HOOKER, FORBES, TYNDALL, AND SPENCER

Of his nearer contemporaries the two most intimate and faithful of

his life-long friendships were with Tyndall and Hooker, concerning the

utter frankness of which he writes to the latter:--

I wish you wouldn't be apologetic about criticism from

people who have a right to criticize. I always look upon any

criticism as a compliment, not but what the old Adam in T.H.H.

_will_ arise and fight vigorously against all impugnment and

irrespective of all odds in the way of authority, but that

is the way of the beast. Why I value your and Tyndall's and

Darwin's friendship so much is, among other things, that you

all pitch into me when necessary. You may depend upon it,

however blue I may look when in the wrong, it's wrath with

myself and nobody else.

The common note in these friendships was not only community of aims,

but an essential generosity and sincerity. This it was that had drawn

him so strongly to Edward Forbes among the leaders of biology when he

returned, an unknown but promising pioneer of science, from the voyage

of the _Rattlesnake_. For Forbes inspired his admiration and affection

as a man of letters and an artist who had not merged the _man_ in

the man of science; free from pedantry or jealousy--the two besetting

faults of literary and scientific men; earnest, disinterested, ready

to give his time and influence to help any man who was working for the

cause; one of the few to whom a proud man could feel obliged without

losing a particle of independence or self-respect.

My notions [he writes] are diametrically opposed to his in

some matters, and he helps me to oppose him.... I had a long

paper read at the Royal Society which opposed some of his

views, and he got up and spoke in the highest terms of it

afterwards. This is all as it should be. I can reverence such

a man and yet respect myself.

Without his aid and sympathy the young man would never have persevered

in the course he ventured to choose, and in following which it was one

of his greatest hopes that they should work in harmony for long years

at the aims so dear to both.

"One could trust him so thoroughly!" There lay the root of friendship.

And the trust was thoroughly reciprocated. The entire frankness

between friends is brightly illustrated by the history of the award

of the Royal Medal in 1854. As a member of the Royal Society Council,

Huxley had to vote on the names proposed for the various medals.

For the Royal Medal first Hooker was named, and received his hearty

support; then Forbes was put up, in his eyes equally deserving, and

almost more closely bound to him by ties of active friendship, so

that, whichever way he ultimately voted, his action might possibly be

ascribed to personal, not scientific, motives. Thereupon he explained

to the Council that he considered their claims equal; that, whichever

chanced to have been put forward first, he would never have proposed

the other in opposition to him. As he had spoken of Hooker's

merits, so also he spoke of Forbes's, positively, and not by way of

comparison; and this done, voted for both!

Hooker was actually elected. Huxley then wrote to both his friends,

explaining fully what he had done. Had he felt that one of the two had

strongly superior claims, and thought it right to vote for him only,

the other, he was sure, would have fully appreciated his motives, and

it would have done no injury to their friendship.

He was not mistaken. Among his most precious possessions he kept

Forbes's reply:--

I heartily concur in the course you have taken, and, had I

been placed as you have been, would have done exactly

the same.... Your way of proceeding was as true an act of

friendship as any that could be performed. As to myself, I

dream so little about medals that the notion of being on the

list never entered my brain, even when asleep. If it ever

comes, I shall be pleased and thankful; if it does not, it is

not the sort of thing to break my equanimity. Indeed, I would

always like to see it given not as a mere honour, but as a

help to a good man, and this it is assuredly in Hooker's case.

Government people are so ignorant that they require to have

people's merits drummed into their heads by all possible

means, and Hooker's getting the medal may be of real service

to him before long. I am in a snug, though not an idle, nest;

he has not got his resting-place yet. And so, my dear Huxley,

I trust that you know me too well to think that I am either

grieved or envious; and you, Hooker, and I are much of the

same way of thinking.

Frankness was the only remedy for such an imbroglio, and, as Huxley

wrote to Hooker about a similar case a couple of years later:--

It's deuced hard to keep straight in this wicked world, but,

as you say, the only chance is to out with it, and I thank you

much for writing so frankly about the matter.

[Illustration: From a Photograph by Downey, 1890 To face p. 102]

With Hooker, the keen observer and critical reasoner, the man of warm

impulses and sane judgments, he had a peculiarly intimate bond of

friendship summed up in a letter of 1888, when they had received the

Copley medal in successive years:--

It is very pleasant to have our niches in the Pantheon close

together. It is getting on for forty years since we were first

"acquent," and, considering with what a very considerable dose

of tenacity, vivacity, and that glorious firmness (which the

beasts who don't like us call obstinacy) we are both endowed,

the fact that we have never had the shadow of a shade of a

quarrel is more to our credit than being ex-Presidents and

Copley medallists. But we have had a masonic bond in both

being well salted in early life. I have always felt that I

owed a great deal to my acquaintance with the realities of

things gained in the old _Rattlesnake_.

From earliest days, soon after they had returned, the one from the

South Seas, the other from the Himalayas, they had stood shoulder

to shoulder confidently in the struggle to put science on a firm

and independent footing. When the future of the Natural History

Collections at the British Museum was in the balance, they

energetically resolved to constitute themselves into a permanent

"Committee of Safety," to watch over what was being done and take

measures with the advice of others when necessary. Together as

biologists they realized the greatness of Darwin's vision; together

they bore the brunt of the battle of the _Origin_ at Oxford. In

seeking a good mouthpiece for scientific opinion, in reorganizing

and administering the great scientific societies, in their work for

scientific education, they shared the same ideas, and their friendship

and Tyndall's formed the starting-point of the _x_ Club, with its

regular meetings of old friends. More than once they went off on a

short holiday tour together, and when Huxley was invalided in 1873 it

was Hooker who took charge and carried him off for a month's active

trip in the geological paradise of the Auvergne. The care and company

of so good a friend made the crowning ingredient in a most successful

prescription. And when both had retired from official life a new

interest in common sprang up through Huxley's incursion into botany.

While recruiting his health in the high Alps, his interest was aroused

by the Gentians, and he wrote a valuable paper on their morphology

and distribution. This interest continued itself into the making of

a rock-garden in his Eastbourne home, where, in his spare hours,

he proceeded to put into happy practice Candide's famous maxim,

"_Cultivons notre jardin_," and drew from this occupation the simile

of the wild chalk down and the cultivated garden in his Romanes

Lecture to illustrate the contrast between the cosmic process and the

social organism.

Hooker often sent his friend plants from his own garden, sometimes

banteringly including one which would "flourish in any neglected

corner."

An unclouded intimacy of friendship lasted to the end, and it was

Hooker who received the last letter written by his friend.

Close as a brother, too, and claiming the name of brother in

affectionate adoption, was John Tyndall, radiant in genial warmth

and high spirits. They, too, were at one in thoughts, sympathies, and

aims; they travelled together, especially in the Alps, where Tyndall

mainly carried out the investigation of certain problems in relation

to the glaciers which Huxley had suggested to him, and, being "a

masterful man and over-generous," insisted that the resulting paper on

glaciers should bear both their names.

Tyndall came to the School of Mines as Professor of Physics in 1859 at

his friend's instigation, and for nine years they were, as colleagues,

in daily contact, and indeed were not far separated when Tyndall

succeeded Faraday at the Royal Institution in Albemarle Street.

Tyndall, who remained a bachelor till late in middle life, always

found a warm corner beside his friend's hearth. From the earliest days

of the household in the little house at Waverley Place he was admitted

to the inner circle of a lively friendship by Mrs. Huxley also, that

keen judge of character, and to the children ranked as a kind of

unofficial uncle. On New Year's Day he was chief among the two or

three intimates who were bidden here, having no domestic hearth of

their own, Herbert Spencer and Hirst being the other "regulars," and

later Michael Foster.

As the two men both had ready pens and stood side by side in many

controversies, they came to be regarded by the public as a pair of

Great Twin Brethren, the Castor and Pollux of many a scientific battle

of Lake Regillus. Odd confusions sometimes followed. In 1876, not

long after Tyndall's marriage to the daughter of Lord Claud Hamilton,

Huxley was described in a newspaper paragraph as setting out for

America "with his titled bride," and even, on Tyndall's death,

received the doubtful honour of a funeral sermon.

True that they did not see eye to eye on some of the most fundamental

matters of social and political principle, and where they did

Tyndall's vehement enthusiasm would sometimes sweep him into

activities where his friend could not follow. But these things were

no bar to their mutual affection and esteem, and in token of this two

letters of 1866 may be quoted, when England was sharply divided on the

question of Governor Eyre's action in suppressing an incipient revolt

in Jamaica.

In particular, a negro preacher named Gordon had been arrested,

court-martialled, and summarily executed. A Royal Commission appointed

to inquire into the case declared that the evidence given appeared to

be wholly insufficient to establish the charge upon which the prisoner

took his trial, and that in the evidence adduced they could not see

any sufficient proof of Gordon's complicity in the outbreak, or of

having been a party to any general conspiracy against the Government.

To many thoughtful and law-abiding persons such a proceeding

appeared to be no better than judicial murder, constituting a hideous

precedent; a committee was formed to present a formal indictment

against Governor Eyre and obtain a judicial pronouncement on the

question, quite apart from the two other questions persistently

confused with it--namely, was Gordon a Jamaica Hampden or was he a

psalm-singing firebrand, and was Governor Eyre actuated by the highest

and noblest motives, or was he under the influence of panic-stricken

rashness or worse impulses?

With this high constitutional end in view--the protection of

individual liberty--Huxley joined the committee. To Charles Kingsley,

who confessed to taking the hero-worshipper's view of Governor Eyre,

Huxley replied:--

I dare say he did all this with the best of motives and in a

heroic vein. But if English law will not declare that heroes

have no more right to kill people in this fashion than other

folk, I shall take an early opportunity of migrating to Texas

or some other quiet place where there is less hero-worship

and more respect for justice, which is to my mind of much more

importance than hero-worship.

In point of fact, men take sides on this question, not so much

by looking at the mere facts of the case, but rather as their

deepest political convictions lead them. And the great use of

the prosecution, and one of my reasons for joining it, is

that it will help a great many people to find out what their

profoundest political beliefs are.

The hero-worshippers who believe that the world is to be

governed by its great men, who are to lead the little ones,

justly if they can, but, if not, unjustly drive or kick them

the right way, will sympathize with Mr. Eyre.

The other sect (to which I belong), who look upon hero-worship

as no better than any other idolatry and upon the attitude of

mind of the hero-worshipper as essentially immoral; who think

it is better for a man to go wrong in freedom than to go right

in chains; who look upon the observance of inflexible justice

as between man and man as of far greater importance than even

the preservation of social order, will believe that Mr. Eyre

has committed one of the greatest crimes of which a person in

authority can be guilty, and will strain every nerve to obtain

a declaration that their belief is in accordance with the law

of England.

People who differ on fundamentals are not likely to convert

one another. To you, as to my dear friend Tyndall, with whom

I almost always act, but who in this matter is as much opposed

to me as you are, I can only say, let us be strong enough and

wise enough to fight the question out as a matter of principle

and without bitterness.

To Tyndall, whose convictions were bred in Ulster and fostered by an

ardent devotion to Carlyle, he wrote in the same strain, apropos of a

friend's banter on their sudden division:--

I replied to the jest earnestly enough--that I hoped and

believed our old friendship was strong enough to stand any

strain that might be put on it, much as I grieved that we

should be ranged in opposite camps in this or any other case.

That you and I have fundamentally different political

principles must, I think, have become obvious to both of us

during the progress of the American War. The fact is made

still more plain by your printed letter, the tone and spirit

of which I greatly admire, without being able to recognize in

it any important fact or argument which had not passed through

my mind before I joined the Jamaica Committee.

Thus there is nothing for it but for us to agree to differ,

each supporting his own side to the best of his ability and

respecting his friend's freedom as he would his own, and doing

his best to remove all petty bitterness from that which is

at bottom one of the most important constitutional battles in

which Englishmen have for many years been engaged.

If you and I are strong enough and wise enough, we shall be

able to do this, and yet preserve that love for one another

which I value as one of the good things of my life.

That public controversy could be conducted without loss of friendship

he showed also in debate with Herbert Spencer. Their private

encounters in argument were often very lively, for Spencer was a most

tenacious disputant, to whom argument was as the breath of life.

It was probably after a meeting of the _x_ Club, in the freedom of

which debate was likely to be of the liveliest, that Spencer wrote

accusing himself of losing his temper, and received the following

reply:--

Your conscience has been treating you with the most extreme

and unjust severity.

I recollect you _looked_ rather savage at one point in our

discussion, but I do assure you that you committed no overt

act of ferocity; and if you had, I think I should have fully

deserved it for joining in the ferocious onslaught we all made

upon you.

What your sins may be in this line to other folk I don't know,

but, so far as I am concerned, I assure you I have often said

that I know no one who takes aggravated opposition better than

yourself, and that I have not a few times been ashamed of the

extent to which I have tried your patience.

So you see that you have what the Buddhists call a stock of

accumulated merit, _envers moi_; and if you should ever feel

inclined to "d---- my eyes," you can do so and have a balance

left.

Seriously, my old friend, you must not think it necessary to

apologize to me about any such matters, but believe me (d--ned

or und--d),--Ever yours faithfully....

If he was comrade and brother among the friends of his own generation,

he was a living inspiration to the friends of the next generation,

especially to the pupils and teaching lieutenants who worked in

close touch with him. His younger disciples always felt that in acute

criticism and vast learning nobody surpassed him; but what they yet

more admired than his learning was his wisdom. It was a delight to

read an essay fresh from his pen, but an ever so much higher delight

to hear him talk for five minutes. "His," says Professor Hubrecht,

"was the most beautiful and the most manly intellect I ever knew

of." The personal affection as well as admiration he inspired may be

gathered from Sir E. Ray Lankester's words: "There has been no man or

woman whom I have met in my journey through life whom I have loved

and regarded as I have him, and I feel that the world has shrunk

and become a poor thing now that his splendid spirit and delightful

presence are gone from it." And Professor Jeffery Parker concludes his

Recollections of his old chief with these words:--

Whether a professor is usually a hero to his demonstrator I

cannot say; I only know that, looking back across an interval

of many years and a distance of half the circumference of the

globe, I have never ceased to be impressed with the manliness

and sincerity of his character, his complete honesty of

purpose, his high moral standard, his scorn of everything mean

or shifty, his firm determination to speak what he held to be

truth at whatever cost of popularity. And for these things

"I loved the man, and do honour to his memory, on this side

idolatry, as much as any."

Indeed, his relations with his demonstrators were typical of his

judgment of men, his distinction between the essential and the

unessential, which made him a successful administrator.

To a new subordinate "The General," as he was always called,

was rather stern and exacting; but when once he was convinced

that his man was to be trusted, he practically let him

take his own course; never interfered in matters of detail,

accepted suggestions with the greatest courtesy and good

humour, and was always ready with a kindly and humorous word

of encouragement in times of difficulty. I was once grumbling

to him about how hard it was to carry on the work of the

laboratory through a long series of November fogs, "when

neither sun nor stars in many days appeared." "Never mind,

Parker," he said, instantly capping my quotation, "cast four

anchors out of the stern and wish for day."

The first passport to his friendship was entire sincerity. Whatever

other claims might be advanced, he would shut out from any approach to

intimacy those whom he found to be untruthful or not straightforward.

Naturally he did not offer any unnecessary encouragement to bores and

dullards, but in his intercourse with these undesirables and wasters

of his time he adopted none of the "offensive-defensive" methods

of, say, Dr. Johnson or Lord Westbury. He armed himself with a cold

correctitude of politeness, and lowered the social temperature instead

of raising it.

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