The resources of the island, in point of_Journal of an expedition to explore the course and termination of the Niger, Vol. 3 (of 3)

exhausted, or the natives are determined to reserve what are left for

their own purposes. On the first formation of the establishment, they

gladly brought to market all they had to dispose of, in the same manner

as they had done to any vessel that chanced to visit the island. These

consisted of a few sheep, goats, and fowls, of a very poor quality, and

plenty of yams, which were all readily exchanged for pieces of iron

hoop, of about six inches long. A piece of hoop of this length would

purchase a goat, three or four fowls, or a large bundle of yams,

weighing about twenty pounds. As their stock became exhausted, so the

iron hoops became less valuable; more were demanded, until the natives

could no longer supply the settlement, and had enough to do to provide

for themselves, when they discontinued their supplies; and the

settlement, not yet able to provide for itself, is dependent on supplies

from the Calebar, and rivers near it. Bullocks are stated by the natives

to be plentiful on the hills in the interior, but we have not heard of

any having been seen by the people of Clarence, and they are generally

obtained from the Calebar river. Deer are also said to be on the island,

abundance of wild fowl, and a great number of monkeys—some black, and

others of a brown colour. Parrots are also innumerable, and the natives

are particularly partial to them and monkeys for food. Turtle have been

caught in the bay as well as fish, but these supplies are uncertain,

and, therefore, not to be depended on. The island is entirely

mountainous, and contains a fine rich soil, capable of producing

anything required of it. Several small mountain streams fall into the

sea, the largest of which are the two named Hay and Horton, brooks

before mentioned. The principal vegetable cultivated by the natives is

the yam, with which they are particularly successful. The best yams of

the island are said to be those of George’s Bay, which are very large,

and of uncommonly fine flavour. The supply of these at Clarence is now

very limited, and not to be depended on always, which may probably be

owing to a difference in the season for growing them. This deficiency

has been in some measure remedied by the construction of a government

garden, from which some men-of-war have received supplies, but these are

not sufficient to supply the wants of the colony, and recourse is had

for them to the Calebar river.

Palm-wine at the colony, as well as on the coast, is the common and

favourite drink of the natives. It is easily procured in any quantity,

and is used either in an unfermented state, when just fresh from the

tree, or after it has been kept some days. It seems peculiarly intended

by a bountiful Providence for the untutored and destitute Indian, who is

unable to supply himself with those beverages which are the result of

art. The palm-tree affords him a pleasant drink, a valuable oil, a fruit

from the nut; and, besides food, it furnishes him with a material to

construct his hut, and is always ready for any immediate purpose. The

juice which is called ‘wine,’ is obtained by making a hole in the trunk

of the tree, and inserting a piece of the leaf into it so as to form a

spout; the liquid flows through this, and is received in a calabash

placed beneath it, which probably holds two or three gallons, and will

be thus filled in the course of a day. It shortly assumes a milky

appearance, and is either used in this state, or preserved till it

acquires rather a bitter flavour. The produce of the palm-tree, fish,

and yams, form the principal food of the natives of Fernando Po,

although they do not hesitate to devour monkeys, when they can get them.

This method of obtaining the juice of the palm-tree is exactly similar

to that which is adopted by the Indians in North America, with respect

to the maple-tree. A hole is made in the same manner in the trunk of the

tree, and a piece of birch bark inserted into it as a spout, which, from

its peculiar nature, answers the purpose remarkably well. The juice of

the maple, instead of being preserved, is converted into sugar by

evaporation. There are various sorts of timber at Fernando Po, among

which the African oak is very plentiful, and particularly so in George’s

Bay, where it grows close to the sea-side; satin-wood, ebony, lignum-

vitæ, yellow cam-wood, and several sorts of mahogany, besides other wood

of a very hard nature, grow in profusion all over the island, and may,

probably, hereafter become valuable.

We had the good fortune to arrive at the island during the season of

fine weather, but have not yet enjoyed much of the sea-breeze, which,

about noon, has sometimes set in from the north-west quarter. The

harmattan is said to be experienced here, although it extends not to the

other islands of the gulf. This wind, which passes over the sands of

Africa, would be almost insupportable were it not for the sea-breezes.

While the harmattan lasts, the dryness in the atmosphere produces an

unpleasant feeling, although it is said to be not injurious to health.

The atmosphere is filled with a fine light sand, which prevents objects

from being distinctly seen, the sun loses his brilliancy, and everything

appears parched and suffering from the want of moisture. The effect of

the harmattan immediately after the rainy season is said to be most

beneficial in drying up the vapours with which the atmosphere is loaded;

and it has been observed that, on the return of this wind at the end of

the rainy season, the recovery of invalids commences. The harmattan has

also the effect of drying up the skin of the natives in a very

extraordinary manner. After an exposure to it, the skin peals off in

white scales from their whole body, which assumes an appearance as if it

were covered over with a white dust.

The islands in the gulf of Guinea, with the exception of Fernando Po,

have each a capital town of some consequence, and although they produce

sufficient supplies for ships that visit them and carry on a small

trade, it is much to be doubted whether they are not more indebted for

their importance to the slave-trade than any other source. With respect

to Prince’s Island and St. Thomas, they are known to be the receptacles

for slaves from the coast, from whence they are re-embarked and conveyed

away as opportunities offer; and the natives of the small island of

Anno-Bon appear to be living in constant fear of the same, from the

effects of their former treatment by the Spaniards.

The natives of Anno-Bon have a tradition that they once belonged to the

Portuguese, and exhibit proofs of their having been formerly initiated

in the ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion. They are said to be

particularly careful, when any stranger visits their settlement, to let

them see their church, which is appropriately situated for this purpose

immediately opposite the landing-place. At present, by all accounts,

they are living in a state of natural simplicity and ignorance of the

world. Some idea may be formed of the condition of their minds by a

story that is currently related of them, in which the effects of their

former tuition are apparent. The king once gravely told a visiter, with

an idea of impressing him with his importance, that a short time

previous to his arrival, he had held a conference with the Supreme

Being, from whom he had learnt the cause of a recent sickness which had

visited them, and also that he had approved of his being the king of the

island. Other stories equally nonsensical are told of them, such as

might be expected from people left in this half-informed condition; but

the old king’s word was sufficient for his subjects, and this assurance

was quite enough to satisfy the harmless inoffensive creatures that he

was their legitimate king. Although Anno-Bon is a healthy island in

comparison with any other in the gulf of Guinea, it is too far removed

from the coast to be of use in putting down the slave-trade, unless it

were made a rendezvous for half a dozen steam-vessels, which would do

more than any other class of vessels towards effecting this object.

Favourable as the situation of Clarence is for the purpose for which it

is intended, it is much to be regretted that it is so unhealthy for

Europeans. During our stay on the island four deaths occurred; these

persons were the sail-maker, one of the carpenters of the colony, a

seaman of the Portia, colonial schooner, and one of the crew of the

Susan, an English brig that we found here on our first arrival. The

Susan was in the Calebar river waiting for a cargo, when her crew were

attacked with fever, which quickly carried off her captain, mates, and

left only one person alive. The vessel thus reduced was without her crew

to bring her out of the river, much less to complete her cargo, and she

might have remained there till the last had died, but for the watchful

attention of Mr. Becroft, who brought her to Clarence with a party of

men, and, after putting a new mast into her, and doing all in his power

to set the vessel in order, supplied her with provisions and fresh

people and sent her to sea. We were offered a passage in her to England,

but declined accepting it, in consequence of the condition in which she

had been. She was afterwards obliged to stop at Cape Coast, in

consequence of the fever having broken out afresh on board of her. The

most melancholy account of the effects of the climate here, which came

within our knowledge, was in the family of Lieutenant Stockwell, the

officer commanding the party of marines, whose name we have mentioned

before. This gentleman had brought his wife and a large family with him

from the island of Ascension, who were residing with his brother officer

in a building called the Waterfall House, which had been erected by

Captain Owen. Mr. Stockwell successively lost five of his children and

five servants, the latter of whom successively died as they came into

his service. His brother officer also died, making eleven in number, and

Mr. Stockwell and his wife narrowly escaped with their lives. The house

was in consequence deserted by them, and has since been occupied by the

black people. The fever which attacks Europeans at this island is said

to be similar to the yellow fever in the West Indies. The symptoms are

the same, from the commencement to the end of the disease, and it is

equally as summary in its effects. George’s Bay is said to be far

healthier than Clarence, and being on the western side of the island

receives the full benefit of the sea-breeze, while at Clarence this wind

is later, and is interrupted by land to the westward of it. In addition

to this, the sea-breeze passes over a long and disagreeable swamp in its

progress to Clarence, which no doubt charges it with all kinds of

noxious vapours. George’s Bay, besides having the benefit of a pure sea-

breeze, has a good deal of clear land about it, and equally as good a

soil as Clarence.

It is more than probable, as we have now ascertained, that a water-

communication may be carried on with so extensive a part of the interior

of Africa, that a considerable trade will be opened with the country

through which we have passed. The natives only require to know what is

wanted from them, and to be shown what they will have in return, and

much produce that is now lost from neglect, will be turned to a

considerable account. The countries situated on the banks of the Niger

will become frequented from all the adjacent parts, and this magnificent

stream will assume an appearance it has never yet displayed. The first

effect of a trade being opened will be to do away with the monopoly near

the mouth of the river, which has hitherto been held by the chiefs of

the lower countries. Steam-boats will penetrate up the river even as far

as Lever, at the time of year in which we came down, and will defy the

efforts of these monopolists to arrest their progress. The steam-engine,

the grandest invention of the human mind, will be a fit means of

conveying civilization among these uninformed Africans, who, incapable

of comprehending such a thing, will view its arrival among them with

astonishment and terror, but will gradually learn to appreciate the

benefits they will derive, and to hail its arrival with joy. In this

case Fernando Po will become of still greater consequence, and will no

doubt become a depot of considerable importance. It is my opinion,

however, that much expense would be saved, and, above all, many valuable

lives, if it were possible to adopt George’s Bay as the place for the

principal establishment. Of the different parts of the coast, Accra is

the most healthy, and were it nearer, I should recommend it for such a

purpose, the soil being good and clear of underwood for many miles

around. But the distance at which it lies from the mouth of the river is

too great for such a purpose.

_Thursday, December 23rd._—The superintendent, Mr. Becroft, invited me

to accompany him in the Portia, colonial schooner, to the Calebar river,

whither he was going to procure stock for the use of the colony. The

place from which this is obtained is called Ephraim Town, where it

appears to be very plentiful. Being tired of Fernando Po, I accepted his

invitation, to pass away the time that we should yet have to wait before

we could get away, notwithstanding all our anxiety to get home with the

news of our discovery. My brother, being very ill, was unable to

accompany us. I left him at Clarence, and embarked with Mr. Becroft in

the evening. We departed from Clarence with a fine breeze, but found it

necessary in going out to be particularly careful of being drifted by

the tide, either on Point William, or on the Adelaide islets at each

extremity of the cove, as the tide always sets either towards one or the

other. In leaving the cove, it is best to keep as near as possible

midway between the two extremes, and not to approach either the one or

the other, nearer than can possibly be avoided. The currents in the Gulf

of Guinea are stated to be very variable, although they are most

generally from the westward, obeying the direction of the sea-breeze.

The harmattan generally produces a very strong westerly current in

direct opposition to this, and the want of knowing it has frequently

proved fatal to vessels; the masters of which imagining that they were

under the influence of an easterly current, have been actually drifted

many miles to the westward in the course of a single night, and have

found themselves on shore the next morning. The violence of the current

from the westward when the sea-breezes are strong, is so great, that it

is scarcely possible to believe that a day or two of the harmattan would

overcome it; but the effect of this is so powerful, that it is well

known, to those who have frequented the gulf, that the current produced

by the harmattan will even continue against the westerly winds after

they may have again set in. A remarkable instance is related of the

velocity of the currents in the gulf to the southward of Fernando Po. In

the month of June, a vessel performed the passage between Princes Island

and St. Thomas, in twenty hours, which generally occupies from eight to

ten days. The distance is about ninety-three miles; and the vessel must

have averaged 4.6 miles per hour. The harmattan is said not to extend to

the southward of Fernando Po, but this has not yet been fully

ascertained.

The passage through the Gulf from Fernando Po to Sierra Leone, is

generally extremely long and tedious, owing to the prevalence of calms

and the different currents. It is generally made either by running to

the southward and getting into the south-east trade, or by keeping in

shore as far as Cape Palmas, so as to benefit by the land winds. The

former method is generally recommended by the merchantmen, as being

safer and quicker; for a vessel adopting the latter is more under the

dangerous influence of the currents, besides being obliged to keep close

to the shore: it is also adopted by the merchantmen in their homeward

voyage. Sometimes vessels by taking a mean between these two methods,

get between two different winds, by which means they lose the benefit of

both, and are delayed by calms and rains. This part I was informed was

at the distance of about sixty miles from the land; so that vessels

should pass either far without or else within that distance on leaving

Fernando Po.

In this part of the Gulf of Guinea, between Fernando Po and the Calebar

river, the rainy season is stated to commence in the month of July, and

to be at the worst in August and September, accompanied by tornadoes of

a most terrific description. The rains continue during November, and

cease in the month of December, but the coast is said to be seldom many

days together without a tornado. During the other months of the year,

dry, hot weather is experienced, excepting about May, when slight rains

take place. These rains are looked on as the winter of the natives, and

are considered by them equally as cold in their effects as our winters

in England are by ourselves. They are equally alive to the change of the

seasons as in northern countries, and prepare themselves against the

cold weather during the rains, comparatively with as much care as we do

against our winter’s frost.

The chief peculiarity of this climate, which distinguishes it from all

others within the tropics, consists in the furious storms of wind and

rain, accompanied by the most terrific thunder and lightning it is

possible to imagine. These storms are known by the name of tornadoes;

and one would be almost inclined to think that the ancient belief of the

torrid zone being of a fiery nature, and too hot for mankind to live in,

originated in the exaggerated reports of them which might have gradually

found their way into the part of the world then known, and from which

they were not very far distant. We have already seen three here, but

they were trifling in their effects compared with those which take place

in the rainy season. They are described as being most violent, but,

happily, of short duration: nothing can withstand the fury of the wind

while they last, but they give sufficient indications of their approach,

of which the commanders of ships on the coast know how to take

advantage. They invariably come from the eastern quarter of the horizon,

and last about fifteen or twenty minutes. Their first approach is

indicated by a luminous, glaring appearance in the north-east quarter,

which in the course of about an hour has shifted gradually to the east

and south-east, while the usual sea-breeze from the north-west continues

blowing. Having arrived in the south-east quarter, the storm shows its

nearer approach by incessant flashes of lightning of a most awful

description, accompanied by thunder which is absolutely deafening. The

proximity of the lightning contributes not a little to its awful

appearance. A short interval of calm now takes place, occasioned

probably by the suspension of the sea-breeze, from the advance of the

tornado. A small arch may at the same time be perceived near the

horizon, in the direction of the approaching storm. This, which from the

time of its being first seen increases rapidly, being nothing more than

the effect of the wind in dispersing the heavy clouds through which it

passes. The momentous crisis is now at hand. As soon as the arch has

reached about half-way to the zenith, the storm bursts forth with the

most impetuous violence, and torrents of rain immediately follow. Ships

that happen to be caught in it before they have adopted the necessary

precautions for safety by taking in all their sails, are thrown on their

side instantly; but happily the warning it gives of its approach is

sufficient to enable the experienced navigator, who is ever on the watch

for changes in the weather, to reduce the sail from his ship, and put

her head in that position in which she is best able to withstand its

effects, by running before the wind. This awful period lasts generally

about a quarter of an hour—when the wind subsides rather suddenly, while

the rain falls incessantly: shortly afterwards, the wind shifts round by

the south to its old quarter, the west, until another tornado comes to

disturb it. There are several peculiarities attending the tornadoes,

which are rather remarkable. It has been remarked by experienced

navigators, that they are much influenced by the different phases of the

moon,—that they generally commence with the new or full moon, at which

time they are the most violent, and that they even come on at the time

that the moon sets. The influence of the moon on the weather in other

countries is doubted, but this is an extraordinary fact, relating to the

tornadoes, which has been proved by experience.

_Saturday, December 25th._—After a pleasant passage, we anchored this

morning off Ephraim Town, in the Calebar river. The distance from

Fernando Po to the north of the Calebar river, is about sixty miles; and

Ephraim Town is distant about fifty miles on the eastern bank. On our

way up the river, my attention was attracted by something of a very

extraordinary appearance hanging over the water from the branch of a

tree. My curiosity was excited by it, and I was at a loss to conjecture

what it was. I did not remain long in suspense, for we soon passed

sufficiently near it to enable me to discover that it was the body of

one of the natives suspended by the middle, with the feet and hands just

touching the water. So barbarous a sight quickly reminded me that I was

again among the poor deluded wretches of the coast, although I had seen

nothing so bad as this on my way down to the brig Thomas, in the river

Nun. The natives of this place are pagans, in the most depraved

condition, and know nothing of Mahomedanism, nor any other creed. They

believe in a good spirit, who they imagine dwells in the water; and

sacrifices such as that just mentioned are frequently made to him, with

the idea of gaining his favour and protection. The object selected for

this purpose is generally some unfortunate old slave, who may be worn

out and incapable of further service, or unfit for the market; and he is

thus left to suffer death either from the effects of the sun, or from

the fangs of some hungry alligator or shark, which may chance to find

the body. The circumstance of the hands and feet being just allowed to

be immersed in the water, is considered by these deluded people as

necessary, and they are thereby rendered an easier prey.

It is usual with ships on their first arrival in the river, to be

visited by Duke Ephraim, the chief of the town; a personage who is well

known to the numerous Liverpool traders that frequent the river. The

reason of this visit is, that the duke may receive his present, which

consists generally of cloth, muskets, rum, or any articles of that

description; and he always goes on board in great state in his canoe for

this purpose, previous to which, no one is allowed to leave the ship.

This regulation, which is a method of securing the port-dues, affects

those only who come to the river for the purpose of trade; and as the

Portia was a government vessel, we were not included. As soon as we had

anchored, I accompanied Mr. Becroft on shore, and proceeded with him to

the duke’s residence, for the purpose of paying our respects to him. A

walk of about ten minutes brought us to his house, and we found him in

the palàver square which belongs to it, busily engaged in writing, and

surrounded by a great number of his principal people. It was something

unusual to find a native chief thus employed; but the large dealings

which Duke Ephraim appears to have with the Liverpool merchants,

accounts in some measure for this accomplishment, and the smattering of

English he has obtained. His only pretensions to dress consisted in a

smart, gold-laced hat, which he wore, and a handsome piece of silk tied

round his loins. His chief officers, who were next to him, also wore

gold-laced hats, while those next in rank to them wore silver-lace, and

the lower class contented themselves without either. We arrived at

council time, but Mr. Becroft being immediately recognized by the duke,

he received us very cordially, and made us sit down. Duke Ephraim bears

the character of being always very civil and attentive to the English,

and of making himself very active in supplying their wants of live

stock. He has formed a favourable opinion of them from the _fine things_

they bring him, but his discernment goes beyond these; for the

circumstance of slave vessels having been captured and taken out of the

river by the boats of the English ships of war on the station, has

impressed him with admiration of their boldness and courage, and given

him a very exalted opinion of their power. Vessels of war formerly came

up the rivers in search of slavers; and he has received their commanders

with much kindness, and assisted them all in his power; a trait in his

character, which is rather extraordinary, when their object is

considered, as he is the principal agent by whom supplies of slaves are

furnished from the interior. None, however, are allowed to come up now,

in consequence of the deaths which occurred.

After a short time, we were desired to go up stairs into his best room,

and we accordingly ascended about thirty or forty wooden steps, and

entered a spacious apartment, when the sight that presented itself was

of the most extraordinary description. The room, which was about thirty

feet in length, by about twenty in breadth, was literally crammed full

of all kinds of European furniture, covered with cobwebs and dust about

half an inch deep. Elegant tables and chairs, sofas of a magnificent

description, splendid looking-glasses, and prints of the principal

public characters of England, as well as views of sea and land

engagements, set in handsome gilt frames, beautifully cut glass

decanters and glasses, glass chandeliers, and a quantity of other

things, too numerous to mention, were all mixed together, in the utmost

confusion. A handsome organ attracted our notice, and a large, solid,

brass arm-chair, which an inscription on it announced was the present of

Sir John Tobin, of Liverpool. The inscription, or rather raised

characters, were these: ‘Presented by Sir John Tobin of Liverpool, to

his friend Duke Ephraim;’ and vain enough is the chief of his present.

He exhibits this chair with the rest of his presents to the people, or

any stranger who may happen to visit him, and allows them to feast their

eyes, as he imagines, on the goodly sight; but such is his care and

pride of them, that he will not allow them to be touched by any one; and

his attendants are not permitted to approach them, even for the purpose

of cleaning off the dust which has accumulated since their first

arrival. The whole of this miscellaneous assemblage of goods are

presents which have been made to the duke by merchants of Liverpool, as

well as French, Spanish, and Portuguese traders, and are the

accumulation of a considerable length of time.

Duke Town, or Ephraim Town, as it is known by both of these

appellations, is situated on rather elevated ground, on the left or east

bank of the river; and is of considerable size, extending principally

along it. From the appearance of it, I should conclude that its

inhabitants amount to at least six thousand people. The houses are

generally built of clay, like those of the Eboe people. The breadth of

the river opposite to it is not quite so wide as the Thames at Waterloo

Bridge, and the opposite bank is not so high as that on which the town

stands. The houses are built in an irregular manner, leaving very little

room for the road between them; which, at this time, is exceedingly wet

and dirty. The duke’s house is situated in the middle of the town, and,

like the rest, is built of clay. It consists of several squares, round

each of which is a verandah, similar to the houses in Yarriba. The

centre square is occupied by the duke and his wives, the others being

the abode of his servants and attendants, which, all together, amount to

a considerable number. Immediately opposite to the first square, which

forms the entrance to his residence, stands a small tree, profusely

decorated with human skulls and bones. This tree is considered by the

people as fetísh, or sacred; and is supposed to possess the virtue of

preventing the evil spirit from entering the duke’s residence. Near the

tree stands the house which is inhabited by their priests, a class of

beings certainly in the most savage condition of nature that it is

possible to imagine. The fetísh priests of Brass Town chalked themselves

from head to foot, besides dressing after a fashion of their own; but

these fellows outdo them by far, and make themselves the most hideous

and disgusting objects possible.

Whether it may be with the idea of personifying the evil spirit they are

so afraid of, I could not learn, but they go about the town with a human

skull fastened over their face, so that they can see through the eye-

holes;—this is surmounted by a pair of bullock’s horns; their body is

covered with net, made of stained grass; and, to complete the whole, and

give them an appearance as ridiculous behind as they are hideous before,

a bullock’s tail protrudes through the dress, and hangs down to the

ground, rendering them altogether the most uncouth-looking beings

imaginable. Sometimes a cocked hat is substituted for the horns, and the

skull of a dog or monkey used, which renders their appearance, if

possible, still more grotesque. Thus equipped, they are ready to perform

the mysteries of their profession, which I had not sufficient

opportunity to inquire into, but which are quite enough to enslave the

minds of the people. They seem to believe in a good and evil spirit;

that the good spirit dwells in the river, which accounts for their

sacrifices being made on it; and that the evil spirit dwells in a tree,

which, being full of human skulls, keeps him away from them.

_Sunday, December 26th._—This morning, the duke’s principal man came on

board the Portia to receive payment for some bullocks which Mr. Becroft

had purchased. There was something in his appearance which attracted my

attention, and I fancied that he seemed to be much dirtier than any I

had seen yesterday. On a nearer inspection, I found his head and whole

body to be covered with ashes, and a very dirty piece of sackcloth

fastened round his loins. Besides this, he appeared to be suffering

great distress of mind, and presented a most woful and wretched

appearance. I asked him the cause of his grief, and why he had covered

himself with ashes in such a manner; when he related to me the cause of

all his distress. It appeared that he had possessed six wives, one of

whom was gifted with a larger share of personal charms than the rest,

the consequence of which was, that she received more attention from him,

and was loved more than any of the others. This partiality naturally

excited the jealousy of the other ladies; and, mortified by his neglect

of them, they were determined on revenge, and resolved to get rid of

their favoured rival by mixing poison with her food. They had just

succeeded in effecting their purpose, which had caused the poor fellow

much distress, and he had not recovered the effects of his loss this

morning when he came on board the Portia. His tale was simple and

ungarnished; and while he was relating it to me, the tears were

trickling down his face. I never saw a black man feel so much for the

loss of a wife as he did. This remarkable custom of mourning in

sackcloth and ashes, appears to be peculiar to these people; and I find

that they do not cease to cover their persons with them as long as their

sorrow lasts. They do the same on the death of a relation; and it is the

only instance of the kind that I have met with in the part of the

country through which I have travelled.

Great uproar and confusion has prevailed in the town to-day, occasioned

by an adventure of the doctor with the duke’s most favourite wife, which

is likely to end tragically to the parties concerned. This person, who

is the doctor of the town, it appears was the bosom friend of the duke,

in whom the latter had the greatest confidence, and allowed him to visit

his wives professionally, as often as he thought proper. The gentleman’s

visits had lately become so frequent as to excite suspicion, and a look-

out was accordingly kept on his movements. The poor doctor was soon

caught in the snare; the motive of his visits was found to be of an

illegal nature, and the enraged duke has ordered both to be bound hand

and foot and thrown into the river to-morrow. There is no doubt that

this will be done; for, although these men have many wives, still a

misdemeanor of this nature is looked on by them with great abhorrence.

We found seven French vessels lying in the river, one Spanish, and two

English. One of the latter, named the Caledonia, a ship of five hundred

tons burthen, is the property of Sir John Tobin, of Liverpool, which,

with the other, the brig Elizabeth, are taking in a cargo of palm-oil.

The river Calebar is very serpentine, and there is scarcely any other

tree besides the mangrove to be seen on its banks. The right bank is

intersected by numerous creeks, well known to the natives, who frequent

them in their canoes; they communicate with all the rivers that fall

into the gulf of Guinea, between this river and that on which Benin is

situated. The natives go as far as Benin in their canoes, but there is

no communication by water with the Cameroons river, which seems to be

totally distinct from the Calebar. The canoes of the natives are the

same sort as those of the Eboe people, but not so large. The river is

full of crocodiles, which are generally about twelve or fourteen feet

long, and are very daring in search of prey. A short time previous to

our arrival two deaths had been occasioned by them. Sir John Tobin has a

large store close to the river-side, in which palm-oil is kept for

shipment on board the Liverpool vessels, and one evening lately an

unfortunate native boy, tired with his day’s work, fell asleep on the

floor. In the course of the night an alligator attacked him, and he was

awoke by finding himself in the jaws of the monster: his struggles and

cries were vain; the powerful creature lacerated him in a most dreadful

manner, and tore off one of his legs, with which he retreated into the

water, and the remains of the unfortunate boy were found the next

morning shockingly disfigured, and weltering in blood. The death of the

other was occasioned by his losing an arm in a similar manner.

Provisions at present are dear at Duke-town, and rather scarce. Bullocks

are sold at twenty dollars each, and those not of a very good quality;

goats and sheep at three dollars, ducks at half a dollar each, and fowls

at half a dollar the pair. Yams are cultivated by the natives very

successfully, and are considered the best flavoured and finest of the

country. There are no cleared portions of ground on the banks of the

river, and their cultivation of the yam and other vegetables is at a

distance in the woods.

_Thursday, January 20th._—Since my first return to Fernando Po from the

Calebar river, I have accompanied Mr. Becroft there twice in the Portia.

In this interval the Caernarvon, an English vessel, has arrived with

government stores from England for the establishment, and as she is

going to Rio Janeiro for a cargo to take back, and there seems to be no

prospect at present of our getting away from this island by any other

means, we have requested Mr. Becroft to conclude an agreement for our

passage to that place, from whence we hope to be more successful in

finding our way to England. About a week ago the brig Thomas, in which

we came from the river Nun, touched at the island on her way home from

the Cameroons,—her commander Lake thinking that we should take a passage

with him. We have now been here seven weeks, and would certainly stay

seven more rather than put ourselves into his power again. We had

experienced quite enough of his care and kindness, and therefore

declined his offer of taking us. After waiting three days at the island,

he sailed about six o’clock in the morning, and had not got more than a

mile from the anchorage, when a large vessel with long raking masts

suddenly appeared from behind a part of the island, and was seen in

pursuit of him. We observed this vessel fire several guns at him, which

at length made him take in sail and wait. We have no doubt that this

vessel was a pirate, and our suspicions were confirmed the next day by

seeing the two vessels lying becalmed close to each other. There were no

signs of them on the next day, and we saw nothing more of the Thomas[3].

The commission for the adjudication of slave vessels is not yet removed

from Sierra Leone to this place, and all prizes are taken there for

condemnation.

Everything having been prepared for our departure, we embarked on board

of the Caernarvon, —— Garth, commander, for Rio Janeiro. The reception

that we have met with at Clarence from the officers of the establishment

has been most gratifying, and has far exceeded our expectations. To Mr.

Becroft, the superintendent, we are under peculiar obligations, having

enjoyed the benefits of his hospitality all the time of our detention

here; and the kind attention of this gentleman, as well as that of Mr.

Crichton, the naval surgeon, who is one of the most amiable gentlemen we

ever met with, and Mr. Beatty, has gone far towards removing the ill

effects of the exposure we had undergone on our way down the river.

Everything was supplied us that the place could afford; and it will

always be a source of gratification to us to reflect on the time we

passed in their company.

At six in the evening, having taken leave of our friends, we embarked

and bade adieu to the island of Fernando Po. Mr. Stockwell, the officer

of marines, accompanied us on board, having taken his passage, like

ourselves, to return to England. Our crew consists of seven European

seamen, two free negroes, and one Krooman, besides the commander of the

vessel and two mates. Two of the seamen, Owen Williams and Charles Hall,

are very ill with fever.

_Sunday, January 23d._—The weather has been calm, and we have not lost

sight of Fernando Po. At noon, Owen Williams, seaman, died. The funeral

service was read over his remains by Lieutenant Stockwell, before they

were committed to the sea.

_Wednesday, January 26th._— —— Wells, the Captain’s steward, —— Jones,

the second mate, and John Collins, seamen, were taken ill with fever.

Having been accustomed to perform the office of doctor while in Africa,

my services in this line were put in requisition, and I immediately took

a large quantity of blood from the two latter and applied blisters,

after which Mr. Stockwell gave them medicine. To-day Charles Hall is

rather better.

_Thursday, January 27th._—John Williams, seaman was taken ill with

fever; I bled him immediately and shaved his head, and Mr. Stockwell

gave him medicine. The weather still continues calm, with light winds,

and we can still see the island. The fever seems to be making great

havoc among us. Those whose fever is intermittent are likely to do well,

but the others seem to have no chance of recovery.

_Sunday, January 30th._— —— Smith, seaman, was taken ill with fever.

This poor fellow, after I had prepared everything for bleeding him,

would not permit me to do it, but I managed to shave his head and put a

blister on it. At two P.M., —— Wells, the captain’s steward, died, while

I was lifting him up in his bed to give him some medicine. The crew are

lying in different parts of the vessel ill with fever, in a helpless and

most distressing condition. A general panic seems to have taken

possession of them all, which is likely to be attended with fatal

consequences. We determined on keeping them from knowing of the death of

the poor steward, and accordingly at night we carried his remains on

deck, and threw them into the sea over the stern of the vessel.

_Friday, February 4th._—Captain Garth was taken ill with fever, and John

Williams, seaman, died. We still have fine weather, but we are making

little progress over to the coast of America.

_Sunday, February 6th._—The chief mate taken ill with fever. So much are

we reduced now, that the three black men, with my brother and myself,

are all who are left to work the vessel, and only one of these, the

Krooman, knows how to steer. Mr. Stockwell is constantly employed in

attending the sick.

_Monday, February 7th._— —— Smith, seaman, died. In consequence of the

sick state of the crew, I have been constantly employed both day and

night in working the ship. My principal station has been at the helm

every night until twelve o’clock, and every morning after four. I manage

to get a few minutes to eat my breakfast, and the rest of my time is

occupied in attending the sails and looking to the sick. My brother’s

time is employed in nearly the same manner. In addition to our troubles,

the vessel is so completely overrun by rats, that it is quite impossible

to stay below with any comfort; and as for sleeping there, it is out of

the question. The sick are all on the upper deck in their hammocks, and

fortunately, the weather has been hitherto tolerably fine.

_Monday, March 14th._—Off Cape Frio. This evening our only Krooman fell

into the sea. This poor fellow, whose name was ‘Yellow Will,’ called

loudly to us for help, and although the vessel was not sailing at a

great rate, he missed everything that we threw overboard to save him. To

have altered the ship’s course would have endangered the masts and

sails, and our small boat was so leaky, that it would not swim. We had

no alternative, and were obliged to abandon him to his fate with the

most painful feelings, and heard his cries nearly an hour afterwards.

There is nothing more distressing than an accident of this nature. To

see an unfortunate man grasping in vain at anything which is thrown to

him as the ship passes by him—to see him struggling against his fate as

he rises on the distant wave, which frequently conceals him from view,

and to be unable to render him the least assistance, while his cries die

away in the breeze, raise sensations which it is impossible to describe.

This man, in our present condition particularly, was a great loss to us,

and was the best among the black people.

_Tuesday, March 15th._—This morning the weather was very hazy, which

prevented our seeing the land, although we knew it to be at no great

distance from us. We were becalmed all day, and found, by the decrease

of the depth, that we were drifting close on towards the shore. At five

in the afternoon, the ship was about a quarter of a mile from the land,

which we discovered by three large hills of a sugar-loaf appearance

being close to us. Finding by pieces of cork and other things which we

threw into the water, that we were drifting fast on the breakers, which

we could distinctly hear, we made an attempt to get the long-boat out to

save ourselves, as we expected the ship would be very soon wrecked, but

we found that we could not muster sufficient strength to lift her over

the side. At this critical moment, a breeze of wind from off the land

saved us from destruction, and enabled us to get the vessel under

command.

_Wednesday, March 16th._—The breeze favoured us, and at two P.M. we

anchored in the harbour of Rio Janeiro.

_Thursday, March 17th._—This morning, we went to pay our respects to

Admiral Baker, the commander-in-chief on the South American station, and

made known to him our situation and anxiety to return to England. The

Admiral received us in that kind and hospitable manner, which is the

peculiar characteristic of a British seaman: he invited us to his table

with his officers, and ordered us a passage in the William Harris, a

government transport, which is to sail for England in a day or two.

_Sunday, March 20th._—We sailed this afternoon for England, in the

William Harris. We had scarcely reached the outside of the harbour, when

the wind failed us, and we were becalmed near one of the islands. As we

found the ship drifting fast towards it, we were obliged to come to

anchor, and remained so during the first part of the night. About

midnight, a strong wind rendered it impossible for the ship to remain

longer at anchor, and no time was therefore lost in endeavouring to get

her to sea. To get the anchor on board was too long a process; the

safety of the ship became endangered by the delay it required, and to

save her from drifting on shore, we were under the necessity of cutting

the cable, by which we lost about forty-five fathoms of it, besides the

anchor. We were then enabled to set sail, and with difficulty cleared

the land to leeward of us.

_Thursday, June 9th._—We arrived at Portsmouth after a tedious voyage,

and gladly landed with hearts full of gratitude for all our

deliverances.

_Friday, June 10th._—Having left my brother at Portsmouth, I arrived in

London this morning by the mail, and reported our discovery to Lord

Goderich, his Majesty’s Colonial Secretary.

NOTE.—The curiosity of the reader will, no doubt, have been excited by

the total disregard and apathy displayed by the commander of the brig

Thomas, respecting the engagements of Richard Lander, to pay the price

for which he and his brother had been ransomed from the hands of the

Eboe people. This behaviour, which can be accounted for in no other way

than by allowing it to have arisen from a determination not to part with

the arms of the vessel, although whatever might have been given would

have been replaced at Cape Coast Castle, deeply implicated the good

faith of His Majesty’s Government, and must have been attended with a

bad effect. It is to be hoped, however, that this has been removed, as,

on the return of the Messrs. Lander, orders were immediately sent out to

pay the proper demand.—ED.

* * * * *

APPENDIX.

* * * * *

No. I.

_Translation of a letter from the Sultan of Yáouri in Africa, to His

Britannic Majesty, brought to England by Richard Lander and his brother,

in June_ 1831.

‘Praise be to God, and blessings and salutation be unto that (Prophet),

since whom there has been no other prophet.

‘To our friend in God, and his Apostle (Mohammed), the Prince of the

English Christians,—Salutation and Mercy, and Blessings of God, be unto

you, from your friend the Sultan of Yâouri, whose name is Mohammed

Ebsheer. Perfect Salutation be unto you, (and) may God cause your

mornings and evenings to be most happy, with multiplied Salutations

(from us).

‘After our Salutation unto you (some) ostrich feathers will reach you

(as a present) from the bounty and blessings of God (we have in our

country), and we, together with you, thank God (for what he has

bestowed). And Salutation be unto your hired people, (your suite,) and

peace be unto our people who praise God.

(Signed) ‘From the PRINCE

of YAOURI.

* * * * *

_Observation of the Translator._

The original of this is one of the worst of the African papers I have

seen, both as to its ungrammatical and its unintelligible character.

Indeed his _Yáourick_ Majesty seems to be sadly in need of words to make

himself intelligible.

The words between parentheses are _not_ in the original.

Translated, London 25th June, 1831.

(Signed) A. V. SALAME.

* * * * *

No. II.

LONDON MILITARY DEPÔT,

1st January, 1830.

_Delivered out of His Majesty’s Stores at this place, by an Order of the

Honourable Board of Ordnance, dated 18th December, 1829, the

undermentioned Particulars,—to_ Messrs. LANDER, _about to proceed on

Discovery in Africa._

Total. No.

{ 19¾ in bale 8

Cloth, Staff Serjeants, scarlet yds. 50 {

{ 30¼ „ 9

Ditto, ditto, blue grey, in lieu „ 10 „ 8

of yellow

Muslin, striped „ 47½ „ 9

{ 4 in 5

Mirrors No. 10 { pannier

{

{ 6 „ 6

{ 50 „ 3

Ditto, inferior quality „ 100 {

{ 50 „ 4

{ 12 „ 3

{

{ 12 „ 4

Razors, common „ 50 {

{ 12 „ 5

{

{ 14 „ 6

{ 10 „ 3

{

Scissors, assorted pairs 50 { 20 „ 4

{

{ 20 „ 6

{ 5 „ 3

{

{ 5 „ 4

Knives, clasp, assorted „ 60 {

{ 25 „ 5

{

{ 25 „ 6

{ 70 „ 5

Combs, assorted „ 100 {

{ 30 „ 6

{ 10 „ 5

{

Beads, glass lbs. 38 { 18 „ 6

{

{ 10 „ 7

{ 30 „ 5

{

Boxes, snuff, common „ 100 { 30 „ 6

{

{ 40 „ 7

{ 12 „ 3

{

{ 12 „ 4

{

Arm bands, small silver No. 64 { 12 „ 5

{

{ 6 „ 6

{

{ 22 „ 7

Thous.

{ 10 „ 1

{

{ 10 „ 2

{

{ 10 „ 3

Needles, assorted, 50,000 lbs. 10 {

{ 10 „ 4

{

{ 10 „ 5

{

{ 10 „ 6

Horns, bugles, with slings No. 2 „ 1

{ 60½ in bale 8

Calico, printed yds. 88½ {

{ 28 „ 9

{ 60 in 5

Pipes, German or Dutch No. 100 { pannier

{

{ 40 „ 7

Medals, silver, large size „ 2 „ 2

{ 25 „ 3

{

{ 25 „ 4

{ Fowling pieces „ 100 {

{ { 25 „ 5

{ {

{ { 25 „ 6

Flints, for {

{ { 12 „ 3

{ {

{ { 12 „ 4

{ Pistols „ 50 {

{ 12 „ 5

{

{ 14 „ 6

{ 1 „ 3

{

Moulds, bullet, cast one ball only „ 3 { 1 „ 4

{

{ 1 „ 5

Flasks, powder „ 2 in 2

pannier

Belts, shot „ 2 „ 2

{ No. 1 lbs. 28 „ 6

{

Shot, for fowling pieces, { { 28 lbs. „ 3

in bags of 28 lbs. each { „ 5 „ 56 {

{ { 28 „ 4

{

{ „ 8 „ 28 „ 5

{ 63 in 3

{ pannier

{

{ 62 „ 4

{ Fowling pieces No. 250 {

{ { 63 „ 5

{ {

{ { 62 „ 6

Ball, for {

{ { 37 „ 3

{ {

{ { 37 „ 4

{ Pistols „ 150 {

{ 38 „ 5

{

{ 38 „ 6

{ 4 „ 4

{

{ 4 „ 5

Powder, gun, (rifle) in tin lbs. 18 {

cannisters of 1 lb. each { 5 „ 6

{

{ 1 „ 1

{

{ 4 „ 3

Fowling-Piece, Chiefs’ guns No. 2 in case 12

Pistols brace 2 in 1

pannier

Cooking apparatus, or portable No. 1 „ 1

kitchen

Tent, circular, complete „ 1 }

} in 13

Ditto, pins „ 40 } valis

}

Mallets, tent „ 2 }

Compasses, pocket „ 2 in 2

pannier

Thermometers, in brass cases „ 2 „ 2

Watch, common silver „ 1 „ 2

Stationery parcel 1 „ 7

{ 1 „ 10

Mattresses, hammock „ 2 {

{ 1 „ 11

Soup, portable lbs. in 1

pannier

Tea „ 6 „ 2

Coffee „ 10 „ 3

Sugar „ 20 „ 2

Padlocks and keys on the medicine 7 „

panniers

Screw-drivers, common No. 3 „ 2

{ 1 „ 3

Rods, cleaning, for fowling pieces „ 2 {

{ 1 „ 4

{ 60 „ 3

{

{ 60 „ 4

{ Blank, Carbine „ 250 {

{ { 60 „ 5

{ {

{ { 70 „ 6

Cartridges {

{ { 30 „ 1

{ {

{ { 30 „ 2

{ {

{ Pistol „ 150 { 30 „ 4

{

{ 30 „ 5

{

{ 30 „ 6

Plates, tin „ 6 }

}

Hatchets, hand „ 2 }

}

Saws, ditto small „ 1 }

}

Cups, tin drinking, ⅓ quart „ 2 }

}

Tinder-box, complete „ 1 }

}

Thread, whited-brown lbs. 1 } „

}

Ink-bottle, small No. 1 }

}

Spurs, with leathers pairs 2 }

}

Files, hand, saw No. 6 }

}

Books, journal, thick quarto „ 2 }

}

Ditto, memorandum „ 2 }

}

Straps, baggage set 1 }

{ 1 in 10

Blankets, single, N. P. No. 2 { valise

{

{ 1 „ 11

{ 2 „ 10

Sheets, hospital „ 4 {

{ 2 „ 11

{ 2 in 1

{ pannier

{

{ 1 „ 3

{

Flems, furriers „ 6 { 1 „ 4

{

{ 1 „ 5

{

{ 1 „ 9

{ 1 „ 10

Bolsters, hammock, hair „ 2 {

{ 1 „ 11

{ 2 in bale 8

Water Decks, O. P. „ 3 {

{ 1 „ 9

Valises „ 3 10, 11, 13

Panniers, medicine „ 7 No. 1 to 7

Case, gun „ 1

Medicines, cases „ 2 „ 15 to 16

The last five articles as packages.

(Signed) G. STACEY.

In addition to the above, the following articles were supplied from Cape

Coast Castle, and presented by the travellers to the king of Badâgry:—

40 Muskets.

12 Signal Rockets.

20 Barrels of Ball Cartridges.

[No. III.]

_List of Medicines and Surgical Materials to be supplied for the use of

Mr. Lander and his brother, going on an expedition to Africa, with short

Directions for their Use and Application._—WOOLWICH, 28 Dec., 1829.

+------------------+------------+------------------+------------------+

| ARTICLES. |----+-------| DOSES. | REMARKS. |

| |lbs.| oz. | | |

+------------------+----+-------+------------------+------------------+

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Seidlitz powders | 12 | doz. | |to be used as |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Ditto, in powder | | 8 | | |

| | | | | |

|Oil of cinnamon | | 2 | | |

| | | | | |

|Oil of peppermint | | 2 | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Lint | | 8 | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|No. | | | | |

| | | | | |

|12 „ | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|1 No. | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|1 „ | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|box | | | | |

| | | | | |

|one | | | | |

+------------------+----+-------+------------------+------------------+

From Directions given by Sir John Webb, of Woolwich: the _Remarks_ were

of essential service to us.—R. and J. L.

_Directions for making one pint of the Solution of Citric Acid._

Take of Citric Acid 1 oz., Rain or River Water, one pint.—Mix and make a

Solution, which will be equal in strength to Lemon Juice.

_To make Saline Effervescent Draughts._

Take of Carbonate of Soda twenty-five grains,

Pure Water three table-spoonsful.

Mix, and add one table-spoonful of the Solution of Citric Acid, to be

drank _immediately_ while in a state of effervescence.

_To make Quinine Pills._

Take of the Sulphate of Quinine twenty-four grains, Conserve of Hips a

sufficient quantity.—Mix, and divide into 12 Pills. One to be taken

three times a day.

_To make Camphorated Spirits._

Take of Camphor one ounce,

Rectified Spirits of Wine, eight ounces.

Mix, that the Camphor may be dissolved. To be used as a stimulating

embrocation in sprains, bruises, or rheumatic affections of the limbs.

_To make Goulard Lotion._

Take of Acetate of Lead (called Sugar of Lead) one drachm,

Rain or River Water two pints,

Rectified Spirits of Wine 2 tea-spoonsful.

Mix, and make a Lotion; to be applied to inflamed parts, with pledgets

of linen, five or six times a day. Is also a good Eye-water.

THE END.

LONDON:

Printed by WILLIAM CLOWES,

Stamford Street.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Negro children when very young, are generally interesting,

even to an European.]

[Footnote 2: They have no such apprehensions now, and allow the

colonists to go into any part of the island without molesting them.]

[Footnote 3: Since our arrival in England this vessel has never been

heard of, and the owners have received an affidavit from us to the above

effect. There can be no doubt that the stranger was a pirate, from his

suspicious appearance and the firing that we observed; so that we

consider it a most providential escape that we did not take our passage

in her. This was the general opinion at the settlement; and that when

his people had murdered the crew of the Thomas, with their captain, or

had compelled them to ‘walk the plank,’ as they usually do, that they

sunk her after taking everything out of her which they might want.

‘Walking the plank’ is literally walking into the sea. A plank is placed

across the side of the ship, so that one end projects some distance over

it, while the other remains inside. The person condemned by these

ruffians to this mode of death, which is generally chosen to avoid one

of a more dreadful nature, is placed on the inner end of the plank, and

compelled to walk along it till he reaches the outer end, which

immediately yields to his weight, and he falls into the sea, never to

rise again. To make shorter work of it, he is sometimes loaded with a

large shot, which quickly carries him down. These fellows have another

method of disposing of any unfortunate vessel that may fall into their

hands. After having got rid of the captain and crew as above, they fill

her with slaves and send her across the Atlantic. Should the vessel be

met with by any ship of war, she escapes examination, as her appearance

when in the hands of her own commander was known, and therefore no

suspicion is excited.]

Transcriber's note:

pg v, Changed: "Departure fom Zagozhi" to: "from"

pg vi, Changed: "Conduct of the Commader of the brig" to: "Commander"

pg 28, Changed: "to pay his annnal taxes" to: "annual"

pg 197, Changed: "are never displayed except on extraordinany" to:

"extraordinary"

pg 199, Changed: "not uufrequently terminate these boisterous" to:

"unfrequently"

pg 218, Changed: "might incommmode his lady" to: "incommode"

Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.

Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.

Journal of an expedition to explore the course and termination of the Niger, Vol. 3 (of 3) · 第 7 / 7 章

The resources of the island, in point of provisions, are either