alexander heard that Darius was in his rear,

because the news did not seem to him trustworthy, he embarked some of

the Companions in a ship with thirty oars, and sent them back to Issus,

to observe whether the report was true. The men who sailed in the

thirty-oared ship discovered the Persians encamped there more easily,

because the sea in this part takes the form of a bay. They therefore

brought back word to Alexander that Darius was at hand. Alexander

then called together the generals, the commanders of cavalry, and the

leaders of the Grecian allies, and exhorted them to take courage from

the dangers which they had already surmounted, asserting that the

struggle would be between themselves who had been previously victorious

and a foe who had already been beaten; and that the deity was acting

the part of general on their behalf better than himself, by putting

it into the mind of Darius to move his forces from the spacious plain

and shut them up in a narrow place, where there was sufficient room

for them to deepen their phalanx by marching from front to rear, but

where their vast multitude would be useless to their enemy in battle.

He added that their foes were similar to them neither in strength nor

in courage; for the Macedonians, who had long been practised in warlike

toils accompanied with danger, were coming into close conflict with

Persians and Medes, men who had become enervated by a long course of

luxurious ease; and, to crown all, they, being freemen, were about to

engage in battle with men who were slaves. He said, moreover, that

the Greeks who were in the two armies would not be fighting for the

same objects; for those with Darius were braving danger for pay,

and that pay not high; whereas, those on their side were voluntarily

defending the interests of Greece. Again, of foreigners, the Thracians,

Paeonians, Illyrians, and Agrianians, who were the most robust and

warlike of men in Europe, were about to be arrayed against the most

sluggish and effeminate races of Asia. In addition to all this,

Alexander was commanding in the field against Darius. These things

he enumerated as evidences of their superiority in the struggle; and

then he began to point out the great rewards they would win from the

danger to be incurred. For he told them that on that occasion they

would overcome, not merely the viceroys of Darius, nor the cavalry

drawn up at the Granicus, nor the 20,000 Grecian mercenaries, but would

overcome all the available forces of the Persians and Medes, as well

as all the other races subject to them dwelling in Asia, and the Great

King present in person. After this conflict nothing would be left for

them to do, except to take possession of all Asia, and to put an end

to their many labours. In addition to this, he reminded them of their

brilliant achievements in their collective capacity in days gone by;

and if any man had individually performed any distinguished feat of

valour from love of glory, he mentioned him by name in commendation

of the deed.[240] He then recapitulated as modestly as possible his

own daring deeds in the various battles. He is also said to have

reminded them of Xenophon and the ten thousand men who accompanied him,

asserting that the latter were in no way comparable with them either

in number or in general excellence. Besides, they had had with them

neither Thessalian, Boeotian, Peloponnesian, Macedonian, or Thracian

horsemen, nor any of the other cavalry which was in the Macedonian

army; nor had they any archers or slingers except a few Cretans and

Rhodians, and even these were got ready by Xenophon on the spur of

the moment in the very crisis of danger.[241] And yet even these put

the king and all his forces to rout close to Babylon[242] itself, and

succeeded in reaching the Euxine Sea after defeating all the races

which lay in their way as they were marching down thither. He also

adduced whatever other arguments were suitable for a great commander to

use in order to encourage brave men in such a critical moment before

the perils of battle. They urged him to lead them against the foe

without delay, coming from all sides to grasp the king’s right hand,

and encouraging him by their promises.

CHAPTER VIII.

ARRANGEMENT OF THE HOSTILE ARMIES.

Alexander then ordered his soldiers to take their dinner, and having

sent a few of his horsemen and archers forward to the Gates to

reconnoitre the road in the rear, he took the whole of his army and

marched in the night to occupy the pass again. When about midnight

he had again got possession of it, he caused the army to rest the

remainder of the night there upon the rocks, having posted vigilant

sentries. At the approach of dawn he began to descend from the pass

along the road; and as long as the space was narrow everywhere, he led

his army in column, but when the mountains parted so as to leave a

plain between them, he kept on opening out the column into the phalanx,

marching one line of heavy armed infantry after another up into line

towards the mountain on the right and towards the sea on the left.

Up to this time his cavalry had been ranged behind the infantry; but

when they advanced into the open country, he began to draw up his army

in order of battle. First, upon the right wing near the mountain he

placed his infantry guard and the shield-bearers, under the command of

Nicanor, son of Parmenio; next to these the regiment of Coenus, and

close to them that of Perdiccas. These troops were posted as far as the

middle of the heavy-armed infantry to one beginning from the right.

On the left wing first stood the regiment of Amyntas, then that of

Ptolemy, and close to this that of Meleager. The infantry on the left

had been placed under the command of Craterus; but Parmenio held the

chief direction of the whole left wing. This general had been ordered

not to abandon the sea, so that they might not be surrounded by the

foreigners, who were likely to outflank them on all sides by their

superior numbers.[243]

But as soon as Darius was certified of Alexander’s approach for battle,

he conveyed about 30,000 of his cavalry and with them 20,000 of his

light-armed infantry across the river Pinarus, in order that he might

be able to draw up the rest of his forces with ease. Of the heavy

armed infantry, he placed first the 30,000 Greek mercenaries to oppose

the phalanx of the Macedonians, and on both sides of these he placed

60,000 of the men called Cardaces,[244] who were also heavy-armed

infantry.[245] For the place where they were posted was able to

contain only this number in a single phalanx.[246] He also posted

20,000 men near the mountain on their left and facing Alexander’s

right. Some of these troops were also in the rear of Alexander’s army;

for the mountain near which they were posted in one part sloped a

great way back and formed a sort of bay, like a bay in the sea, and

afterwards bending forwards caused the men who had been posted at the

foot of it to be behind Alexander’s right wing. The remaining multitude

of Darius’s light-armed and heavy-armed infantry was marshalled by

nations to an unserviceable depth and placed behind the Grecian

mercenaries and the Persian army arranged in phalanx. The whole of the

army with Darius was said to number about 600,000 fighting men.[247]

As Alexander advanced, he found that the ground spread out a little

in breadth, and he accordingly brought up his horsemen, both those

called Companions, and the Thessalians as well as the Macedonians, and

posted them with himself on the right wing. The Peloponnesians and the

rest of the allied force of Greeks he sent to Parmenio on the left.

When Darius had marshalled his phalanx, by a pre-concerted signal he

recalled the cavalry which he had posted in front of the river for

the express purpose of rendering the arranging of his army easy. Most

of these he placed on the right wing near the sea facing Parmenio;

because here the ground was more suitable for the evolutions of

cavalry. A certain part of them also he led up to the mountain towards

the left. But when they were seen to be useless there on account of

the narrowness of the ground, he ordered most of these also to ride

round to the right wing and join their comrades there. Darius himself

occupied the centre of the whole army, inasmuch as it was the custom

for the kings of Persia to take up that position, the reason of which

arrangement has been recorded by Xenophon, son of Gryllus.[248]

CHAPTER IX.

ALEXANDER CHANGES THE DISPOSITION OF HIS FORCES.

Meantime when Alexander perceived that nearly all the Persian cavalry

had changed their ground and gone to his left towards the sea, and

that on his side only the Peloponnesians and the rest of the Grecian

cavalry were posted there, he sent the Thessalian cavalry thither with

speed, ordering them not to ride along before the front of the whole

array, lest they should be seen by the enemy to be shifting their

ground, but to proceed by stealth in the rear of the phalanx.[249] In

front of the cavalry on the right, he posted the lancers under the

command of Protomachus, and the Paeonians under that of Aristo; and of

the infantry, the archers under the direction of Antiochus, and the

Agrianians under that of Attalus. Some of the cavalry and archers

also he drew up so as to form an angle with the centre[250] towards

the mountain which was in the rear; so on the right his phalanx had

been drawn up separated into two wings, the one fronting Darius and

the main body of Persians beyond the river, and the other facing those

who had been posted at the mountain in their rear. On the left wing

the infantry consisting of the Cretan archers and the Thracians under

command of Sitalces were posted in front; and before these the cavalry

towards the left. The Grecian mercenaries were drawn up as a reserve

for all of them. When he perceived that the phalanx towards the right

was too thin, and it seemed likely that the Persians would outflank him

here considerably, he ordered two squadrons of the Companion cavalry,

viz. the Anthemusian,[251] of which Peroedas, son of Menestheus, was

captain, and that which was called Leugaean, under the command of

Pantordanus, son of Cleander, to proceed from the centre to the right

without being seen. Having also marched the archers, part of the

Agrianians and of the Grecian mercenaries up along his right in the

front, he extended his phalanx beyond the wing of the Persians. But

when those who had been posted upon the mountain did not descend, a

charge was made by a few of the Agrianians and archers at Alexander’s

order, by which they were easily put to the rout from the foot of the

mountain. As they fled to the summit he decided that he could make use

of the men who had been drawn up to keep these in check, to fill up

the ranks of his phalanx. He thought it quite sufficient to post 300

horsemen to watch the men on the mountain.

CHAPTER X.

BATTLE OF ISSUS.

Having thus marshalled his men, he caused them to rest for some time,

and then led them forward, as he thought the enemy’s approach was very

slow. For Darius was no longer leading the foreigners against him, as

he had arranged them at first, but he remained in his position, upon

the bank of the river, which was in many parts steep and precipitous;

and in certain places, where it seemed more easy to ascend, he extended

a stockade along it. By this it was at once evident to Alexander’s

men that Darius had become cowed in spirit.[252] But when the armies

at length met in conflict, Alexander rode about in every direction

to exhort his troops to show their valour; mentioning with befitting

epithets the names, not only of the generals, but also those of the

captains of cavalry and infantry, and of the Grecian mercenaries as

many as were more distinguished either by rank or merit. From all

sides arose a shout not to delay but to attack the enemy. At first he

still led them on in close array with measured step, although he had

the forces of Darius already in full view, lest by a more hasty march

any part of the phalanx should fluctuate from the line[253] and get

separated from the rest. But when they came within range of darts,

Alexander himself and those around him being posted on the right wing,

advanced first into the river with a run, in order to alarm the

Persians by the rapidity of their onset, and by coming sooner to close

conflict to receive little damage from the archers. And it turned out

just as Alexander had conjectured; for as soon as the battle became a

hand-to-hand one, the part of the Persian army stationed on the left

wing was put to rout; and here Alexander and his men won a brilliant

victory. But the Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius attacked

the Macedonians at the point where they saw their phalanx especially

disordered. For the Macedonian phalanx had been broken and disjoined

towards the right wing; because Alexander had charged into the river

with eagerness, and engaging in a hand-to-hand conflict was already

driving back the Persians posted there; but the Macedonians in the

centre did not execute their task with equal speed; and finding many

parts of the bank steep and precipitous, they were unable to preserve

the front of the phalanx in the same line. Here then the struggle was

desperate; the aim of the Grecian mercenaries of Darius being to push

the Macedonians back into the river, and regain the victory, though

their own forces were already flying; the aim of the Macedonians being

not to fall short of Alexander’s good-fortune, which was already

manifest, and not to tarnish the glory of the phalanx, which up to that

time had been commonly asserted to be invincible. Moreover the feeling

of rivalry which existed between the Grecian and Macedonian races

inspired each side in the conflict. Here fell Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,

after proving himself a valiant man, besides about one hundred and

twenty other Macedonians of no mean repute.[254]

CHAPTER XI.

DEFEAT AND FLIGHT OF DARIUS.

Hereupon the regiments on the right wing, perceiving that the Persians

opposed to them had already been put to rout, wheeled round towards the

Grecian mercenaries of Darius and their own hard-pressed detachment.

Having driven the Greeks away from the river, they extended their

phalanx beyond the Persian army on the side which had been broken;

and attacking the Greeks on the flank, were already beginning to cut

them up. However the Persian cavalry which had been posted opposite

the Thessalians did not remain on the other side of the river during

the struggle, but came through the water and made a vigorous attack

upon the Thessalian squadrons.[255] In this place a fierce cavalry

battle ensued; for the Persians did not give way until they perceived

that Darius had fled and the Grecian mercenaries had been cut up by

the phalanx and severed from them. Then at last the flight of all

the Persians was plainly visible. Their horses suffered much injury

in the retreat, because the riders[256] were heavily armed; and the

horsemen themselves, being so many in number and retreating in panic

terror without any regard to order along narrow roads, were trampled

on and injured no less by each other than by the pursuing enemy. The

Thessalians also followed them up with vigour, so that no fewer of the

cavalry than of the infantry[257] were slaughtered in the flight.

But as soon as the left wing of Darius was terrified and routed by

Alexander, and the Persian king perceived that this part of his army

was severed from the rest, without any further delay he began to flee

in his chariot along with the first, just as he was.[258] He was

conveyed safely in the chariot as long as he met with level ground in

his flight; but when he lighted upon ravines and other rough ground,

he left the chariot there, divesting himself of his shield and Median

mantle. He even left his bow in the chariot; and mounting a horse

continued his flight. The night, which came on soon after, alone

rescued him from being captured by Alexander;[259] for as long as there

was daylight the latter kept up the pursuit at full speed. But when it

began to grow dark and the ground before the feet became invisible,

he turned back again to the camp, after capturing the chariot of

Darius with the shield, the Median mantle, and the bow in it.[260] For

his pursuit had been too slow for him to overtake Darius, because,

though he wheeled round at the first breaking asunder of the phalanx,

yet he did not turn to pursue him until he observed that the Grecian

mercenaries and the Persian cavalry had been driven away from the river.

Of the Persians were killed Arsames, Rheomithres, and Atizyes who had

commanded the cavalry at the Granicus. Sabaces, viceroy of Egypt, and

Bubaces, one of the Persian dignitaries, were also killed, besides

about 100,000 of the private soldiers, among them being more than

10,000 cavalry.[261] So great was the slaughter that Ptolemy, son of

Lagus, who then accompanied Alexander, says that the men who were with

them pursuing Darius, coming in the pursuit to a ravine, filled it up

with the corpses and so passed over it. The camp of Darius was taken

forthwith at the first assault, containing his mother, his wife,—who

was also his sister,—and his infant son.[262] His two daughters, and

a few other women, wives of Persian peers,[263] who were in attendance

upon them, were likewise captured. For the other Persians happened to

have despatched their women along with the rest of their property to

Damascus;[264] because Darius had sent to that city the greater part

of his money and all the other things which the Great King was in the

habit of taking with him as necessary for his luxurious mode of living,

even though he was going on a military expedition. The consequence

was, that in the camp no more than 3,000 talents[265] were captured;

and soon after, the money in Damascus was also seized by Parmenio, who

was despatched thither for that very purpose. Such was the result of

this famous battle (which was fought) in the month Maimacterion, when

Nicostratus was archon of the Athenians.[266]

CHAPTER XII.

KIND TREATMENT OF DARIUS’S FAMILY.

The next day, Alexander, though suffering from a wound which he had

received in the thigh from a sword, visited the wounded, and having

collected the bodies of the slain, he gave them a splendid burial with

all his forces most brilliantly marshalled in order of battle. He also

spoke with eulogy to those whom he himself had recognised performing

any gallant deed in the battle, and also to those whose exploits he had

learnt by report fully corroborated. He likewise honoured each of them

individually with a gift of money in proportion to his desert.[267] He

then appointed Balacrus, son of Nicanor, one of the royal body-guards,

viceroy of Cilicia; and in his place among the body-guards he chose

Menes, son of Dionysius. In the room of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,

who had been killed in the battle, he appointed Polysperchon, son of

Simmias, to the command of a brigade. He remitted to the Solians the

fifty talents[268] which were still due of the money imposed on them as

a fine, and he gave them back their hostages.

Nor did he treat the mother, wife, and children of Darius with

neglect; for some of those who have written Alexander’s history say

that on the very night in which he returned from the pursuit of Darius,

entering the Persian king’s tent, which had been selected for his use,

he heard the lamentation of women and other noise of a similar kind not

far from the tent. Inquiring therefore who the women were, and why they

were in a tent so near, he was answered by some one as follows:—“O

king, the mother, wife, and children of Darius are lamenting for him

as slain, since they have been informed that thou hast his bow and

his royal mantle, and that his shield has been brought back.” When

Alexander heard this, he sent Leonnatus,[269] one of his Companions,

to them, with injunctions to tell them:—“Darius is still alive; in

his flight he left his arms and mantle in the chariot; and these are

the only things of his that Alexander has.” Leonnatus entered the tent

and told them the news about Darius, saying, moreover, that Alexander

would allow them to retain the state and retinue befitting their royal

rank, as well as the title of queens; for he had not undertaken the

war against Darius from a feeling of hatred, but he had conducted it

in a legitimate manner for the empire of Asia. Such are the statements

of Ptolemy and Aristobulus.[270] But there is another report, to the

effect that on the following day Alexander himself went into the tent,

accompanied alone by Hephaestion, one of his Companions. The mother

of Darius,[271] being in doubt which of them was the king (for they

had both arrayed themselves in the same style of dress), went up to

Hephaestion, because he appeared to her the taller of the two, and

prostrated herself before him. But when he drew back, and one of her

attendants pointed out Alexander, saying he was the king, she was

ashamed of her mistake, and was going to retire. But the king told her

she had made no mistake, for Hephaestion was also an Alexander. This

I record neither being sure of its truth nor thinking it altogether

unreliable. If it really occurred, I commend Alexander for his

compassionate treatment of the women, and the confidence he felt in

his companion, and the honour bestowed on him; but if it merely seems

probable to historians that Alexander would have acted and spoken thus,

even for this reason I think him worthy of commendation.[272]

CHAPTER XIII.

FLIGHT OF MACEDONIAN DESERTERS INTO EGYPT.—PROCEEDINGS OF AGIS, KING

OF SPARTA.—ALEXANDER OCCUPIES PHOENICIA.

Darius fled through the night with a few attendants; but in the

daytime, picking up as he went along the Persians and Grecian

mercenaries who had come safely out of the battle, he had in all 4,000

men under his command. He then made a forced march towards the city

of Thapsacus[273] and the river Euphrates,[274] in order to put that

river as soon as possible between himself and Alexander. But Amyntas

son of Antiochus, Thymondas son of Mentor, Aristomedes the Pheraean,

and Bianor the Acarnanian, all being deserters, fled without delay

from the posts assigned them in the battle, with about 8,000 soldiers

under their command, and passing through the mountains, they arrived

at Tripolis in Phoenicia.[275] There they seized the ships which had

been hauled up on shore in which they had previously been transported

from Lesbos; they launched as many of these vessel as they thought

sufficient to convey them, and the rest they burnt there in the docks,

in order not to supply their enemy with the means of quickly pursuing

them. They fled first to Cyprus,[276] thence to Egypt; where Amyntas

shortly after, meddling in political disputes, was killed by the

natives.

Meantime Pharnabazus and Autophradates were staying near Chios; then

having established a garrison in this island they despatched some

of their ships to Cos and Halicarnassus, and with 100 of their best

sailing vessels they put to sea themselves and landed at Siphnus. And

Agis, king of the Lacedaemonians,[277] came to them with one trireme,

both to ask for money to carry on the war, and also to urge them

to send with him into the Peloponnese as large a force both naval

and military as they could. At that very time news reached them of

the battle which had been fought at Issus; and being alarmed at the

report, Pharnabazus started off to Chios with twelve triremes and 1,500

Grecian mercenaries, for fear that the Chians might attempt to effect

a revolution when they received the news of the Persian defeat. Agis,

having received from Autophradates thirty talents of silver[278] and

ten triremes, despatched Hippias to lead these ships to his brother

Agesilaus at Taenarum,[279] ordering him also to instruct Agesilaus to

give full pay to the sailors and then to sail as quickly as possible

to Crete,[280] in order to set things in order there. For a time

he himself remained there among the islands, but afterwards joined

Autophradates at Halicarnassus.[281]

Alexander appointed Menon, son of Cerdimmas, viceroy of

Coele-Syria,[282] giving him the cavalry of the Grecian allies to

guard the country. He then went in person towards Phoenicia; and on the

march he was met by Strato, son of Gerostratus, king of the Aradians

and of the people living near Aradus.[283] But Gerostratus himself

was serving in the fleet with Autophradates, as were also the other

kings both of the Phoenicians and the Cyprians. When Strato fell in

with Alexander, he placed a golden crown upon his head, promising to

surrender to him both the island of Aradus and the great and prosperous

city of Marathus, situated on the mainland right opposite Aradus; also

Sigon, the city of Mariamme, and all the other places under his own

dominion and that of his father.

CHAPTER XIV.

DARIUS’S LETTER, AND ALEXANDER’S REPLY.

While Alexander was still in Marathus, ambassadors came bringing a

letter from Darius, entreating him to give up to their king his mother,

wife, and children. They were also instructed to support this petition

by word of mouth. The letter pointed out to him that friendship and

alliance had subsisted between Philip and Artaxerxes;[284] and that

when Arses, son of Artaxerxes, ascended the throne, Philip was the

first to practise injustice towards him, though he had suffered no

injury from the Persians. Alexander also, from the time when Darius

began to reign over the Persians, had not sent any one to him to

confirm the friendship and alliance which had so long existed, but had

crossed over into Asia with his army and had inflicted much injury upon

the Persians. For this reason he had come down in person, to defend his

country and to preserve the empire of his fathers. As to the battle, it

had been decided as seemed good to some one of the gods. And now he, a

king, begged his captured wife, mother, and children from a king; and

he wished to form a friendship with him and become his ally. For this

purpose he requested Alexander to send men to him with Meniscus and

Arsimas, the messengers who came from the Persians, to receive pledges

of fidelity from him and to give them on behalf of Alexander.

To this Alexander wrote a reply, and sent Thersippus with the men who

had come from Darius, with instructions to give the letter to Darius,

but not to converse about anything. Alexander’s letter ran thus: “Your

ancestors came into Macedonia and the rest of Greece and treated us

ill, without any previous injury from us. I, having been appointed

commander-in-chief of the Greeks, and wishing to take revenge on the

Persians, crossed over into Asia, hostilities being begun by you. For

you sent aid to the Perinthians,[285] who were dealing unjustly with my

father; and Ochus sent forces into Thrace, which was under our rule.

My father was killed by conspirators whom you instigated, as you

have yourself boasted to all in your letters;[286] and after slaying

Arses, as well as Bagoas, and unjustly seizing the throne contrary to

the law of the Persians,[287] and ruling your subjects unjustly, you

sent unfriendly letters about me to the Greeks, urging them to wage

war with me. You have also despatched money to the Lacedaemonians, and

certain other Greeks; but none of the States received it, except the

Lacedaemonians.[288] As your agents destroyed my friends, and were

striving to dissolve the league which I had formed among the Greeks, I

took the field against you, because you were the party who commenced

the hostility. Since I have vanquished your generals and viceroys in

the previous battle, and now yourself and your forces in like manner, I

am, by the gift of the gods, in possession of your land. As many of the

men who fought in your army as were not killed in the battle, but fled

to me for refuge, I am protecting; and they are with me, not against

their own will, but they are serving in my army as volunteers. Come to

me therefore, since I am lord of all Asia; but if you are afraid you

may suffer any harsh treatment from me in case you come to me, send

some of your friends to receive pledges of safety from me. Come to me

then, and ask for your mother, wife, and children, and anything else

you wish. For whatever you ask for you will receive; and nothing shall

be denied you. But for the future, whenever you send to me, send to

me as the king of Asia, and do not address to me your wishes as to an

equal; but if you are in need of anything, speak to me as to the man

who is lord of all your territories. If you act otherwise, I shall

deliberate concerning you as an evil-doer; and if you dispute my right

to the kingdom, stay and fight another battle for it; but do not run

away. For wherever you may be, I intend to march against you.” This is

the letter which he sent to Darius.

CHAPTER XV.

ALEXANDER’S TREATMENT OF THE CAPTURED GREEK AMBASSADORS.—SUBMISSION OF

BYBLUS AND SIDON.

When Alexander ascertained that all the money which Darius had sent

off to Damascus with Cophen, son of Artabazus, was captured, and also

that the Persians who had been left in charge of it, as well as the

rest of the royal property, were taken prisoners, he ordered Parmenio

to take the treasure back to Damascus, and there guard it.[289] When he

also ascertained that the Grecian ambassadors who had reached Darius

before the battle had likewise been captured, he ordered them to be

sent to him.[290] They were Euthycles, a Spartan; Thessaliscus, son

of Ismenias, and Dionysodorus, a victor in the Olympic games, Thebans;

and Iphicrates, son of Iphicrates the general, an Athenian.[291] When

these men came to Alexander, he immediately released Thessaliscus and

Dionysodorus, though they were Thebans, partly out of compassion for

Thebes, and partly because they seemed to have acted in a pardonable

manner. For their native city had been reduced to slavery by the

Macedonians, and they were trying to find whatever succour they could

for themselves and perhaps also for their native city from Darius

and the Persians. Thinking thus compassionately about both of them,

he released them, saying that he dismissed Thessaliscus individually

out of respect for his pedigree, for he belonged to the ranks of the

distinguished men of Thebes. Dionysodorus also he released because he

had been conqueror at the Olympic games; and he kept Iphicrates in

attendance on himself as long as he lived, treating him with special

honour both from friendship to the city of Athens and from recollection

of his father’s glory. When he died soon after from sickness, he sent

his bones back to his relations at Athens. But Euthycles at first

he kept in custody, though without fetters, both because he was a

Lacedaemonian of a city at that time openly and eminently hostile to

him, and because in the man as an individual he could find nothing to

warrant his pardon. Afterwards, when he met with great success, he

released even this man also.

He set out from Marathus and took possession of Byblus[292] on terms of

capitulation, as he did also of Sidon,[293] the inhabitants of which

spontaneously invited him from hatred of the Persians and Darius.[294]

Thence he advanced towards Tyre;[295] ambassadors from which city,

despatched by the commonwealth, met him on the march, announcing

that the Tyrians had decided to do whatever he might command.[296] He

commended both the city and its ambassadors, and ordered them to return

and tell the Tyrians that he wished to enter their city and offer

sacrifice to Heracles. The son of the king of the Tyrians was one of

the ambassadors, and the others were conspicuous men in Tyre; but the

king Azemilcus[297] himself was sailing with Autophradates.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE WORSHIP OF HERCULES IN TYRE.—THE TYRIANS REFUSE TO ADMIT ALEXANDER.

The reason of this demand was, that in Tyre there existed a temple

of Heracles,[298] the most ancient of all those which are mentioned

in history. It was not dedicated to the Argive Heracles, the son of

Alcmena; for this Heracles was honoured in Tyre many generations

before Cadmus set out from Phoenicia and occupied Thebes, and before

Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, was born, from whom Dionysus, the son

of Zeus, was born. This Dionysus would be third from Cadmus, being a

contemporary of Labdacus, son of Polydorus, the son of Cadmus; and the

Argive Heracles lived about the time of Oedipus, son of Laius.[299] The

Egyptians also worshipped another Heracles, not the one which either

the Tyrians or Greeks worship. But Herodotus says that the Egyptians

considered Heracles to be one of the twelve gods,[300] just as the

Athenians worshipped a different Dionysus, who was the son of Zeus and

Core; and the mystic chant called Iacchus was sung to this Dionysus,

not to the ligaturee Theban. So also I think that the Heracles honoured

in Tartessus[301] by the Iberians, where are certain pillars named

after Heracles, is the Tyrian Heracles; for Tartessus was a colony of

the Phœnicians, and the temple to Heracles there was built and the

sacrifices offered after the usage of the Phœnicians. Hecataeus the

historian[302] says Geryones, against whom the Argive Heracles was

despatched by Eurystheus to drive his oxen away and bring them to

Mycenae, had nothing to do with the land of the Iberians;[303] nor

was Heracles despatched to any island called Erythia[304] outside

the Great Sea; but that Geryones was king of the mainland (Epirus)

around Ambracia[305] and the Amphilochians, that Heracles drove the

oxen from this Epirus, and that this was deemed no mean task. I know

that to the present time this part of the mainland is rich in pasture

land and rears a very fine breed of oxen; and I do not think it beyond

the bounds of probability that the fame of the oxen from Epirus, and

the name of the king of Epirus, Geryones, had reached Eurystheus. But

I do not think that Eurystheus would know the name of the king of the

Iberians, who were the remotest nation in Europe, or whether a fine

breed of oxen grazed in their land, unless some one, by introducing

Hera into the account, as herself giving these commands to Heracles

through Eurystheus, wished, by means of the fable, to disguise the

incredibility of the tale.

To this Tyrian Heracles, Alexander said he wished to offer sacrifice.

But when this message was brought to Tyre by the ambassadors, the

people passed a decree to obey any other command of Alexander, but not

to admit into the city any Persian or Macedonian; thinking that under

the existing circumstances, this was the most specious answer, and that

it would be the safest course for them to pursue in reference to the

issue of the war, which was still uncertain.[306] When the answer from

Tyre was brought to Alexander, he sent the ambassadors back in a rage.

He then summoned a council of his Companions and the leaders of his

army, together with the captains of infantry and cavalry, and spoke as

follows:—

CHAPTER XVII.

SPEECH OF ALEXANDER TO HIS OFFICERS.

“Friends and allies, I see that an expedition to Egypt will not be safe

for us, so long as the Persians retain the sovereignty of the sea; nor

is it a safe course, both for other reasons, and especially looking at

the state of matters in Greece, for us to pursue Darius, leaving in

our rear the city of Tyre itself in doubtful allegiance, and Egypt and

Cyprus in the occupation of the Persians. I am apprehensive lest while

we advance with our forces towards Babylon and in pursuit of Darius,

the Persians should again forsooth conquer the maritime districts, and

transfer the war into Greece with a larger army, considering that the

Lacedaemonians are now waging war against us without disguise, and

the city of Athens is restrained for the present rather by fear than

by any good-will towards us. But if Tyre were captured, the whole of

Phoenicia would be in our possession, and the fleet of the Phoenicians,

which is the most numerous and the best in the Persian navy, would in

all probability come over to us. For the Phoenician sailors and marines

will not put to sea in order to incur danger on behalf of others, when

their own cities are occupied by us. After this, Cyprus will either

yield to us without delay, or will be captured with ease at the mere

arrival of a naval force; and then navigating the sea with the ships

from Macedonia in conjunction with those of the Phoenicians, Cyprus

at the same time coming over to us, we shall acquire the absolute

sovereignty of the sea, and at the same time an expedition into Egypt

will become an easy matter for us. After we have brought Egypt into

subjection, no anxiety about Greece and our own land will any longer

remain, and we shall be able to undertake the expedition to Babylon

with safety in regard to affairs at home, and at the same time with

greater reputation, in consequence of having cut off from the Persian

empire all the maritime provinces and all the land this side of the

Euphrates.”

CHAPTER XVIII.

SIEGE OF TYRE.—CONSTRUCTION OF A MOLE FROM THE MAINLAND TO THE ISLAND.

By this speech he easily persuaded his officers to make an attempt

upon Tyre. Moreover he was encouraged by a divine admonition, for

that very night in his sleep[307] he seemed to be approaching the

Tyrian walls, and Heracles seemed to take him by the right hand and

lead him up into the city. This was interpreted by Aristander[308]

to mean that Tyre would be taken with labour, because the deeds of

Heracles were accomplished with labour. Certainly, the siege of Tyre

appeared to be a great enterprise; for the city was an island[309] and

fortified all round with lofty walls. Moreover naval operations seemed

at that time more favourable to the Tyrians, both because the Persians

still possessed the sovereignty of the sea and many ships were still

remaining with the citizens themselves. However, as these arguments of

his had prevailed, he resolved to construct a mole from the mainland

to the city.[310] The place is a narrow strait full of pools; and the

part of it near the mainland is shallow water and muddy, but the part

near the city itself, where was the deepest part of the channel, was

the depth of about three fathoms. But there was an abundant supply of

stones and wood, which they put on the top of the stones.[311] Stakes

were easily fixed down firmly in the mud, which itself served as a

cement to the stones to hold them firm. The zeal of the Macedonians in

the work was great, and it was increased by the presence of Alexander

himself, who took the lead[312] in everything, now rousing the men to

exertion by speech, and now by presents of money, lightening the labour

of those who were toiling more than their fellows from the desire of

gaining praise for their exertions. As long as the mole was being

constructed near the mainland, the work made easy and rapid progress,

as the material was poured into a small depth of water, and there was

no one to hinder them; but when they began to approach the deeper

water, and at the same time came near the city itself, they suffered

severely, being assailed with missiles from the walls, which were

lofty, inasmuch as they had been expressly equipped for work rather

than for fighting. Moreover, as the Tyrians still retained command of

the sea, they kept on sailing with their triremes to various parts of

the mole, and made it impossible in many places for the Macedonians

to pour in the material. But the latter erected two towers upon the

mole, which they had now projected over a long stretch of sea, and

upon these towers they placed engines of war. Skins and prepared hides

served as coverings in front of them, to prevent them being struck

by fire-bearing missiles from the wall, and at the same time to be

a screen against arrows to those who were working. It was likewise

intended that the Tyrians who might sail near to injure the men engaged

in the construction of the mole should not retire easily, being

assailed by missiles from the towers.

CHAPTER XIX.

THE SIEGE OF TYRE.

But to counteract this the Tyrians adopted the following contrivance.

They filled a vessel, which had been used for transporting horses, with

dry twigs and other combustible wood, fixed two masts on the prow,

and fenced it round in the form of a circle as large as possible, so

that the enclosure might contain as much chaff and as many torches

as possible. Moreover they placed upon this vessel quantities of

pitch, brimstone, and whatever else was calculated to foment a great

flame.[313] They also stretched out a double yard-arm upon each mast;

and from these they hung caldrons into which they had poured or

cast materials likely to kindle flame which would extend to a great

distance. They then put ballast into the stern, in order to raise the

prow aloft, the vessel being weighed down abaft.[314] Then watching

for a wind bearing towards the mole, they fastened the vessel to some

triremes which towed it before the breeze. As soon as they approached

the mole and the towers, they threw fire among the wood, and at the

same time ran the vessel, with the triremes, aground as violently as

possible, dashing against the end of the mole. The men in the vessel

easily swam away, as soon as it was set on fire. A great flame soon

caught the towers; and the yard-arms being twisted round poured out

into the fire the materials that had been prepared for kindling the

flame. The men also in the triremes tarrying near the mole kept on

shooting arrows into the towers, so that it was not safe for men to

approach in order to bring materials to quench the fire. Upon this,

when the towers had already caught fire, many men hastened from the

city, and embarking in light vessels, and striking against various

parts of the mole, easily tore down the stockade which had been placed

in front of it for protection, and burnt up all the engines of war

which the fire from the vessel did not reach.[315] But Alexander began

to construct a wider mole from the mainland, capable of containing more

towers; and he ordered the engine-makers to prepare fresh engines.

While this was being performed, he took the shield-bearing guards and

the Agrianians and set out to Sidon, to collect there all the triremes

he could; since it was evident that the successful conclusion of the

siege would be much more difficult to attain, so long as the Tyrians

retained the superiority at sea.[316]

CHAPTER XX.

TYRE BESIEGED BY SEA AS WELL AS LAND.

About this time Gerostratus, King of Aradus, and Enylus, King of

Byblus, ascertaining that their cities were in the possession of

Alexander, deserted Autophradates and the fleet under his command, and

came to Alexander with their naval force, accompanied by the Sidonian

triremes; so that about eighty Phoenician ships joined him. About the

same time triremes also came to him from Rhodes, both the one called

_Peripolus_,[317] and with it nine others. From Soli and Mallus also

came three, and from Lycia ten; from Macedonia also a ship with fifty

oars, in which sailed Proteas, son of Andronicus.[318] Not long after,

too, the kings of Cyprus put into Sidon with about one hundred and

twenty ships, when they heard of the defeat of Darius at Issus, and

were terrified, because the whole of Phoenicia was already in the

possession of Alexander. To all of these Alexander granted indemnity

for their previous conduct, because they seemed to have joined the

Persian fleet rather by necessity than by their own choice. While the

engines of war were being constructed for him, and the ships were

being fitted up for a naval attack on the city and for the trial of

a sea-battle, he took some squadrons of cavalry, the Agrianians and

archers, and made an expedition into the range of mountains called

Anti-Libănus.[319] Having subdued some of the mountaineers by force,

and drawn others over to him by terms of capitulation, he returned to

Sidon in ten days.[320] Here he found Oleander, son of Polemocrates,

just arrived from Peloponnesus, having 4,000 Grecian mercenaries with

him.[321]

When his fleet had been arranged in due order, he embarked upon the

decks as many of his shield-bearing guards as seemed sufficient for his

enterprise, unless a sea-battle were to be fought rather by breaking

the enemy’s line[322] than by a close conflict. He then started from

Sidon and sailed towards Tyre with his ships arranged in proper order,

himself being on the right wing which stretched out seaward; and with

him were the kings of the Cyprians, and all those of the Phoenicians

except Pnytagoras, who with Craterus was commanding the left wing

of the whole line. The Tyrians had previously resolved to fight a

sea-battle, if Alexander should sail against them by sea. But then

with surprise they beheld the vast multitude of his ships; for they

had not yet learnt that Alexander had all the ships of the Cyprians

and Phoenicians. At the same time they were surprised to see that he

was sailing against them with his fleet arranged in due order; for

Alexander’s fleet a little before it came near the city, tarried for a

while out in the open sea, with the view of provoking the Tyrians to

come out to a battle; but afterwards, as the enemy did not put out to

sea against them, though they were thus arranged in line, they advanced

to the attack with a great dashing of oars. Seeing this, the Tyrians

decided not to fight a battle at sea, but closely blocked up the

passage for ships with as many triremes as the mouths of their harbour

would contain, and guarded it, so that the enemy’s fleet might not find

an anchorage in any of the harbours.

As the Tyrians did not put out to sea against him, Alexander sailed

near the city, but resolved not to try to force an entrance into the

harbour towards Sidon on account of the narrowness of its mouth; and

at the same time because he saw that the entrance had been blocked

up with many triremes having their prows turned towards him. But the

Phoenicians fell upon the three triremes moored furthest out at the

mouth of the harbour, and attacking them prow to prow, succeeded in

sinking them. However, the men in the ships easily swam off to the

land which was friendly to them. Then, indeed, Alexander moored his

ships along the shore not far from the mole which had been made, where

there appeared to be shelter from the winds; and on the following day

he ordered the Cyprians with their ships and their admiral Andromachus

to moor near the city opposite the harbour which faces towards Sidon,

and the Phoenicians opposite the harbour which looks towards Egypt,

situated on the other side of the mole, where also was his own tent.

CHAPTER XXI.

SIEGE OF TYRE.

He had now collected many engineers both from Cyprus and the whole of

Phoenicia, and many engines of war had been constructed,[323] some

upon the mole, others upon vessels used for transporting horses, which

he brought with him from Sidon, and others upon the triremes which

were not fast sailers. When all the preparations had been completed

they brought up the engines of war along the mole that had been made

and also began to shoot from ships moored near various parts of the

wall and making trial of its strength. The Tyrians erected wooden

towers on their battlements opposite the mole, from which they might

annoy the enemy; and if the engines of war were brought near any other

part, they defended themselves with missiles and shot at the very

ships with fire-bearing arrows, so that they deterred the Macedonians

from approaching the wall. Their walls opposite the mole were about

one hundred and fifty feet high, with a breadth in proportion, and

constructed with large stones imbedded in gypsum. It was not easy

for the horse-transports and the triremes of the Macedonians, which

were conveying the engines of war up to the wall, to approach the

city, because a great quantity of stones hurled forward into the sea

prevented their near assault. These stones Alexander determined to drag

out of the sea; but this was a work accomplished with great difficulty,

since it was performed from ships and not from the firm earth;

especially as the Tyrians, covering their ships with mail, brought them

alongside the anchors of the triremes, and cutting the cables of the

anchors underneath, made anchoring impossible for the enemy’s ships.

But Alexander covered many thirty-oared vessels with mail in the same

way, and placed them athwart in front of the anchors, so that the

assault of the ships was repelled by them. But, notwithstanding this,

divers under the sea secretly cut their cables. The Macedonians then

used chains to their anchors instead of cables, and let them down so

that the divers could do no more harm. Then, fastening slip-knots to

the stones, they dragged them out of the sea from the mole; and having

raised them aloft with cranes, they discharged them into deep water,

where they were no longer likely to do injury by being hurled forward.

The ships now easily approached the part of the wall where it had been

made clear of the stones which had been hurled forward. The Tyrians

being now reduced to great straits on all sides, resolved to make an

attack on the Cyprian ships, which were moored opposite the harbour

turned towards Sidon. For a long time they spread sails across the

mouth of the harbour, in order that the filling of the triremes might

not be discernible; and about the middle of the day, when the sailors

were scattered in quest of necessaries, and when Alexander usually

retired from the fleet to his tent on the other side of the city, they

filled three quinqueremes, an equal number of quadriremes and seven

triremes with the most expert complement of rowers possible, and with

the best-armed men adapted for fighting from the decks, together with

the men most daring in naval contests. At first they rowed out slowly

and quietly in single file, moving forward the handles of their oars

without any signal from the men who give the time to the rowers[324];

but when they were already tacking against the Cyprians, and were near

enough to be seen, then indeed with a loud shout and encouragement to

each other, and at the same time with impetuous rowing, they commenced

the attack.

CHAPTER XXII.

SIEGE OF TYRE.—NAVAL DEFEAT OF THE TYRIANS.

It happened on that day that Alexander went away to his tent, but

after a short time returned to his ships, not tarrying according to

his usual custom. The Tyrians fell all of a sudden upon the ships

lying at their moorings, finding some entirely empty and others being

filled with difficulty from the men who happened to be present at

the very time of the noise and attack. At the first onset they at

once sank the quinquereme of the king Pnytagoras, that of Androcles

the Amathusian[325] and that of Pasicrates the Curian;[326] and they

shattered the other ships by pushing them ashore. But when Alexander

perceived the sailing out of the Tyrian triremes, he ordered most of

the ships under his command to be manned and to take position at the

mouth of the harbour, so that the rest of the Tyrian ships might not

sail out. He then took the quinqueremes which he had and about five

of the triremes, which were manned by him in haste before the rest

were ready, and sailed round the city against the Tyrians who had

sailed out of the harbour. The men on the wall, perceiving the enemy’s

attack and observing that Alexander himself was in the fleet, began

to shout to those in their own ships, urging them to return; but as

their shouts were not audible, on account of the noise of those who

were engaged in the action, they exhorted them to retreat by various

kinds of signals. At last after a long time, perceiving the impending

attack of Alexander’s fleet, they tacked about and began to flee into

the harbour; and a few of their ships succeeded in escaping, but

Alexander’s vessels assaulted the greater number, and rendered some

of them unfit for sailing; and a quinquereme and a quadrireme were

captured at the very mouth of the harbour. But the slaughter of the

marines was not great; for when they perceived that their ships were

in possession of the enemy, they swam off without difficulty into the

harbour. As the Tyrians could no longer derive any aid from their

ships, the Macedonians now brought up their military engines to the

wall itself. Those which were brought near the city along the mole,

did no damage worth mentioning on account of the strength of the wall

there. Others brought up some of the ships conveying military engines

opposite the part of the city turned towards Sidon. But when even there

they met with no success, Alexander passed round to the wall projecting

towards the south wind and towards Egypt, and tested the strength

of the works everywhere. Here first a large piece of the wall was

thoroughly shaken, and a part of it was even broken and thrown down.

Then indeed for a short time he tried to make an assault to the extent

of throwing a bridge upon the part of the wall where a breach had been

made. But the Tyrians without much difficulty beat the Macedonians back.

CHAPTER XXIII.

SIEGE OF TYRE.

The third day after this, having waited for a calm sea, after

encouraging the leaders of the regiments for the action, he led the

ships containing the military engines up to the city. In the first

place he shook down a large piece of the wall; and when the breach

appeared to be sufficiently wide, he ordered the vessels conveying the

military engines to retire, and brought up two others, which carried

his bridges, which he intended to throw upon the breach in the wall.

The shield-bearing guards occupied one of these vessels, which he had

put under the command of Admetus; and the other was occupied by the

regiment of Coenus, called the foot Companions. Alexander himself, with

the shield-bearing guards, intended to scale the wall where it might be

practicable. He ordered some of his triremes to sail against both of

the harbours, to see if by any means they could force an entrance when

the Tyrians had turned themselves to oppose him. He also ordered those

of his triremes which contained the missiles to be hurled from engines,

or which were carrying archers upon deck, to sail right round the wall

and to put in where it was practicable, and to take up position within

shooting range, until it became impossible to put in, so that the

Tyrians, being shot at from all quarters, might become distracted, and

not know whither to turn in their distress. When Alexander’s ships drew

close to the city and the bridges were thrown from them upon the wall,

the shield-bearing guards mounted valiantly along these upon the wall;

for their captain, Admetus, proved himself brave on that occasion,

and Alexander accompanied them, both as a courageous participant in

the action itself, and as a witness of brilliant and dangerous feats

of valour performed by others. The first part of the wall that was

captured was where Alexander had posted himself; the Tyrians being

easily beaten back from it, as soon as the Macedonians found firm

footing, and at the same time a way of entrance not abrupt on every

side. Admetus was the first to mount the wall; but while cheering on

his men to mount, he was struck with a spear and died on the spot.

After him, Alexander with the Companions got possession of the

wall[327]; and when some of the towers and the parts of the wall

between them were in his hands, he advanced through the battlements to

the royal palace, because the descent into the city that way seemed the

easiest.

CHAPTER XXIV.

CAPTURE OF TYRE.

To return to the fleet, the Phoenicians posted opposite the harbour

looking towards Egypt, facing which they happened to be moored, forcing

their way and bursting the bars asunder, shattered the ships in the

harbour, attacking some of them in deep water and driving others

ashore. The Cyprians also sailed into the other harbour looking towards

Sidon, which had no bar across it, and made a speedy capture of the

city on that side. The main body of the Tyrians deserted the wall when

they saw it in the enemy’s possession; and rallying opposite what was

called the chapel of Agenor,[328] they there turned round to resist the

Macedonians. Against these Alexander advanced with his shield-bearing

guards, destroyed the men who fought there, and pursued those who fled.

Great was the slaughter also made both by those who were now occupying

the city from the harbour and by the regiment of Coenus, which had also

entered it. For the Macedonians were now for the most part advancing

full of rage, being angry both at the length of the siege and also

because the Tyrians, having captured some of their men sailing from

Sidon, had conveyed them to the top of their wall, so that the deed

might be visible from the camp, and after slaughtering them, had cast

their bodies into the sea. About 8,000 of the Tyrians were killed; and

of the Macedonians, besides Admetus, who had proved himself a valiant

man, being the first to scale the wall, twenty of the shield-bearing

guards were killed in the assault on that occasion. In the whole siege

about 400 Macedonians were slain. Alexander gave an amnesty to all

those who fled for refuge into the temple of Heracles; among them

being most of the Tyrian magistrates, including the king Azemilcus, as

well as certain envoys from the Carthaginians, who had come to their

mother-city to attend the sacrifice in honour of Heracles, according

to an ancient custom.[329] The rest of the prisoners were reduced

to slavery; all the Tyrians and mercenary troops, to the number of

about 30,000, who had been captured, being sold.[330] Alexander then

offered sacrifice to Heracles, and conducted a procession in honour

of that deity with all his soldiers fully armed. The ships also took

part in this religious procession in honour of Heracles. He moreover

held a gymnastic contest in the temple, and celebrated a torch race.

The military engine, also, with which the wall had been battered down,

was brought into the temple and dedicated as a thank-offering; and the

Tyrian ship sacred to Heracles, which had been captured in the naval

attack, was likewise dedicated to the god. An inscription was placed

on it, either composed by Alexander himself or by some one else; but

as it is not worthy of recollection, I have not deemed it worth while

to describe it. Thus then was Tyre captured in the month Hecatombaion,

when Anicetus was archon at Athens.[331]

CHAPTER XXV.

THE OFFERS OF DARIUS REJECTED.—BATIS, GOVERNOR OF GAZA, REFUSES TO

SUBMIT.

While Alexander was still occupied by the siege of Tyre, ambassadors

came to him from Darius, announcing that he would give him ten thousand

talents[332] in exchange for his mother, wife, and children; that all

the territory west of the river Euphrates, as far as the Grecian Sea,

should be Alexander’s; and proposing that he should marry the daughter

of Darius, and become his friend and ally.[333] When these proposals

were announced in a conference of the Companions, Parmenio is said to

have told Alexander, that if he were Alexander he should be delighted

to put an end to the war on these terms, and incur no further hazard of

success. Alexander is said to have replied, So would he also do, if he

were Parmenio, but as he was Alexander he replied to Darius as he did.

For he said that he was neither in want of money from Darius, nor would

he receive a part of his territory instead of the whole; for that all

his money and territory were his; and that if he wished to marry the

daughter of Darius, he would marry her, even though Darius refused her

to him. He commanded Darius to come to him if he wished to experience

any generous treatment from him. When Darius heard this answer, he

despaired of coming to terms with Alexander, and began to make fresh

preparations for war.

Alexander now resolved to make an expedition into Egypt. All the other

parts of what was called Palestine Syria[334] had already yielded to

him; but a certain eunuch, named Batis, who was in possession of the

city of Gaza, paid no heed to him; but procuring Arabian mercenaries,

and having been long employed in laying up sufficient food for a long

siege, he resolved not to admit Alexander into the city, feeling

confident that the place could never be taken by storm.

CHAPTER XXVI.

SIEGE OF GAZA.

Gaza is about twenty stades from the sea;[335] the approach to it

is sandy and over heavy soil, and the sea near the city everywhere

shallow. The city of Gaza[336] was large, and had been built upon a

lofty mound, around which a strong wall had been carried. It is the

last city the traveller meets with going from Phoenicia to Egypt,

being situated on the edge of the desert. When Alexander arrived near

the city, on the first day he encamped at the spot where the wall

seemed to him most easy to assail, and ordered his military engines to

be constructed. But the engineers expressed the opinion that it was

not possible to capture the wall by force, on account of the height

of the mound. However, the more impracticable it seemed to be, the

more resolutely Alexander determined that it must be captured. For he

said that the action would strike the enemy with great alarm from its

being contrary to their expectation; whereas his failure to capture

the place would redound to his disgrace when mentioned either to the

Greeks or to Darius. He therefore resolved to construct a mound right

round the city, so as to be able to bring his military engines up to

the walls from the artificial mound which had been raised to the same

level with them. The mound was constructed especially over against

the southern wall of the city, where it appeared easiest to make an

assault. When he thought that the mound had been raised to the proper

level with the walls, the Macedonians placed their military engines

upon it, and brought them close to the wall of Gaza. At this time while

Alexander was offering sacrifice, and, crowned with a garland, was

about to commence the first sacred rite according to custom, a certain

carnivorous bird, flying over the altar, let a stone which it was

carrying with its claws fall upon his head. Alexander asked Aristander,

the soothsayer,[337] what this omen meant. He replied: “O king, thou

wilt indeed capture the city, but thou must take care of thyself on

this day.”

CHAPTER XXVII.

CAPTURE OF GAZA.

When Alexander heard this, he kept himself for a time near the military

engines, out of the reach of missiles. But when a vigorous sortie was

made from the city, and the Arabs were carrying torches to set fire

to the military engines, and from their commanding position above

hurling missiles at the Macedonians, who were defending themselves

from lower ground, were driving them down from the mound which they

had made, then Alexander either wilfully disobeyed the soothsayer, or

forgot the prophecy from excitement in the heat of action. Taking the

shield-bearing guards, he hastened to the rescue where the Macedonians

were especially hard pressed, and prevented them from being driven

down from the mound in disgraceful flight. But he was himself wounded

by a bolt from a catapult, right through the shield and breastplate

into the shoulder. When he perceived that Aristander had spoken the

truth about the wound, he rejoiced, because he thought he should also

capture the city by the aid of the soothsayer. And yet indeed he was

not easily cured of the wound. In the meantime the military engines

with which he had captured Tyre arrived, having been sent for by sea;

and he ordered the mound to be constructed quite round the city on all

sides, two stades[338] in breadth and 250 feet in height. When his

engines had been prepared, and brought up along the mound, they shook

down a large extent of wall; and mines being dug in various places,

and the earth being drawn out by stealth, the wall fell down in many

parts, subsiding into the emptied space.[339] The Macedonians then

commanded a large extent of ground with their missiles, driving back

the men who were defending the city, from the towers. Nevertheless, the

men of the city sustained three assaults, though many of their number

were killed or wounded; but at the fourth attack, Alexander led up the

phalanx of the Macedonians from all sides, threw down the part of the

wall which was undermined, and shook down another large portion of it

by battering it with his engines, so that he rendered the assault an

easy matter through the breaches with his scaling ladders. Accordingly

the ladders were brought up to the wall; and then there arose a great

emulation among those of the Macedonians who laid any claim to valour,

to see who should be the first to scale the wall. The first to do so

was Neoptolemus, one of the Companions, of the family of the Aeacidae;

and after him mounted one rank after another with their officers. When

once some of the Macedonians got within the wall, they split open in

succession the gates which each party happened to light upon, and thus

admitted the whole army into the city. But though their city was now

in the hands of the enemy, the Gazaeans nevertheless stood together

and fought; so that they were all slain fighting there, as each man had

been stationed. Alexander sold their wives and children into slavery;

and having peopled the city again from the neighbouring settlers, he

made use of it as a fortified post for the war.[340]

BOOK III.

CHAPTER I.

CONQUEST OF EGYPT.—FOUNDATION OF ALEXANDRIA.

Alexander now led an expedition into Egypt, whither he had set out

at first (from Tyre); and marching from Gaza, on the seventh day

he arrived at Pelusium[341] in Egypt. His fleet had also set sail

from Phoenicia to Egypt; and he found the ships already moored at

Pelusium.[342] When Mazaces the Persian, whom Darius had appointed

viceroy of Egypt,[343] ascertained how the battle at Issus had

resulted, that Darius had fled in disgraceful flight, and that

Phoenicia, Syria, and most of Arabia were already in Alexander’s

possession, as he had no Persian force with which he could offer

resistance, he admitted Alexander into the cities and the country in a

friendly way.[344] Alexander introduced a garrison into Pelusium, and

ordering the men in the ships to sail up the river as far as the city

of Memphis,[345] he went in person towards Heliopolis,[346] having the

river Nile[347] on his right. He reached that city through the desert,

after getting possession of all the places on the march through the

voluntary surrender of the inhabitants. Thence he crossed the stream

and came to Memphis; where he offered sacrifice to Apis[348] and the

other gods, and celebrated a gymnastic and musical contest, the most

distinguished artists in these matters coming to him from Greece.

From Memphis he sailed down the river towards the sea, embarking the

shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and of the cavalry

the royal squadron of the Companions. Coming to Canobus,[349] he sailed

round the Marian lake,[350] and disembarked where now is situated the

city of Alexandria, which takes its name from him. The position seemed

to him a very fine one in which to found a city, and he foresaw that

it would become a prosperous one.[351] Therefore he was seized by an

ardent desire to undertake the enterprise, and himself marked out the

boundaries of the city, pointing out the place where the agora was to

be constructed, where the temples were to be built, stating how many

there were to be, and to what Grecian gods they were to be dedicated,

and specially marking a spot for a temple to the Egyptian Isis.[352]

He also pointed out where the wall was to be carried round it. In

regard to these matters he offered sacrifice, and the victims appeared

favourable.

CHAPTER II.

FOUNDATION OF ALEXANDRIA.—EVENTS IN THE AEGEAN.

The following story is told, which seems to me not unworthy of

belief[353]:—that Alexander himself wished to leave behind for the

builders the marks for the boundaries of the fortification, but that

there was nothing at hand with which to make a furrow in the ground.

One of the builders[354] hit upon the plan of collecting in vessels

the barley which the soldiers were carrying, and throwing it upon

the ground where the king led the way; and thus the circle of the

fortification which he was making[355] for the city was completely

marked out. The soothsayers, and especially Aristander the Telmissian,

who was said already to have given many other true predictions,

pondering this, told Alexander that the city would become prosperous in

every respect, but especially in regard to the fruits of the earth.

At this time Hegelochus[356] sailed to Egypt and informed Alexander

that the Tenedians had revolted from the Persians and attached

themselves to him; because they had gone over to the Persians against

their own wish. He also said that the democracy of Chios were

introducing Alexander’s adherents in spite of those who held the city,

being established in it by Autophradates and Pharnabazus. The latter

commander had been caught there and kept as a prisoner, as was also the

despot Aristonicus, a Methymnaean,[357] who sailed into the harbour of

Chios with five piratical vessels, fitted with one and a half banks

of oars, not knowing that the harbour was in the hands of Alexander’s

adherents, but being misled by those who kept the bars of the harbour,

because forsooth the fleet of Pharnabazus was moored in it. All the

pirates were there massacred by the Chians; and Hegelochus brought to

Alexander, as prisoners Aristonicus, Apollonides the Chian, Phisinus,

Megareus, and all the others who had taken part in the revolt of Chios

to the Persians, and who at that time were holding the government of

the island by force. He also announced that he had deprived Chares[358]

of the possession of Mitylene, that he had brought over the other

cities in Lesbos by a voluntary agreement, and that he had sent

Amphoterus to Cos with sixty ships, for the Coans themselves invited

him to their island. He said that he himself had sailed to Cos and

found it already in the hands of Amphoterus. Hegelochus brought all the

prisoners with him except Pharnabazus, who had eluded his guards at

Cos and got away by stealth. Alexander sent the despots who had been

brought from the cities back to their fellow-citizens, to be treated as

they pleased; but Apollonides and his Chian partisans he sent under a

strict guard to Elephantinē, an Egyptian city.[359]

CHAPTER III.

ALEXANDER VISITS THE TEMPLE OF AMMON.

After these transactions, Alexander was seized by an ardent desire

to visit Ammon[360] in Libya, partly in order to consult the god,

because the oracle of Ammon was said to be exact in its information,

and Perseus and Heracles were said to have consulted it, the former

when he was despatched by Polydectes[361] against the Gorgons, and

the latter, when he visited Antaeus[362] in Libya and Busiris[363] in

Egypt. Alexander was also partly urged by a desire of emulating Perseus

and Heracles, from both of whom he traced his descent.[364] He also

deduced his pedigree from Ammon, just as the legends traced that of

Heracles and Perseus to Zeus. Accordingly he made the expedition to

Ammon with the design of learning his own origin more certainly, or at

least that he might be able to say that he had learned it. According

to Aristobulus, he advanced along the seashore to Paraetonium through

a country which was a desert, but not destitute of water, a distance

of about 1,600 stades.[365] Thence he turned into the interior, where

the oracle of Ammon was located. The route is desert, and most of it is

sand and destitute of water. But there was a copious supply of rain for

Alexander, a thing which was attributed to the influence of the deity;

as was also the following occurrence. Whenever a south wind blows

in that district, it heaps up the sand upon the route far and wide,

rendering the tracks of the road invisible, so that it is impossible

to discover where one ought to direct one’s course in the sand, just

as if one were at sea; for there are no landmarks along the road,

neither mountain anywhere, nor tree, nor permanent hill standing erect,

by which travellers might be able to form a conjecture of the right

course, as sailors do by the stars.[366] Consequently, Alexander’s

army lost the way, and even the guides were in doubt about the course

to take. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that two serpents went in front

of the army, uttering a voice, and Alexander ordered the guides to

follow them, trusting in the divine portent. He says too that they

showed the way to the oracle and back again. But Aristobulus, whose

account is generally admitted as correct, says that two ravens flew in

front of the army, and that these acted as Alexander’s guides. I am

able to assert with confidence that some divine assistance was afforded

him, for probability also coincides with the supposition; but the

discrepancies in the details of the various narratives have deprived

the story of certainty.[367]

CHAPTER IV.

THE OASIS OF AMMON.

The place where the temple of Ammon is located is entirely surrounded

by a desert of far-stretching sand, which is destitute of water. The

fertile spot in the midst of this desert, is not extensive; for where

it stretches into its greater expanse, it is only about forty stades

broad.[368] It is full of cultivated trees, olives and palms; and it

is the only place in those parts which is refreshed with dew. A spring

also rises from it, quite unlike all the other springs which issue from

the earth.[369] For at midday the water is cold to the taste, and

still more so to the touch, as cold as cold can be. But when the sun

has sunk into the west, it gets warmer, and from the evening it keeps

on growing warmer until midnight, when it reaches the warmest point.

After midnight it goes on getting gradually colder; at daybreak it is

already cold; but at midday it reaches the coldest point. Every day it

undergoes these alternate changes in regular succession. In this place

also natural salt is procured by digging, and certain of the priests

of Ammon convey quantities of it into Egypt. For whenever they set out

for Egypt they put it into little boxes plaited out of palm, and carry

it as a present to the king, or some other great man. The grains of

this salt are large, some of them being even longer than three fingers’

breadth; and it is clear like crystal.[370] The Egyptians and others

who are respectful to the deity, use this salt in their sacrifices, as

it is clearer than that which is procured from the sea. Alexander then

was struck with wonder at the place, and consulted the oracle of the

god. Having heard what was agreeable to his wishes, as he himself said,

he set out on the journey back to Egypt by the same route, according to

the statement of Aristobulus; but according to that of Ptolemy, son of

Lagus, he took another road, leading straight to Memphis.[371]

CHAPTER V.

SETTLEMENT OF THE AFFAIRS OF EGYPT.

At Memphis, many embassies from Greece reached him; and he sent away

no one disappointed by the rejection of his suit. From Antipater

also arrived an army of 400 Grecian mercenaries under the command of

Menidas, son of Hegesander: likewise from Thrace 500 cavalry, under

the direction of Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus. Here he offered

sacrifice to Zeus the King, led his soldiers fully armed in solemn

procession, and celebrated a gymnastic and musical contest. He then

settled the affairs of Egypt, by appointing two Egyptians, Doloaspis

and Petisis, governors of the country, dividing between them the

whole land; but as Petisis declined his province, Doloaspis received

the whole. He appointed two of the Companions to be commandants of

garrisons: Pantaleon the Pydnaean in Memphis, and Polemo, son of

Megacles, a Pellaean, in Pelusium. He also gave the command of the

Grecian auxiliaries to Lycidas, an Aetolian, and appointed Eugnostus,

son of Xenophantes, one of the Companions, to be secretary over the

same troops. As their overseers he placed Aeschўlus and Ephippus the

Chalcidean. The government of the neighbouring country of Libya he

granted to Apollonius, son of Charinus; and the part of Arabia near

Heroöpolis[372] he put under Cleomenes, a man of Naucratis.[373] This

last was ordered to allow the governors to rule their respective

districts according to the ancient custom; but to collect from them the

tribute due to him. The native governors were also ordered to pay it to

Cleomenes. He appointed Peucestas, son of Macartatus, and Balacrus, son

of Amyntas, generals of the army which he left behind in Egypt; and he

placed Polemo, son of Theramenes, over the fleet as admiral. He made

Leonnatus, son of Anteas, one of his body-guards instead of Arrhybas,

who had died of disease. Antiochus, the commander of the archers, also

died; and in his stead Ombrion the Cretan was appointed. When Balacrus

was left behind in Egypt, the allied Grecian infantry, which had been

under his command, was put under that of Calanus. Alexander was said

to have divided the government of Egypt among so many men, because he

was surprised at the natural strength of the country, and he thought it

unsafe to entrust the rule of the whole to a single person. The Romans

also seem to me to have learned a lesson from him, and therefore keep

Egypt under strong guard; for they do not send any of the senators

thither as proconsul for the same reason, but only men who have the

rank among them of Equites (Knights).[374]

CHAPTER VI.

MARCH INTO SYRIA.—ALEXANDER’S KINDNESS TO HARPALUS AND HIS OTHER EARLY

ADHERENTS.

As soon as spring began to appear, he went from Memphis to Phoenicia,

bridging the stream of the Nile near Memphis, as well as the canals

issuing from it. When he arrived at Tyre, he found his fleet already

there.[375] In this city he again offered sacrifice to Heracles, and

celebrated both a gymnastic and musical contest. While there, the

state vessel called the _Paralus_ came to him from Athens, bringing

Diophantus and Achilleus as envoys to him; and all the crew of the

_Paralus_ were joined with them in the embassy.[376] These men obtained

all the requests which they were despatched to make, and the king gave

up to the Athenians all their fellow-citizens who had been captured at

the Granicus.[377] Being informed that revolutionary plans had been

carried out in the Peloponnese, he sent Amphoterus thither to assist

those of the Peloponnesians who were firm in their support of his war

against Persia, and were not under the control of the Lacedaemonians.

He also commanded the Phoenicians and Cyprians to despatch to the

Peloponnese 100 other ships in addition to those which he was sending

with Amphoterus. He now started up into the interior towards Thapsacus

and the river Euphrates, after placing Coeranus, a Beroean[378] over

the levy of tribute in Phoenicia, and Philoxenus to collect it in

Asia as far as the Taurus. In the place of these men he entrusted

the custody of the money which he had with him to Harpalus, son of

Machatas, who had just returned from exile. For this man at first had

been banished, while Philip was still king, because he was an adherent

of Alexander; as also was Ptolemy, son of Lagus, for the same reason;

likewise Nearchus, son of Androtimus, Erigyius, son of Larichus, and

his brother Laomedon. For Alexander fell under Philip’s suspicion

when the latter married Eurydice[379] and treated Alexander’s mother

Olympias with dishonour. But after Philip’s death those who had been

banished on Alexander’s account returned from exile and were received

into favour. He made Ptolemy one of his confidential body-guards; he

placed Harpalus over the money, because his bodily strength was unequal

to the fatigues of war. Erigyius was made commander of the allied

Grecian cavalry; and his brother Laomedon, because he could speak both

the Greek and Persian languages and could read Persian writings, was

put in charge of the foreign prisoners. Nearchus also was appointed

viceroy of Lycia and of the land adjacent to it as far as mount Taurus.

But shortly before the battle which was fought at Issus, Harpalus fell

under the influence of Tauriscus, an evil man, and fled in his company.

The latter started off to Alexander the Epirote[380] in Italy, where

he soon after died. But Harpalus found a refuge in Megaris, whence

however Alexander persuaded him to return, giving him a pledge that

he should be none the worse on account of his desertion. When he came

back, he not only received no punishment, but was even reinstated in

the office of treasurer. Menander, one of the Companions, was sent away

into Lydia as viceroy; and Clearchus was put in command of the Grecian

auxiliaries who had been under Menander. Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus,

was also appointed viceroy of Syria instead of Arimmas, because the

latter seemed to have been remiss in collecting the supplies which he

had been ordered to collect for the army which the king was about to

lead into the interior.

CHAPTER VII.

PASSAGE OF THE EUPHRATES AND TIGRIS.

Alexander arrived at Thapsacus in the month Hecatombaion,[381] in the

archonship of Aristophanes at Athens; and he found that two bridges

of boats had been constructed over the stream. But Mazaeus, to whom

Darius had committed the duty of guarding the river, with about 3,000

cavalry, 2,000 of which were Grecian mercenaries, was up to that time

keeping guard there at the river. For this reason the Macedonians had

not constructed the complete bridge as far as the opposite bank, being

afraid that Mazaeus might make an assault upon the bridge where it

ended. But when he heard that Alexander was approaching, he went off

in flight with all his army. As soon as he had fled, the bridges were

completed as far as the further bank, and Alexander crossed upon them

with his army.[382] Thence he marched up into the interior through the

land called Mesopotamia, having the river Euphrates and the mountains

of Armenia on his left. When he started from the Euphrates he did not

march to Babylon by the direct road; because by going the other route

he found all things easier for the march of his army, and it was also

easier to obtain fodder for the horses and provisions for the men

from the country. Besides this, the heat was not so scorching on the

indirect route. Some of the men from Darius’s army, who were dispersed

for the purpose of scouting, were taken prisoners; and they reported

that Darius was encamped near the river Tigris, having resolved to

prevent Alexander from crossing that stream. They also said that he

had a much larger army than that with which he had fought in Cilicia.

Hearing this, Alexander went with all speed towards the Tigris; but

when he reached it he found neither Darius himself nor any guard which

he had left. However he experienced great difficulty in crossing the

stream, on account of the swiftness of the current,[383] though no one

tried to stop him. There he made his army rest, and while so doing, an

eclipse of the moon nearly total occurred.[384] Alexander thereupon

offered sacrifice to the moon, the sun and the earth, whose deed this

was, according to common report. Aristander thought that this eclipse

of the moon was a portent favourable to Alexander and the Macedonians;

that there would be a battle that very month, and that victory for

Alexander was signified by the sacrificial victims. Having therefore

decamped from the Tigris, he went through the land of Aturia,[385]

having the mountains of the Gordyaeans[386] on the left and the Tigris

itself on the right; and on the fourth day after the passage of the

river, his scouts brought word to him that the enemy’s cavalry were

visible there along the plain, but how many of them there were they

could not guess. Accordingly he drew his army up in order and advanced

prepared for battle. Other scouts again riding forward and taking more

accurate observations, told him that the cavalry did not seem to them

to be more than 1,000 in number.

CHAPTER VIII.

DESCRIPTION OF DARIUS’S ARMY AT ARBELA.

Alexander therefore took the royal squadron of cavalry, and one

squadron of the Companions, together with the Paeonian scouts, and

marched with all speed; having ordered the rest of his army to follow

at leisure. The Persian cavalry, seeing Alexander advancing quickly,

began to flee with all their might. Though he pressed close upon

them in pursuit, most of them escaped; but a few, whose horses were

fatigued by the flight, were slain, others were taken prisoners,

horses and all. From these they ascertained that Darius with a large

force was not far off. For the Indians who were conterminous with

the Bactrians, as also the Bactrians themselves and the Sogdianians

had come to the aid of Darius, all being under the command of Bessus,

the viceroy of the land of Bactria. They were accompanied by the

Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians who dwell in

Asia.[387] These were not subject to Bessus, but were in alliance

with Darius. They were commanded by Mavaces, and were horse-bowmen.

Barsaëntes, the viceroy of Arachotia, led the Arachotians[388] and the

men who were called mountaineer Indians. Satibarzanes, the viceroy

of Areia, led the Areians,[389] as did Phrataphernes the Parthians,

Hyrcanians, and Tapurians,[390] all of whom were horsemen. Atropates

commanded the Medes, with whom were arrayed the Cadusians, Albanians,

and Sacesinians.[391] The men who dwelt near the Red Sea[392] were

marshalled by Ocondobates, Ariobarzanes, and Otanes. The Uxians and

Susianians[393] acknowledged Oxathres son of Aboulites as their

leader, and the Babylonians were commanded by Boupares. The Carians

who had been deported into central Asia, and the Sitacenians[394]

had been placed in the same ranks as the Babylonians. The Armenians

were commanded by Orontes and Mithraustes, and the Cappadocians by

Ariaces. The Syrians from the vale between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon

(_i.e._ Coele-Syria) and the men of Syria which lies between the

rivers[395] were led by Mazaeus. The whole army of Darius was said to

contain 40,000 cavalry, 1,000,000 infantry, and 200 scythe-bearing

chariots.[396] There were only a few elephants, about fifteen in

number, belonging to the Indians who live this side of the Indus.[397]

With these forces Darius had encamped at Gaugamela, near the river

Bumodus, about 600 stades distant from the city of Arbela, in a

district everywhere level;[398] for whatever ground thereabouts was

unlevel and unfit for the evolutions of cavalry, had long before been

levelled by the Persians, and made fit for the easy rolling of chariots

and for the galloping of horses. For there were some who persuaded

Darius that he had forsooth got the worst of it in the battle fought

at Issus, from the narrowness of the battle-field; and this he was

easily induced to believe.

CHAPTER IX.

ALEXANDER’S TACTICS.—HIS SPEECH TO THE OFFICERS.

When Alexander had received all this information from the Persian

scouts who had been captured, he remained four days in the place where

he had received the news; and gave his army rest after the march. He

meanwhile fortified his camp with a ditch and stockade, as he intended

to leave behind the baggage and all the soldiers who were unfit for

fighting, and to go into the contest accompanied by his warriors

carrying with them nothing except their weapons. Accordingly he took

his forces by night, and began the march about the second watch, in

order to come into collision with the foreigners at break of day. As

soon as Darius was informed of Alexander’s approach, he at once drew

out his army for battle; and Alexander led on his men drawn up in like

manner. Though the armies were only sixty stades[399] from each other,

yet they were not in sight of each other, for between the hostile

forces some hills intervened. But when Alexander was only thirty stades

distant from the enemy, and his army was already marching down from the

hills just mentioned, catching sight of the foreigners, he caused his

phalanx to halt there. Calling a council of the Companions, generals,

cavalry officers, and leaders of the Grecian allies and mercenaries,

he deliberated with them, whether he should at once lead on the

phalanx without delay, as most of them urged him to do; or, whether,

as Parmenio thought preferable, to pitch their tents there for the

present, to reconnoitre all the ground, in order to see if there was

anything there to excite suspicion or to impede their progress, or if

there were ditches or stakes firmly fixed in the earth out of sight,

as well as to make a more accurate survey of the enemy’s tactical

arrangements. Parmenio’s opinion prevailed, so they encamped there,

drawn up in the order in which they intended to enter the battle. But

Alexander took the light infantry and the cavalry Companions and went

all round, reconnoitring the whole country where he was about to fight

the battle. Having returned, he again called together the same leaders,

and said that they did not require to be encouraged by him to enter the

contest; for they had been long before encouraged by their own valour,

and by the gallant deeds which they had already so often achieved. He

thought it expedient that each of them individually should stir up

his own men separately; the infantry captain the men of his company,

the cavalry captain his own squadron, the brigadiers their various

brigades, and each of the leaders of the infantry the phalanx entrusted

to him. He assured them that in this battle they were going to fight,

not as before, either for Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, or Egypt, but for

the whole of Asia. For he said this battle would decide who were to

be the rulers of that continent. It was not necessary for him to stir

them up to gallant deeds by many words, since they had this valour by

nature; but they should see that each man took care, so far as in him

lay, to preserve discipline in the critical moment of action, and to

keep perfect silence when it was expedient to advance in silence. On

the other hand, they should see that each man uttered a sonorous shout,

where it would be advantageous to shout, and to raise as terrible a

battle-cry as possible, when a suitable opportunity occurred of raising

the battle-cry. He told them to take care to obey his orders as quickly

as possible, and to transmit the orders they had received to the ranks

with all rapidity; each man remembering that both as an individual

and in the aggregate he was increasing the general danger if he was

remiss in the discharge of his duty, and that he was assisting to gain

a victory if he zealously put forth his utmost exertions.

CHAPTER X.

REJECTION OF PARMENIO’S ADVICE.

With these words and others like them he briefly exhorted his officers,

and in return was exhorted by them to feel confidence in their valour.

He then ordered the soldiers to take dinner and to rest themselves.

It is said that Parmenio came to him in his tent, and urged him to

make a night attack on the Persians; saying that thus he would fall

upon them unprepared and in a state of confusion, and at the same time

more liable to a panic in the dark.[400] But the reply which he made,

as others were listening to their conversation, was, that it would be

mean to steal a victory, and that Alexander ought to conquer in open

daylight, and without any artifice. This vaunting did not appear any

arrogance on his part, but rather to indicate self-confidence amid

dangers. To me at any rate, he seems to have used correct reasoning

in such a matter. For in the night many accidents have occurred

unexpectedly to those who were sufficiently prepared for battle as

well as to those who were deficiently prepared, which have caused the

superior party to fail in their plans, and have handed the victory

over to the inferior party, contrary to the expectations of both

sides. Though Alexander was generally fond of encountering danger in

battle, the night appeared to him perilous; and, besides, if Darius

were again defeated, a furtive and nocturnal attack on the part of

the Macedonians would relieve him of the necessity of confessing that

he was an inferior general and commanded inferior troops. Moreover, if

any unexpected defeat befell his army, the circumjacent country was

friendly to the enemy, and they were acquainted with the locality,

whereas the Macedonians[401] were unacquainted with it, and surrounded

by nothing but foes, of whom there were a great number prisoners.

These would be a great source of anxiety, as they would be likely to

assist in attacking them in the night, not only if they should meet

with defeat, but even if they did not appear to be gaining a decisive

victory. For this way of reasoning I commend Alexander; and I think him

no less worthy of admiration for his excessive desire to fight in open

daylight.

CHAPTER XI.

TACTICS OF THE OPPOSING GENERALS.

Darius and his army remained drawn up during the night in the same

order as that in which they had first arrayed themselves; because

they had not surrounded themselves with a completely entrenched camp,

and, moreover, they were afraid that the enemy would attack them

in the night. The success of the Persians, on this occasion, was

impeded especially by this long standing on watch with their arms,

and by the fear which usually springs up before great dangers; which,

however, was not then suddenly aroused by a momentary panic, but had

been experienced for a long time, and had thoroughly cowed their

spirits.[402] The army of Darius was drawn up in the following manner:

for, according to the statement of Aristobulus, the written scheme of

arrangement drawn up by Darius was afterwards captured. His left wing

was held by the Bactrian cavalry, in conjunction with the Daans[403]

and Arachotians; near these had been posted the Persians, horse and

foot mixed together; next to these the Susians, and then the Cadusians.

This was the arrangement of the left wing as far as the middle of the

whole phalanx. On the right had been posted the men from Coele-Syria

and Mesopotamia. On the right again were the Medes; next to them the

Parthians and Sacians; then the Tapurians and Hyrcanians, and last

the Albanians and Sacesinians, extending as far as the middle of the

whole phalanx. In the centre where King Darius was, had been posted

the king’s kinsmen,[404] the Persian guards carrying spears with

golden apples at the butt end,[405] the Indians, the Carians who had

been forcibly removed to Central Asia, and the Mardian archers.[406]

The Uxians, the Babylonians, the men who dwell near the Red Sea, and

the Sitacenians had also been drawn up in deep column. On the left,

opposite Alexander’s right, had been posted the Scythian cavalry, about

1,000 Bactrians and 100 scythe-bearing chariots. In front of Darius’s

royal squadron of cavalry stood the elephants and 50 chariots. In

front of the right wing the Armenian and Cappadocian cavalry with 50

scythe-bearing chariots had been posted. The Greek mercenaries, as

alone capable of coping with the Macedonians, were stationed right

opposite their phalanx, in two divisions close beside Darius himself

and his Persian attendants, one division on each side.[407]

Alexander’s army was marshalled as follows: The right wing was held

by the cavalry Companions, in front of whom had been posted the royal

squadron, commanded by Clitus, son of Dropidas. Near this was the

squadron of Glaucias, next to it that of Aristo, then that of Sopolis,

son of Hermodorus, then that of Heraclides, son of Antiochus. Near

this was that of Demetrius, son of Althaemenes, then that of Meleager,

and last one of the royal squadrons commanded by Hegelochus, son of

Hippostratus. All the cavalry Companions were under the supreme command

of Philotas, son of Parmenio. Of the phalanx of Macedonian infantry,

nearest to the cavalry had been posted first the select corps of

shield-bearing guards, and then the rest of the shield-bearing-guards,

under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next to these was the

brigade of Coenus, son of Polemocrates; after these that of Perdiceas,

son of Orontes, then that of Meleager, son of Neoptolemus, then that

of Polysperchon,[408] son of Simmias, and last that of Amyntas, son

of Andromenes, under the command of Simmias, because Amyntas had been

despatched to Macedonia to levy an army. The brigade of Craterus, son

of Alexander, held the left end of the Macedonian phalanx, and this

general commanded the left wing of the infantry.[409] Next to him was

the allied Grecian cavalry, under the command of Erigyius, son of

Larichus. Next to these, towards the left wing of the army, were the

Thessalian cavalry, under the command of Philip, son of Menelaüs. But

the whole left wing was led by Parmenio, son of Philotas, round whose

person were ranged the Pharsalian horsemen, who were both the best and

most numerous squadron of the Thessalian cavalry.

CHAPTER XII.

ALEXANDER’S TACTICS.

In this way had Alexander marshalled his army in front; but he also

posted a second array, so that his phalanx might be a double one.[410]

Directions had been given to the commanders of these men posted in

reserve, to wheel round and receive the attack of the foreigners, if

they should see their own comrades surrounded by the Persian army. Next

to the royal squadron on the right wing, half of the Agrianians, under

the command of Attalus, in conjunction with the Macedonian archers

under Briso’s command, were posted angular-wise (_i.e._ in such a way

that the wings were thrown forward at an angle with the centre, so as

to take the enemy in flank) in case they should be seized anyhow by

the necessity of folding back the phalanx or of closing it up (_i.e._

of deepening it by countermarching from front to rear). Next to the

archers were the men called the veteran mercenaries, whose commander

was Cleander. In front of the Agrianians and archers were posted the

light cavalry used for skirmishing, and the Paeonians, under the

command of Aretes and Aristo. In front of all had been posted the

Grecian mercenary cavalry under the direction of Menidas; and in

front of the royal squadron of cavalry and the other Companions had

been posted half of the Agrianians and archers, and the javelin-men

of Balacrus who had been ranged opposite the scythe-bearing chariots.

Instructions had been given to Menidas and the troops under him to

wheel round and attack the enemy in flank, if they should ride round

their wing. Thus had Alexander arranged matters on the right wing. On

the left the Thracians under the command of Sitalces had been posted

angular-wise, and near them the cavalry of the Grecian allies, under

the direction of Coeranus. Next stood the Odrysian cavalry, under the

command of Agatho, son of Tyrimmas. In this part, in front of all, were

posted the auxiliary cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries, under the

direction of Andromachus, son of Hiero. Near the baggage the infantry

from Thrace were posted as a guard. The whole of Alexander’s army

numbered 7,000 cavalry and about 40,000 infantry.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE BATTLE OF ARBELA.

When the armies drew near each other, Darius and the men around

him were observed; viz. the apple-bearing Persians, the Indians,

the Albanians, the Carians who had been forcibly transported into

Central Asia, the Mardian archers ranged opposite Alexander himself

and his royal squadron of cavalry. Alexander led his own army more

towards the right, and the Persians marched along parallel with him,

far outflanking him upon their left.[411] Then the Scythian cavalry

rode along the line, and came into conflict with the front men of

Alexander’s array; but he nevertheless still continued to march towards

the right, and almost entirely got beyond the ground which had been

cleared and levelled by the Persians.[412] Then Darius, fearing that

his chariots would become useless, if the Macedonians advanced into

uneven ground, ordered the front ranks of his left wing to ride round

the right wing of the Macedonians, where Alexander was commanding,

to prevent him from marching his wing any further. This being done,

Alexander ordered the cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries under the

command of Menidas to attack them. But the Scythian cavalry and the

Bactrians, who had been drawn up with them sallied forth against them,

and being much more numerous they put the small body of Greeks to rout.

Alexander then ordered Aristo at the head of the Paeonians and Grecian

auxiliaries to attack the Scythians; and the barbarians gave way. But

the rest of the Bactrians drawing near to the Paeonians and Grecian

auxiliaries, caused their own comrades who were already in flight

to turn and renew the battle; and thus they brought about a general

cavalry engagement, in which many of Alexander’s men fell, not only

being overwhelmed by the multitude of the barbarians, but also because

the Scythians themselves and their horses were much more completely

protected with armour for guarding their bodies.[413] Notwithstanding

this, the Macedonians sustained their assaults, and assailing them

violently squadron by squadron, they succeeded in pushing them out of

rank. Meantime the foreigners launched their scythe-bearing chariots

against Alexander himself, for the purpose of throwing his phalanx into

confusion; but in this they were grievously deceived. For as soon

as some of them approached, the Agrianians and the javelin-men with

Balacrus, who had been posted in front of the Companion cavalry, hurled

their javelins at them; others they seized by the reins and pulled the

drivers off, and standing round the horses killed them. Yet some rolled

right through the ranks; for the men stood apart and opened their

ranks, as they had been instructed, in the places where the chariots

assaulted them. In this way it generally happened that the chariots

passed through safely, and the men by whom they were driven were

uninjured. But these also were afterwards overpowered by the grooms of

Alexander’s army and by the royal shield-bearing guards.[414]

CHAPTER XIV.

BATTLE OF ARBELA.—FLIGHT OF DARIUS.

As soon as Darius began to set his whole phalanx in motion, Alexander

ordered Aretes to attack those who were riding completely round his

right wing; and up to that time he was himself leading his men in

column. But when the Persians had made a break in the front line of

their army, in consequence of the cavalry sallying forth to assist

those who were surrounding the right wing, Alexander wheeled round

towards the gap, and forming a wedge as it were of the Companion

cavalry and of the part of the phalanx which was posted here, he led

them with a quick charge and loud battle-cry straight towards Darius

himself. For a short time there ensued a hand-to-hand fight; but when

the Macedonian cavalry, commanded by Alexander himself, pressed on

vigorously, thrusting themselves against the Persians and striking

their faces with their spears, and when the Macedonian phalanx in

dense array and bristling[415] with long pikes had also made an attack

upon them, all things at once appeared full of terror to Darius, who

had already long been in a state of fear, so that he was the first

to turn and flee.[416] The Persians also who were riding round the

wing were seized with alarm when Aretes made a vigorous attack upon

them. In this quarter indeed the Persians took to speedy flight; and

the Macedonians followed up the fugitives and slaughtered them.[417]

Simmias and his brigade were not yet able to start with Alexander in

pursuit, but causing the phalanx to halt there, he took part in the

struggle, because the left wing of the Macedonians was reported to

be hard pressed. In this part of the field, their line being broken,

some of the Indians and of the Persian cavalry burst through the gap

towards the baggage of the Macedonians; and there the action became

desperate. For the Persians fell boldly on the men, who were most of

them unarmed, and never expected that any men would cut through the

double phalanx and break through upon them.[418] When the Persians made

this attack, the foreign prisoners also assisted them by falling upon

the Macedonians in the midst of the action. But the commanders of the

men who had been posted as a reserve to the first phalanx, learning

what was taking place, quickly moved from the position which they had

been ordered to take, and coming upon the Persians in the rear, killed

many of them there collected round the baggage. But the rest of them

gave way and fled. The Persians on the right wing, who had not yet

become aware of the flight of Darius, rode round Alexander’s left wing

and attacked Parmenio in flank.[419]

CHAPTER XV.

DEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS AND PURSUIT OF DARIUS.

At this juncture, while the Macedonians were doubtful as to the result

of the battle, Parmenio sent a messenger to Alexander in haste, to

tell him that their side was in a critical position and that he

must send him aid.[420] When this news was brought to Alexander, he

immediately turned back again from the pursuit, and wheeling round with

the Companion cavalry, led them with great speed against the right

wing of the foreigners. In the first place he assaulted the fleeing

cavalry of the enemy, the Parthians, some of the Indians, and the most

numerous and the bravest division of the Persians. Then ensued the

most obstinately contested cavalry fight in the whole engagement. For

being drawn up by squadrons as it were, the foreigners wheeled round

and falling on Alexander’s men face to face, they no longer relied on

the hurling of javelins or the dexterous deploying of horses, as is the

common practice in cavalry battles, but every one on his own account

strove eagerly to break through what stood in his way, as if this

were their only means of safety. They struck and were struck without

quarter, as if they were no longer struggling to secure the victory for

another, but were contending for their own personal safety. Here about

sixty of Alexander’s Companions fell; and Hephaestion himself, as well

as Coenus and Menidas, was wounded. But even these troops were overcome

by Alexander; and as many of them as could force their way through

his ranks fled with all their might. And now Alexander had nearly

come into conflict with the enemy’s right wing, but in the meantime

the Thessalian cavalry in a splendid struggle, had not fallen short

of Alexander’s success in the engagement. For the foreigners on the

right wing were already beginning to fly when he came on the scene of

conflict; so that he wheeled round again and started off in pursuit of

Darius once more, keeping up the chase as long as there was daylight.

Parmenio’s brigade also followed in pursuit of those who were opposed

to them. But Alexander crossed the river Lycus[421] and pitched his

camp there, to give his men and horses a little rest; while Parmenio

seized the Persian camp with their baggage, elephants, and camels.

After giving his horsemen rest until midnight, Alexander again advanced

by a forced march towards Arbela, with the hope of seizing Darius

there, together with his money and the rest of his royal property. He

reached Arbela the next day, having pursued altogether about 600 stades

from the battle-field.[422] But as Darius went on fleeing without

taking any rest,[423] he did not find him at Arbela. However the money

and all the other property were captured, as was also the chariot of

Darius. His spear and bow were likewise taken, as had been the case

after the battle of Issus.[424] Of Alexander’s men about 100 were

killed, and more than 1,000 of his horses were lost either from wounds

or from fatigue in the pursuit, nearly half of them belonging to the

Companion cavalry. Of the foreigners there were said to have been about

300,000 slain, and far more were taken prisoners than were killed.[425]

The elephants and all the chariots which had not been destroyed in the

battle were also captured. Such was the result of this battle, which

was fought in the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens, in the month

Pyanepsion;[426] and thus Aristander’s prediction was accomplished,

that Alexander would both fight a battle and gain a victory in the same

month in which the moon was seen to be eclipsed.[427]

CHAPTER XVI.

ESCAPE OF DARIUS INTO MEDIA.—MARCH OF ALEXANDER TO BABYLON AND SUSA.

Immediately after the battle, Darius marched through the mountains

of Armenia towards Media, accompanied in his flight by the Bactrian

cavalry, as they had then been posted with him in the battle; also by

those Persians who were called the king’s kinsmen, and by a few of the

men called apple-bearers.[428] About 2,000 of his Grecian mercenaries

also accompanied him in his flight, under the command of Paron the

Phocian, and Glaucus the Aetolian. He fled towards Media for this

reason, because he thought Alexander would take the road to Susa and

Babylon immediately after the battle, inasmuch as the whole of that

country was inhabited and the road was not difficult for the transit

of baggage; and besides Babylon and Susa appeared to be the prizes of

the war; whereas the road towards Media was by no means easy for the

march of a large army. In this conjecture Darius was mistaken; for when

Alexander started from Arbela, he advanced straight towards Babylon;

and when he was now not far from that city, he drew up his army in

order of battle and marched forward. The Babylonians came out to meet

him in mass, with their priests and rulers, each of whom individually

brought gifts, and offered to surrender their city, citadel, and

money.[429] Entering the city, he commanded the Babylonians to rebuild

all the temples which Xerxes had destroyed, and especially that of

Belus, whom the Babylonians venerate more than any other god.[430]

He then appointed Mazaeus viceroy of the Babylonians, Apollodorus

the Amphipolitan general of the soldiers who were left behind with

Mazaeus, and Asclepiodorus, son of Philo, collector of the revenue. He

also sent Mithrines, who had surrendered to him the citadel of Sardis,

down into Armenia to be viceroy there.[431] Here also he met with

the Chaldaeans; and whatever they directed in regard to the religious

rites of Babylon he performed, and in particular he offered sacrifice

to Belus according to their instructions.[432] He then marched away

to Susa[433]; and on the way he was met by the son of the viceroy of

the Susians,[434] and a man bearing a letter from Philoxenus, whom

he had despatched to Susa directly after the battle. In the letter

Philoxenus had written that the Susians had surrendered their city to

him, and that all the money was safe for Alexander. In twenty days

the king arrived at Susa from Babylon; and entering the city he took

possession of the money, which amounted to 50,000 talents, as well

as the rest of the royal property.[435] Many other things were also

captured there, which Xerxes brought with him from Greece, especially

the brazen statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton.[436] These Alexander

sent back to the Athenians, and they are now standing at Athens in

the Ceramicus, where we go up into the Acropolis,[437] right opposite

the temple of Rhea, the mother of the gods, not far from the altar

of the Eudanemi. Whoever has been initiated in the mysteries of the

two goddesses[438] at Eleusis, knows the altar of Eudanemus which is

upon the plain. At Susa Alexander offered sacrifice after the custom

of his fathers, and celebrated a torch race and a gymnastic contest;

and then, leaving Abulites, a Persian, as viceroy of Susiana, Mazarus,

one of his Companions, as commander of the garrison in the citadel

of Susa, and Archelaüs, son of Theodorus, as general, he advanced

towards the land of the Persians. He also sent Menes down to the sea,

as governor of Syria, Phœnicia, and Cilicia, giving him 3,000 talents

of silver[439] to convey to the sea, with orders to despatch as many

of them to Antipater as he might need to carry on the war against the

Lacedaemonians.[440] There also Amyntas, son of Andromenes, reached

him with the forces which he was leading from Macedonia[441]; of whom

Alexander placed the horsemen in the ranks of the Companion cavalry,

and the foot he added to the various regiments of infantry, arranging

each according to nationalities. He also established two companies in

each squadron of cavalry, whereas before this time companies did not

exist in the cavalry; and over them he set as captains those of the

Companions who were pre-eminent for merit.

CHAPTER XVII.

SUBJUGATION OF THE UXIANS.

He now set out from Susa, and, crossing the river Pasitigris,[442]

invaded the country of the Uxians. Some of these people who inhabit

the plains were under the rule of the viceroy of the Persians, and on

this occasion surrendered to Alexander; but those who are called the

mountaineers were not in subjection to the Persians, and at this time

sent word to Alexander that they would not permit him to march with

his forces into Persis, unless they received from him as much as they

were in the habit of receiving from the king of the Persians for the

passage through their mountains.[443] He sent the messengers back with

instructions to come to the defiles, the possession of which made them

think that the passage into Persis was in their power, promising them

that they should there receive from him the prescribed toll. He then

took the royal body-guards, the shield-bearing infantry, and 8,000 men

from the rest of his army, and, under the guidance of the Susians,

marched by night along a different road from the frequented one.

Advancing by a route rough and difficult, on the same day he fell upon

the villages of the Uxians, where he captured much booty and killed

many of the people while still in their beds; but others escaped into

the mountains. He then made a forced march to the defiles, where the

Uxians resolved to meet him in mass in order to receive the prescribed

toll. But he had already previously despatched Craterus to seize the

heights, to which he thought the Uxians would retire if they were

repelled by force; and he himself went, with great celerity, and got

possession of the pass before their arrival. He then drew up his men in

battle array, and led them from the higher and more commanding position

against the barbarians. They, being alarmed at Alexander’s celerity,

and finding themselves deprived by stratagem[444] of the position in

which they had especially confided, took to flight without ever coming

to close combat. Some of them were killed by Alexander’s men in their

flight, and many lost their lives by falling over the precipices along

the road; but most of them fled up into the mountains for refuge, and

falling in with Craterus, were destroyed by his men. Having received

these gifts of honour[445] from Alexander, they with difficulty, after

much entreaty, procured from him the privilege of retaining possession

of their own land on condition of paying him an annual tribute.

Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that the mother of Darius,[446] on their

behalf, entreated Alexander to grant them the privilege of inhabiting

the land. The tribute agreed upon was a hundred horses, five hundred

oxen, and 30,000 sheep a year; for the Uxians had no money, nor was

their country fit for tillage; but most of them were shepherds and

herdsmen.

CHAPTER XVIII.

DEFEAT OF ARIOBARZANES AND CAPTURE OF PERSEPOLIS.

After this, Alexander despatched Parmenio with the baggage, the

Thessalian cavalry, the Grecian allies, the mercenary auxiliaries,

and the rest of the more heavily armed soldiers, to march into Persis

along the carriage road leading into that country. He himself took the

Macedonian infantry, the Companion cavalry, the light cavalry used for

skirmishing, the Agrianians, and the archers, and made a forced march

through the mountains. But when he arrived at the Persian Gates, he

found that Ariobarzanes, the viceroy of Persis, with 40,000 infantry

and 700 cavalry, had built a wall across the pass, and had pitched his

camp there near the wall to block Alexander’s passage. Then indeed he

pitched his camp there; but next day he marshalled his army, and led

it up to the wall. When it was evident that it would be difficult to

capture it on account of the rugged nature of the ground, and as many

of his men were being wounded, the enemy assailing them with missiles

from engines of war placed upon higher ground, which gave them an

advantage over their assailants, he retreated to his camp. He was

informed by the prisoners that they could lead him round by another

route, so that he might get to the other end of the pass; but when he

ascertained that this road was rough and narrow, he left Craterus there

at the camp with his own brigade and that of Meleager, as well as a

few archers and 500 cavalry, with orders that when he perceived he had

got right round and was approaching the camp of the Persians (which

he could easily perceive, because the trumpets would give him the

signal), he should then assault the wall. Alexander advanced by night,

and travelling about 100 stades, he took the shield-bearing guards,

the brigade of Perdiccas, the lightest armed of the archers, the

Agrianians, the royal squadron of cavalry Companions, and one regiment

of cavalry besides these, containing four companies; and wheeling round

with these troops, he marched towards the pass in the direction the

prisoners led him. He ordered Amyntas, Philotas, and Coenus to lead

the rest of the army towards the plain, and to make a bridge over the

river[447] which one must cross to go into Persis. He himself went

by a route difficult and rough, along which he nevertheless marched

for the most part at full speed. Falling upon the first guard of the

barbarians before daylight,[448] he destroyed them, and so he did most

of the second; but the majority of the third guard escaped, not indeed

by fleeing into the camp of Ariobarzanes, but into the mountains as

they were, being seized with a sudden panic. Consequently He fell upon

the enemy’s camp at the approach of dawn without being observed. At the

very time he began to assault the trench, the trumpets gave the signal

to Craterus, who at once attacked the advanced fortification. The enemy

then, being in a state of confusion from being attacked on all sides,

fled without coming to close conflict; but they were hemmed in on all

hands, Alexander pressing upon them in one direction and the men of

Craterus running up in another. Therefore most of them were compelled

to wheel round and flee into the fortifications, which were already in

the hands of the Macedonians. For Alexander, expecting the very thing

which really occurred, had left Ptolemy there with three thousand

infantry; so that most of the barbarians were cut to pieces by the

Macedonians at close quarters. Others perished in the terrible flight

which ensued, hurling themselves over the precipices; but Ariobarzanes

himself, with a few horsemen, escaped into the mountains.[449]

Alexander now marched back with all speed to the river, and finding

the bridge already constructed over it, he easily crossed with his

army.[450] Thence he again continued his march to Persepolis, so

that he arrived before the guards of the city could pillage the

treasury.[451] He also captured the money which was at Pasargadae[452]

in the treasury of the first Cyrus, and appointed Phrasaortes, son

of Rheomithres, viceroy over the Persians. He burnt down the Persian

palace, though Parmenio advised him to preserve it, for many reasons,

and especially because it was not well to destroy what was now his

own property, and because the men of Asia would not by this course of

action be induced to come over to him, thinking that he himself had

decided not to retain the rule of Asia, but only to conquer it and

depart. But Alexander said that he wished to take vengeance on the

Persians, in retaliation for their deeds in the invasion of Greece,

when they razed Athens to the ground and burnt down the temples. He

also desired to punish the Persians for all the other injuries they

had done the Greeks. But Alexander does not seem to me to have acted

on this occasion with prudence; nor do I think that this was any

retributive penalty at all on the ancient Persians.[453]

CHAPTER XIX.

DARIUS PURSUED INTO MEDIA AND PARTHIA.

After bringing these matters to a successful issue, he advanced towards

Media; for he ascertained that Darius was there. Now Darius had formed

the resolution, if Alexander remained at Susa or Babylon, to stay

there among the Medes, in order to see if any change of policy were

made by Alexander. But if the latter marched against him, he resolved

to proceed into the interior towards Parthia and Hyrcania, as far

as Bactria, laying waste all the land and making it impossible for

Alexander to advance any further. He therefore sent the women and the

rest of the property which he still retained, together with the covered

carriages, to what were called the Caspian Gates[454]; but he himself

stayed at Ecbatana,[455] with the forces which had been collected

from those who were at hand. Hearing this, Alexander advanced towards

Media, and invading the land of the Paraetacae,[456] he subdued it, and

appointed Oxathres, son of Abulites, the former viceroy of Susa, to

rule as viceroy. Being informed on the march that Darius had determined

to meet him for battle, and to try the fortune of war again (for the

Scythians and Cadusians had come to him as allies), he ordered that the

beasts of burden, with their guards and the rest of the baggage, should

follow; and taking the rest of his army, he led it in order of battle,

and on the twelfth day arrived in Media. There he ascertained that the

forces of Darius were not fit for battle, and that his allies, the

Cadusians and Scythians, had not arrived; but that he had resolved to

flee. He therefore marched on with still greater speed; and when he was

only three days’ journey from Ecbatana, he was met by Bistanes, son of

Ochus, who reigned over the Persians before Darius. This man announced

that Darius had fled five days before, taking with him 7,000 talents

of money[457] from the Medes, and an army of 3,000 cavalry and 6,000

infantry.

When Alexander reached Ecbatana, he sent the Thessalian cavalry and

the other Grecian allies back to the sea, paying them the full hire

which had been stipulated, and making them an additional donation from

himself of 2,000 talents. He issued an order that if any man of his

own accord wished still to continue to serve for hire with him, he

should enlist; and those who enlisted in his service were not a few.

He then ordered Epocillus, son of Polyeides, to conduct the rest

down to the sea, taking other cavalry as a guard for them, since the

Thessalians sold their horses there. He also sent word to Menes to take

upon himself the duty of seeing that they were conveyed in triremes to

Euboea, when they arrived at the sea.[458] He instructed Parmenio to

deposit the money which was being conveyed from Persis in the citadel

at Ecbatana, and to hand it over to the charge of Harpalus;[459] for

he had left this man over the money with a guard of 6,000 Macedonians

and a few horsemen and light-armed infantry to take care of it. He told

Parmenio himself to take the Grecian mercenaries, the Thracians, and

all the other horsemen except the Companion cavalry, and march by the

land of the Cadusians into Hyrcania. He also sent word to Clitus, the

commander of the royal squadron of cavalry, who had been left behind at

Susa ill, that when he arrived at Ecbatana from Susa he should take the

Macedonians who had been left there in charge of the money, and go in

the direction of Parthia, where also he himself intended soon to arrive.

CHAPTER XX.

MARCH THROUGH THE CASPIAN GATES.

Then taking the Companion cavalry, the light cavalry used for

skirmishing, the Greek mercenary cavalry, under the command of

Erigyius, the Macedonian phalanx, except the men who had been placed

in charge of the money, the archers, and the Agrianians, he marched

against Darius. In the forced march which he made, many of his soldiers

were left behind, worn out with fatigue, and many of the horses

died. He nevertheless pressed on, and on the eleventh day arrived at

Rhagae.[460] This place is distant from the Caspian Gates one day’s

journey to one marching as Alexander did. But Darius had already passed

through this defile before Alexander came up, though many of those who

were his companions in flight deserted him on the way and retired to

their own abodes. Many also surrendered to Alexander. The latter now

gave up the hope of capturing Darius by close pursuit, and remained

there five days to give his troops repose. He appointed Oxodates a

Persian, who had the ill fortune to be arrested by Darius and shut up

at Susa, to the office of viceroy of Media; for this treatment was

an inducement to Alexander to rely on his fidelity. He then marched

towards Parthia; and on the first day encamped near the Caspian Gates,

which he passed through on the second day as far as the country was

inhabited.[461] Hearing that the country further on was desert, he

resolved to procure a stock of provisions from the place where he was

encamped, and accordingly sent Coenus out on a foraging expedition with

the cavalry and a small body of infantry.

CHAPTER XXI.

DARIUS IS ASSASSINATED BY BESSUS.

At this time Bagistanes, one of the Babylonian nobles, came to him

from the camp of Darius, accompanied by Antibelus, one of the sons of

Mazaeus. These men informed him that Nabarzanes, the commander of the

cavalry which accompanied Darius in his flight, Bessus, viceroy of

Bactria, and Barsaëntes, viceroy of the Arachotians and Drangians,[462]

had jointly arrested the king. When Alexander heard this, he marched

with still greater speed than ever, taking with him only the Companions

and the skirmishing cavalry, as well as some of the foot-soldiers

selected as the strongest and lightest men. He did not even wait for

Coenus to return from the foraging expedition; but placed Craterus over

the men left behind, with instructions to follow in short marches.

His own men took with them nothing but their arms and provisions for

two days. After marching the whole night and till noon of the next

day, he gave his army a short rest, then went on again all night, and

when day began to break reached the camp from which Bagistanes had set

out to meet him; but he did not catch the enemy. However, in regard

to Darius, he ascertained that he had been arrested and was being

conveyed in a covered carriage[463]; that Bessus possessed the command

instead of Darius, and had been nominated leader by the Bactrian

cavalry and all the other barbarians who were companions of Darius in

his flight, except Artabazus and his sons, together with the Grecian

mercenaries, who still remained faithful to Darius; but they, not being

able to prevent what was being done, had turned aside their march

from the public thoroughfare and were marching towards the mountains

by themselves, refusing to take part with Bessus and his adherents in

their enterprise. He also learnt that those who had arrested Darius had

come to the decision to surrender him to Alexander, and to procure

some advantage for themselves, if they should find that Alexander was

pursuing them; but if they should learn that he had gone back again,

they had resolved to collect as large an army as they could and to

preserve the rule for the commonwealth. He also ascertained that for

the present Bessus held the supreme command, both on account of his

relationship to Darius and because the war was being carried on in his

viceregal province. Hearing this, Alexander thought it was advisable

to pursue with all his might; and though his men and horses were

already quite fatigued by the incessant severity of their labours, he

nevertheless proceeded, and, travelling a long way all through the

night and the next day till noon, arrived at a certain village, where

those who were leading Darius had encamped the day before. Hearing

there that the barbarians had decided to continue their march by

night, he inquired of the natives if they knew any shorter road to

the fugitives. They said they did know one, but that it ran through a

country which was desert through lack of water. He nevertheless ordered

them to show him this way, and perceiving that the infantry could not

keep up with him if he marched at full speed, he caused 500 of the

cavalry to dismount from their horses; and selecting the officers of

the infantry and the best of the other foot-soldiers, he ordered them

to mount the horses armed just as they were. He also directed Nicanor,

the commander of the shield-bearing guards, and Attalus, commander

of the Agrianians, to lead their men who were left behind, by the

same route which Bessus had taken, having equipped them as lightly as

possible; and he ordered that the rest of the infantry should follow in

regular marching order. He himself began to march in the afternoon, and

led the way with great rapidity.[464]

Having travelled 400 stades in the night, he came upon the barbarians

just before daybreak, going along without any order and unarmed; so

that few of them rushed to defend themselves, but most of them, as soon

as they saw Alexander himself, took to flight without even coming to

blows. A few of those who turned to resist being killed, the rest of

these also took to flight. Up to this time Bessus and his adherents

were still conveying Darius with them in a covered carriage; but when

Alexander was already close upon their heels Nabarzanes and Barsaëntes

wounded him and left him there, and with 600 horsemen took to flight.

Darius died from his wounds soon after, before Alexander had seen

him.[465]

CHAPTER XXII.

REFLECTIONS ON THE FATE OF DARIUS.

Alexander sent the body of Darius into Persis, with orders that it

should be buried in the royal sepulchre, in the same way as the other

Persian kings before him had been buried.[466] He then proclaimed

Amminaspes, a Parthian, viceroy over the Parthians and Hyrcanians.

This man was one of those who with Mazaces had surrendered Egypt to

Alexander. He also appointed Tlepolemus, son of Pythophanes, one of the

Companions, to guard his interests in Parthia and Hyrcania. Such was

the end of Darius, in the archonship of Aristophon at Athens, in the

month Hecatombaion.[467] This king was a man pre-eminently effeminate

and lacking in self-reliance in military enterprises; but as to civil

matters he never exhibited any disposition to indulge in arbitrary

conduct; nor indeed was it in his power to exhibit it. For it happened

that he was involved in a war with the Macedonians and Greeks at the

very time he succeeded to the regal power[468]; and consequently it

was no longer possible for him to act the tyrant towards his subjects,

even if he had been so inclined, standing as he did in greater danger

than they. As long as he lived, one misfortune after another was

accumulated upon him; nor did he experience any cessation of calamity

from the time when he first succeeded to the rule. At the beginning

of his reign the cavalry defeat was sustained by his viceroys at the

Granicus, and forthwith Ionia Aeolis, both the Phrygias, Lydia, and

all Caria[469] except Halicarnassus were occupied by his foe; soon

after, Halicarnassus also was captured, as well as all the littoral as

far as Cilicia. Then came his own discomfiture at Issus, where he saw

his mother, wife, and children taken prisoners. Upon this Phoenicia

and the whole of Egypt were lost; and then at Arbela he himself fled

disgracefully among the first, and lost a very vast army composed

of all the nations of his empire. After this, wandering as an exile

from his own dominions, he died after being betrayed by his personal

attendants to the worst treatment possible, being at the same time king

and a prisoner ignominiously led in chains; and at last he perished

through a conspiracy formed of those most intimately acquainted with

him. Such were the misfortunes that befell Darius in his lifetime; but

after his death he received a royal burial; his children received from

Alexander a princely rearing and education, just as if their father had

still been king; and Alexander himself became his son-in-law.[470] When

he died he was about fifty years of age.

CHAPTER XXIII.

EXPEDITION INTO HYRCANIA.

Alexander now took the soldiers who had been left behind in his pursuit

and advanced into Hyrcania,[471] which is the country lying on the

left of the road leading to Bactra.[472] On one side it is bounded

by lofty mountains densely covered with wood, and on the other it is

a plain stretching as far as the Great Sea[473] in this part of the

world. He led his army by this route, because he ascertained that the

Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius had succeeded in escaping

by it into the mountains of Tapuria; at the same time he resolved to

subdue the Tapurians themselves. Having divided his army into three

parts, he himself led the way by the shortest and most difficult route,

at the head of the most numerous and at the same time the lightest

division of his forces. He despatched Craterus at the head of his own

brigade and that of Amyntas, some of the archers, and a few of the

cavalry against the Tapurians; and he ordered Erigyius to take the

Grecian mercenaries and the rest of the cavalry, and lead the way by

the public thoroughfare, though it was longer, conducting the waggons,

the baggage, and the crowd of camp-followers. After crossing the first

mountains, and encamping there, he took the shield-bearing guards

together with the lightest men in the Macedonian phalanx and some of

the archers, and went along a road difficult and hard to travel upon,

leaving guards for the roads wherever he thought there was any peril,

so that the barbarians who held the mountains might not at those points

fall upon the men who were following. Having passed through the defiles

with his archers, he encamped in the plain near a small river[474];

and while he was here, Nabarzanes, the commander of Darius’s cavalry,

Phrataphernes, the viceroy of Hyrcania and Parthia, and the other most

distinguished of the Persians in attendance on Darius, arrived and

surrendered themselves. After waiting four days in the camp, he took

up those who had been left behind on the march, all of them advancing

in safety except the Agrianians, who, while guarding the rear, were

attacked by the barbarian mountaineers. But these soon drew off when

they got the worst of it in the skirmish. Starting from this place,

he advanced into Hyrcania as far as Zadracarta, the capital of the

Hyrcanians. In this place[475] he was rejoined by Craterus, who had

not succeeded in falling in with the Grecian mercenaries of Darius;

but he had thoroughly traversed the whole country, gaining over part

of it by force and the other part by the voluntary capitulation of the

inhabitants. Erigyius also arrived here with the baggage and waggons;

and soon after Artabazus[476] came to Alexander with three of his

sons, Cophen, Ariobarzanes, and Arsames, accompanied by Autophradates,

viceroy of Tapuria, and envoys from the Grecian mercenaries in the

service of Darius. To Autophradates he restored his viceregal office;

but Artabazus and his sons he kept near himself in a position of

honour, both on account of their fidelity to Darius and because they

were among the first nobles of Persia. To the envoys from the Greeks,

begging him to make a truce with them on behalf of the whole mercenary

force, he replied that he would not make any agreement with them;

because they were acting with great guilt in serving as soldiers

on the side of the barbarians against Greece, in contravention of

the resolution of the Greeks. He commanded them to come in a body

and surrender, leaving it to him to treat them as he pleased, or to

preserve themselves as best they could. The envoys said that they

yielded both themselves and their comrades to Alexander, and urged him

to send some one with them to act as their leader, so that they might

be conducted to him with safety. They said they were 1,500 in number.

Accordingly he sent Andronicus, son of Agerrhus, and Artabazus to them.

CHAPTER XXIV.

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE MARDIANS.

He then marched forward against the Mardians[477] taking with him the

shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, the brigades

of Coenus and Amyntas, half of the Companion cavalry, and the

horse-lancers; for he had now a troop of horse-lancers. Traversing

the greater part of the land of the Mardians, he killed many of them

in their flight, some indeed having turned to defend themselves; and

many were taken prisoners. No one for a long time had invaded their

land in a hostile manner, not only on account of its ruggedness,

but also because the people were poor, and besides being poor were

warlike. Therefore they never feared that Alexander would attack them,

especially as he had already advanced further than their country. For

this reason they were caught more easily off their guard. Many of them,

however, escaped into the mountains, which in their land are very lofty

and craggy, thinking that Alexander would not penetrate to these at

any rate. But when he was approaching them even here, they sent envoys

to surrender both the people and their land to him. He pardoned them,

and appointed Autophradates, whom he had also recently placed over the

Tapurians, viceroy over them. Returning to the camp, from which he

had started to invade the country of the Mardians, he found that the

Grecian mercenaries of Darius had arrived, accompanied by the envoys

from the Lacedaemonians who were on an embassy to king Darius. The

names of these men were, Callicratidas, Pausippus, Monimus, Onomas, and

Dropides, a man from Athens. These were arrested and kept under guard;

but he released the envoys from the Sinopeans,[478] because these

people had no share in the commonwealth of the Greeks; and as they were

in subjection to the Persians, they did not seem to be doing anything

unreasonable in going on an embassy to their own king. He also released

the rest of the Greeks who were serving for pay with the Persians

before the peace and alliance which had been made by the Greeks with

the Macedonians. He likewise released Heraclides, the ambassador from

the Chalcedonians[479] to Darius. The rest he ordered to serve in his

army for the same pay as they had received from the Persian king,

putting them under the command of Andronicus, who had led them, and had

evidently been taking prudent measures to save the lives of the men.

CHAPTER XXV.

MARCH TO BACTRA.—BESSUS AIDED BY SATIBARZANES.

Having settled these affairs, he marched to Zadracarta, the largest

city of Hyrcania, where also was the seat of the Hyrcanian government.

Tarrying here fifteen days, he offered sacrifice to the gods according

to his custom, and celebrated a gymnastic contest, after which he began

his march towards Parthia; thence to the confines of Areia[480] and

to Susia, a city in that province, where Satibarzanes, the viceroy of

the Areians, came to meet him. To this man he restored his viceregal

dignity, and with him sent Anaxippus, one of the Companions, to whom

he gave forty horse-lancers so that he might be able to station them

as guards of the localities, in order that the Areians might not be

injured by the army in its march through their land. At this time

came to him some Persians, who informed him that Bessus had assumed

the erect tiara[481] and was wearing the Persian dress,[482] calling

himself Artaxerxes instead of Bessus, and asserting that he was king

of Asia. They said he had in attendance upon him the Persians who had

escaped into Bactra and many of the Bactrians themselves; and that he

was expecting the Scythians also to come to him as allies. Alexander,

having now all his forces together, went towards Bactra, where Philip

son of Menelaüs came to him out of Media with the Greek mercenary

cavalry which were under his own command, those of the Thessalians

who had volunteered to remain, and the men of Andromachus. Nicanor,

the son of Parmenio, the commander of the shield-bearing guards, had

already died of disease. While Alexander was on his way to Bactra, he

was informed that Satibarzanes, viceroy of Areia, had killed Anaxippus

and the horse-lancers who were with him, had armed the Areians and

collected them in the city of Artacoana, which was the capital of

that nation. It was also said that he had resolved, as soon as he

ascertained that Alexander had advanced, to leave that place and go

with his forces to Bessus, with the intention of joining that prince

in an attack upon the Macedonians, wherever a chance might occur. When

he received this news, he stopped the march towards Bactra, and taking

with him the Companion cavalry, the horse-lancers, the archers, the

Agrianians and the regiments of Amyntas and Coenus, and leaving the

rest of his forces there under the command of Craterus, he made a

forced march against Satibarzanes and the Areians; and having travelled

600 stades in two days came near Artacoana. Satibarzanes, however, no

sooner perceived that Alexander was near, than being struck with terror

at the quickness of his arrival, he took to flight with a few Areian

horsemen. For he was deserted by the majority of his soldiers in his

flight, when they also learned that Alexander was at hand. The latter

made rapid marches in pursuit of the enemy, killed some of the men whom

he discovered to be guilty of the revolt and who at that time had left

their villages, fleeing, some one way, some another; and others of them

he sold into slavery. He then proclaimed Arsames, a Persian, viceroy

over the Areians. Being now joined by the men who had been left behind

with Craterus, he marched into the land of the Zarangaeans,[483] and

reached the place where their seat of government was. But Barsaëntes,

who at that time had possession of the land, being one of those who

had fallen upon Darius in his flight, learning that Alexander was

approaching, fled to the Indians who live this side of the river Indus.

But they arrested him and sent him back to Alexander, by whom he was

put to death on account of his guilty conduct towards Darius.

CHAPTER XXVI.

PHILOTAS AND PARMENIO PUT TO DEATH.

Here also Alexander discovered the conspiracy of Philōtas, son of

Parmenio. Ptolemy and Aristobūlus say that it had already been

reported to him before in Egypt[484]; but that it did not appear to

him credible, both on account of the long-existing friendship between

them, the honour which he publicly conferred upon his father Parmenio,

and the confidence he reposed in Philotas himself. Ptolemy, son of

Lagus, says that Philotas was brought before the Macedonians,[485] that

Alexander vehemently accused him, and that he defended himself from the

charges. He says also that the divulgers[486] of the plot came forward

and convicted him and his accomplices both by other clear proofs and

especially because Philotas himself confessed that he had heard of a

certain conspiracy which was being formed against Alexander. He was

convicted of having said nothing to the king about this plot, though he

visited the royal tent twice a day.[487] He and all the others who had

taken part with him in the conspiracy were killed by the Macedonians

with their javelins;[488] and Polydamas, one of the Companions, was

despatched to Parmenio, carrying letters from Alexander to the generals

in Media, Cleander, Sitalces, and Menidas, who had been placed over the

army commanded by Parmenio. By these men Parmenio was put to death,

perhaps because Alexander deemed it incredible that Philotas should

conspire against him and Parmenio not participate in his son’s plan; or

perhaps, he thought that even if he had no share in it, he would now

be a dangerous man if he survived, after the king had violently made

away with his son. Moreover he was held in very great respect both by

Alexander himself and by all the army, having great influence not only

among the Macedonian troops but also among the Grecian auxiliaries,

whom he often used to command according to Alexander’s order, both in

his own turn and out of his turn, with his sovereign’s approbation and

satisfaction.[489]

CHAPTER XXVII.

TREATMENT OF AMYNTAS.—THE ARIASPIANS.

They also say that about the same time Amyntas, son of Andromenes,

was brought to trial, together with his brothers Polemo, Attalus, and

Simmias, on the charge of being accessory to the conspiracy against

Alexander, on account of their trust in Philotas and their intimate

friendship with him. The belief in their participation in the plot was

strengthened among the mass of men by the fact that when Philotas was

arrested, Polemo, one of the brothers of Amyntas, fled to the enemy.

But Amyntas with his other two brothers stayed to await the trial,

and defended himself so vigorously among the Macedonians that he was

declared innocent of the charge. As soon as he was acquitted in the

assembly, he demanded that permission should be given him to go to

his brother and bring him back to Alexander. To this the Macedonians

acceded; so he went away and on the same day brought Polemo back. On

this account he now seemed free from guilt much more than before. But

soon after, as he was besieging a certain village, he was shot with an

arrow and died of the wound; so that he derived no other advantage from

his acquittal except that of dying with an unsullied reputation.[490]

Alexander appointed two commanders over the Companion cavalry,

Hephaestion, son of Amyntor, and Clitus, son of Dropidas, dividing

the brigade of the Companions into two parts, because he did not

wish any one of his friends to have the sole command of so many

horsemen, especially as they were the best of all his cavalry, both

in public estimation and in martial discipline.[491] He now arrived

in the land of the people formerly called Ariaspians, but afterwards

named Euergetae, because they assisted Cyrus, son of Cambyses, in

his invasion of Scythia.[492] Alexander treated these people, whose

ancestors had been serviceable to Cyrus, with honour; and when he

ascertained that the men not only enjoyed a form of government unlike

that of the other barbarians in that part of the world, but laid claim

to justice equally with the best of the Greeks, he set them free, and

gave them besides as much of the adjacent country as they asked for

themselves; but they did not ask for much. Here he offered sacrifice to

Apollo, and arrested Demetrius, one of his confidential body-guards, on

suspicion of having been implicated with Philotas in the conspiracy.

Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was appointed to the post vacated by Demetrius.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

ALEXANDER CROSSES THE HINDU-KOOSH.

After the transaction of this business, he advanced against Bactra and

Bessus, reducing the Drangians and Gadrosians[493] to subjection on his

march. He also reduced the Arachotians to subjection and appointed

Menon viceroy over them. He then reached the Indians, who inhabit

the land bordering on that of the Arachotians. All these nations he

reached marching through deep snow and his soldiers experiencing

scarcity of provisions and severe hardship. Learning that the Areians

had again revolted, in consequence of Satibarzanes invading their land

with 2,000 cavalry, which he had received from Bessus, he despatched

against them Artabazus the Persian with Erigyius and Caranus two of the

Companions, also ordering Phrataphernes, viceroy of the Parthians, to

assist them in attacking the Areians. An obstinately contested battle

then took place between the troops of Erigyius and Caranus and those

of Satibarzanes; nor did the barbarians give way until Satibarzanes,

encountering Erigyius, was struck in the face with a spear and killed.

Then the barbarians gave way and fled with headlong speed.

Meantime Alexander was leading his army towards Mount Caucasus,[494]

where he founded a city and named it Alexandreia.[495] Having offered

sacrifice here to the gods to whom it was his custom to sacrifice, he

crossed Mount Caucasus, after appointing Proëxes, a Persian, viceroy

over the land, and leaving Neiloxenus son of Satyrus, one of the

Companions, with an army as superintendent. According to the account

of Aristobulus, Mount Caucasus is as lofty as any in Asia, and most of

it is bare, at any rate in that part where Alexander crossed it. This

range of mountains stretches out so far that they say even that Mount

Taurus, which forms the boundary of Cilicia and Pamphylia, springs

from it, as do other great ranges which have been distinguished from

the Caucasus by various names according to the position of each.

Aristobulus says that in this part of the Caucasus nothing grew except

terebinth trees and silphium;[496] notwithstanding which, it was

inhabited by many people, and many sheep and oxen graze there; because

sheep are very fond of silphium. For if a sheep smells it even from a

distance, it runs to it and feeds upon the flower. They also dig up the

root, which is devoured by the sheep. For this reason in Cyrene,[497]

some drive their flocks as far as possible away from the places where

their silphium is growing; others even enclose the place with a fence,

so that even if the sheep should approach it they would not be able

to get within the enclosure. For the silphium is very valuable to the

Cyrenaeans.

Bessus, accompanied by the Persians who had taken part with him in the

seizure of Darius, and by 7,000 of the Bactrians themselves and the

Daans who dwelt on this side the Tanais,[498] was laying waste the

country at the foot of Mount Caucasus, in order to prevent Alexander

from marching any further, both by the desolation of the land between

the enemy and himself and by the lack of provisions. But none the

less did Alexander keep up the march, though with difficulty, both on

account of the deep snow and from the want of necessaries; but yet he

persevered in his journey. When Bessus was informed that Alexander was

now not far off, he crossed the river Oxus,[499] and having burnt the

boats upon which he had crossed, he withdrew to Nautaca[500] in the

land of Sogdiana. He was followed by Spitamenes and Oxyartes, with the

cavalry from Sogdiana, as well as by the Daans from the Tanais. But

the Bactrian cavalry, perceiving that Bessus had resolved to take to

flight, all dispersed in various directions to their own abodes.

CHAPTER XXIX.

CONQUEST OF BACTRIA, AND PURSUIT OF BESSUS ACROSS THE OXUS.

Alexander now arrived at Drapsaca, and having there given his army a

rest, he marched to Aornus and Bactra, which are the largest cities in

the land of the Bactrians. These he took at the first assault; and left

a garrison in the citadel of Aornus, over which he placed Archelaüs

son of Androcles, one of the Companions. He appointed Artabazus the

Persian, viceroy over the rest of the Bactrians, who were easily

reduced to submission. Then he marched towards the river Oxus, which

flows from mount Caucasus, and is the largest of all the rivers in Asia

which Alexander and his army reached, except the Indian rivers; but the

Indian rivers are the largest in the world. The Oxus discharges its

water into the great sea which is near Hyrcania. When he attempted to

cross the river it appeared altogether impassable; for its breadth was

about six stades, and its depth was much greater than the proportion of

its breadth. The bed of the river was sandy, and the stream so rapid,

that stakes fixed deep into the bottom were easily rooted up from

the earth by the mere force of the current, inasmuch as they could

not be securely fixed in the sand. Besides this, there was a scarcity

of timber in the locality, and he thought it would take a long time

and cause great delay, if they brought from a distance the materials

needful for making a bridge over the river. Therefore he collected the

skins which the soldiers used for tent-coverings, and ordered them to

be filled with chaff as dry as possible, and tied and stitched tightly

together, so that the water might not penetrate into them.[501] When

these were filled and stitched together, they were sufficient to convey

the army across in five days. But before he crossed the river, he

selected the oldest of the Macedonians, who were now unfit for military

service, and such of the Thessalians as had volunteered to remain in

the army, and sent them back home. He then dispatched Stasanor, one

of the Companions, into the land of the Areians, with instructions to

arrest Arsames, the viceroy of that people, because he thought him

disaffected, and to assume the office of viceroy of Areia himself.

After passing over the river Oxus, he made a forced march to the place

where he heard that Bessus was with his forces; but at this time

messengers reached him from Spitamenes and Dataphernes, to announce

that they would arrest Bessus and hand him over to Alexander if he

would send to them a small army and a commander for it; since even at

that very time they were holding him under guard, though they had not

bound him with fetters. When Alexander heard this, he gave his army

rest, and marched more slowly than before. But he despatched Ptolemy,

son of Lagus, at the head of three troops of the Companion cavalry and

all the horse-lancers, and of the infantry, the brigade of Philotas,

one regiment of 1,000 shield-bearing guards, all the Agrianians, and

half the archers, with orders to make a forced march to Spitamenes

and Dataphernes. Ptolemy went according to his instructions, and

completing ten days’ march in four days, arrived at the camp where on

the preceding day the barbarians under Spitamenes had bivouacked.

CHAPTER XXX.

CAPTURE OF BESSUS.—EXPLOITS IN SOGDIANA.

Here Ptolemy learned that Spitamenes and Dataphernes were not firmly

resolved about the betrayal of Bessus. He therefore left the infantry

behind with orders to follow him in regular order, and advanced with

the cavalry till he arrived at a certain village, where Bessus was

with a few soldiers; for Spitamenes and his party had already retired

from thence, being ashamed to betray Bessus themselves. Ptolemy posted

his cavalry right round the village, which was enclosed by a wall

supplied with gates. He then issued a proclamation to the barbarians

in the village, that they would be allowed to depart uninjured if they

surrendered Bessus to him. They accordingly admitted Ptolemy and his

men into the village. He then seized Bessus and departed; but sent a

messenger on before to ask Alexander how he was to conduct Bessus into

his presence. Alexander ordered him to bind the prisoner naked in a

wooden collar, and thus to lead him and place him on the right-hand

side of the road along which he was about to march with the army. Thus

did Ptolemy. When Alexander saw Bessus, he caused his chariot to stop,

and asked him, for what reason he had in the first place arrested

Darius, his own king, who was also his kinsman and benefactor, and

then led him as a prisoner in chains, and at last killed him? Bessus

said that he was not the only person who had decided to do this, but

that it was the joint act of those who were at the time in attendance

upon Darius, with the view of procuring safety for themselves from

Alexander. For this Alexander ordered that he should be scourged, and

that the herald should repeat the very same reproaches which he had

himself made to Bessus in his inquiry. After being thus disgracefully

tortured, he was sent away to Bactria to be put to death. Such is the

account given by Ptolemy in relation to Bessus; but Aristobulus says

that Spitamenes and Dataphernes brought Bessus to Ptolemy, and having

bound him naked in a wooden collar betrayed him to Alexander.[502]

Alexander supplied his cavalry with horses from that district, for many

of his own horses had perished in the passage of the Caucasus and in

the march to and from the Oxus. He then led his army to Maracanda,[503]

which is the capital of the land of the Sogdianians. Thence he

advanced to the river Tanais. This river, which Aristobulus says the

neighbouring barbarians call by a different name, Jaxartes, has its

source, like the Oxus, in mount Caucasus, and also discharges itself

into the Hyrcanian Sea.[504] It must be a different Tanais from that

of which Herodotus the historian speaks, saying that it is the eighth

of the Scythian rivers, that it flows out of a great lake in which it

originates, and discharges itself into a still larger lake, called

the Maeotis.[505] There are some who make this Tanais the boundary

of Europe and Asia, saying that the Palus Maeotis, issuing from the

furthest recess of the Euxine[506] Sea, and this river Tanais, which

discharges itself into the Maeotis, separate Asia and Europe,[507]

just in the same way as the sea near Gadeira and the Nomad Libyans

opposite Gadeira separates Libya and Europe.[508] Libya also is said

by these men to be divided from the rest of Asia by the river Nile.

In this place (viz. at the river Tanais), some of the Macedonians,

being engaged in foraging, were cut to pieces by the barbarians.

The perpetrators of this deed escaped to a mountain, which was very

rugged and precipitous on all sides. In number they were about 30,000.

Alexander took the lightest men in his army and marched against these.

Then the Macedonians made many ineffectual assaults upon the mountain.

At first they were beaten back by the missiles of the barbarians, and

many of them were wounded, including Alexander himself, who was shot

right through the leg with an arrow, and the fibula of his leg was

broken. Notwithstanding this, he captured the place, and some of the

barbarians were cut to pieces there by the Macedonians, while many

also cast themselves down from the rocks and perished; so that out of

30,000 not more than 8,000 were preserved.[509]

BOOK IV.

CHAPTER I.

REBELLION OF THE SOGDIANIANS.

A few days after this, envoys reached Alexander from the people called

Abian Scythians, whom Homer commended in his poem, calling them the

justest of men.[510] This nation dwells in Asia and is independent,

chiefly by reason of its poverty and love of justice. Envoys also came

from the Scythians of Europe, who are the largest nation dwelling

in that continent.[511] Alexander sent some of the Companions with

them, under the pretext indeed that they were to conclude a friendly

alliance by the embassy; but the real object of the mission was rather

to spy into the natural features of the Scythian land, the number of

the inhabitants and their customs, as well as the armaments which they

possessed for making military expeditions.[512] He formed a plan of

founding a city near the river Tanais, which was to be named after

himself; for the site seemed to him suitable and likely to cause the

city to grow to large dimensions. He also thought it would be built

in a place which would serve as a favourable basis of operations for

an invasion of Scythia, if such an event should ever occur; and not

only so, but it would also be a bulwark to secure the land against the

incursions of the barbarians dwelling on the further side of the river.

Moreover he thought that the city would become great, both by reason of

the multitude of those who would join in colonizing it, and on account

of the celebrity of the name conferred upon it.[513] Meantime the

barbarians dwelling near the river seized upon the Macedonian soldiers

who were garrisoning their cities and killed them; after which they

began to strengthen the cities for their greater security. Most of the

Sogdianians joined them in this revolt, being urged on to it by the men

who had arrested Bessus. These men were so energetic that they even

induced some of the Bactrians to join in the rebellion, either because

they were afraid of Alexander, or because their seducers assigned as a

reason for their revolt, that he had sent instructions to the rulers

of that land to assemble for a conference at Zariaspa, the chief city;

which conference, they said, would be for no good purpose.[514]