VERACITY AND AGNOSTICISM

One of the most ticklish of all subjects to handle at this period was

the position of the human species in zoological classification. "It

was a burning question in the sense that those who touched it were

almost certain to burn their fingers severely." In the fifties Sir

William Lawrence had been well-nigh ostracized for his book _On

Man_, "which now might be read in a Sunday-school without surprising

anybody." When Huxley submitted the proofs of _Man's Place in Nature_

to "a competent anatomist, and good friend of his," asking him, if he

could, to point out any errors of fact, the friend--it was Lawrence

himself--declared he could find none, but gave an earnest warning as

to the consequences of publication. Here was one of the cases

where Huxley's firm resolution applied--to speak out if necessary,

regardless of consequences; indeed, he felt sure that all the evil

things prophesied would not be so painful to him as the giving up

that which he had resolved to do upon grounds which he conceived to be

right. As he wrote later (in 1876):--

It seemed to me that a man of science has no _raison d'être_

at all unless he is willing to face much greater risks than

these for the sake of that which he believes to be true; and

further, that to a man of science such risks do not count for

much--they are by no means so serious as they are to a man of

letters, for example.

The book was published, and the friend's forecast was amply justified.

The Boreas of criticism blew his hardest blasts of

misrepresentation and ridicule for some years, and I was even

as one of the wicked. Indeed, it surprises me at times to

think how any one who had sunk so low could since have emerged

into, at any rate, relative respectability. Personally, like

the non-corvine personages in the Ingoldsby legend, I did not

feel "one penny the worse." Translated into several languages,

the book reached a wider public than I had ever hoped

for; being largely helped, I imagine, by the Ernulphine

advertisements to which I referred. It has had the honour of

being freely utilized without acknowledgment by writers of

repute; and, finally, it achieved the fate, which is the

euthanasia of a scientific work, of being enclosed among the

rubble of the foundations of later knowledge, and forgotten.

To my observation, human nature has not sensibly changed

during the last thirty years. I doubt not that there are

truths as plainly obvious, and as generally denied, as

those contained in _Man's Place in Nature_, now awaiting

enunciation. If there is a young man of the present generation

who has taken as much trouble as I did to assure himself that

they are truths, let him come out with them, without troubling

his head about the barking of the dogs of St. Ernulphus.

_Veritas praevalebit_--some day; and even if she does not

prevail in his time, he himself will be all the better and

wiser for having tried to help her. And let him recollect

that such great reward is full payment for all his labour and

pains.

To speak out thus was one side of his passion for veracity. When it

was a matter of demonstrable truth, he refused to be intimidated by

great names. Already, in his Croonian lecture of 1858, "On the

Theory of the Vertebrate Skull," he had challenged, and by direct

morphological investigation overthrown, the theory of Oken, adopted

and enlarged upon by Owen, that the adult skull is a modified

vertebral column. Again, the great name of Owen, that jealous king of

the anatomical world, had in 1857 supported the assertion, so contrary

to the investigations of Huxley himself and of other anatomists, that

certain anatomical features of the brain are peculiar to the genus

_Homo_, and are a ground for placing that genus separately from all

other mammals--in a division, Archencephala, apart from and superior

to the rest. Huxley thereupon re-investigated the whole question, and

soon satisfied himself that these structures were not peculiar to man,

but are common to all the higher and many of the lower apes. This led

him to study the whole question of the structural relations of man to

the next lower existing forms. Without embarking on controversy, he

embodied his conclusions in his teaching.

Thus, in 1860, he was well prepared to follow up Darwin's words in the

_Origin of Species_, "Light will be thrown on the origin of man and

his history," and to furnish proofs in the field of Development and

Vertebrate Anatomy, which were not among Darwin's many specialities.

When Owen, at the Oxford meeting of the British Association, repeated

his former assertions, he publicly took up the challenge. On the

technical side, a series of dissections undertaken by himself,

Rolleston, and Flower displayed the structures for all to see; on the

popular side, Huxley delivered in 1860 a course of public lectures

which were the basis of his book, _Man's Place in Nature_, above

mentioned.

Here the principle is actively exemplified: speak out fearlessly at

the right moment to strike down that which is demonstrably false. It

is the counterpart to the other aspect of veracity which will not say

"I believe" to an unverified assertion. These two aspects of the

same principle, as has been seen, developed hand in hand in his early

career; but it was the active challenge to ill-based authority which,

by its courage, not to say audacity, first attracted public notice

and public abuse. The other, the apparently negative aspect, came into

general notice only after 1869. Its very reserves, however, resting on

a statement of reasons for finding the testimony to certain doctrines

insufficient, had long provoked assaults from the upholders of these

doctrines, which made no less call upon his courage and endurance.

As a philosophic position, however, it was not formally and publicly

defined until, in the debates of the Metaphysical Society founded in

that year, he invented for himself the label of Agnostic. The Society

was composed of distinguished men, representing almost every shade of

opinion and intellectual occupation; University professors, statesmen,

lawyers, bishops and deans, a Cardinal, a poet; men of science and

men of letters; Anglicans, Roman Catholics, Unitarians, Positivists,

Freethinkers.

The story is told in his article on "Agnosticism," written in 1889

(_Collected Essays_, v, 237). After describing how it came about that

his mind "steadily gravitated towards the conclusions of Hume and

Kant," so well stated by the latter as follows:--

The greatest and perhaps the sole use of all philosophy of

pure reason is, after all, merely negative, since it serves

not as an organon for the enlargement (of knowledge), but as

a discipline for its delimitation; and, instead of discovering

truth, has only the modest merit of preventing error--

he proceeds:--

When I reached intellectual maturity and began to ask

myself whether I was an atheist, a theist, or a pantheist; a

materialist or an idealist; a Christian or a freethinker; I

found that the more I learned and reflected the less ready was

the answer, until, at last, I came to the conclusion that

I had neither art nor part with any of these denominations

except the last. The one thing in which most of these good

people were agreed was the one thing in which I differed

from them. They were quite sure they had attained a certain

"gnosis"--had, more or less successfully, solved the problem

of existence; while I was quite sure I had not, and had a

pretty strong conviction that the problem was insoluble.

And, with Hume and Kant on my side, I could not think myself

presumptuous in holding fast by that opinion....

This was my situation when I had the good fortune to find a

place among the members of that remarkable confraternity

of antagonists, long since deceased, but of green and

pious memory, the Metaphysical Society. Every variety of

philosophical and theological opinion was represented

there, and expressed itself with entire openness; most of my

colleagues were _-ists_ of one sort or another; and, however

kind and friendly they might be, I, the man without a rag of

a label to cover himself with, could not fail to have some of

the uneasy feelings which must have beset the historical fox

when, after leaving the trap in which his tail remained, he

presented himself to his normally elongated companions. So

I took thought, and invented what I conceived to be the

appropriate title of "Agnostic." It came into my head as

suggestively antithetic to the "Gnostic" of Church history,

who professed to know so much about the very things of which I

was ignorant; and I took the earliest opportunity of parading

it at our Society to show that I, too, had a tail like the

other foxes. To my great satisfaction, the term took; and when

the _Spectator_ had stood godfather to it, any suspicion

in the minds of respectable people that a knowledge of its

parentage might have awakened was, of course, completely

lulled.

Of his share in the debates the late Prof. Henry Sidgwick gives the

following account:--

There were several members of the Society with whose

philosophical views I had, on the whole, more sympathy; but

there was certainly no one to whom I found it more pleasant

and more instructive to listen. Indeed, I soon came to the

conclusion that there was only one other member of our Society

who could be placed on a par with him as a debater, on the

subjects discussed at our meetings; and that was, curiously

enough, a man of the most diametrically opposed opinion--W. G.

Ward, the well-known advocate of Ultramontanism. Ward was by

training, and perhaps by nature, more of a dialectician;

but your father was unrivalled in the clearness, precision,

succinctness, and point of his statements, in his complete and

ready grasp of his own system of philosophical thought, and

the quickness and versatility with which his thought at once

assumed the right attitude of defence against any argument

coming from any quarter. I used to think that while others of

us could perhaps find, on the spur of the moment, _an_ answer

more or less effective to some unexpected attack, your father

seemed always able to find _the_ answer--I mean the answer

that it was reasonable to give, consistently with his general

view, and much the same answer that he would have given if he

had been allowed the fullest time for deliberation.

The general tone of the Metaphysical Society was one of

extreme consideration for the feelings of opponents, and your

father's speaking formed no exception to the general harmony.

At the same time, I seemed to remember him as the most

combative of all the speakers who took a leading part in

the debates. His habit of never wasting words, and the edge

naturally given to his remarks by his genius for clear and

effective statement, partly account for this impression;

still, I used to think that he liked fighting, and

occasionally liked to give play to his sarcastic

humour--though always strictly within the limits imposed by

courtesy. I remember that on one occasion, when I had read

to the Society an essay on "The Incoherence of Empiricism," I

looked forward with some little anxiety to his criticisms;

and when they came I felt that my anxiety had not been

superfluous; he "went for" the weak points of my argument in

half-a-dozen trenchant sentences, of which I shall not

forget the impression. It was hard hitting, though perfectly

courteous and fair.

The paper to be read at each meeting of the Society was printed

and circulated in advance, so that all might be prepared with their

arguments. Discussion followed the dinner at which the members met.

Of these papers Huxley contributed three, the titles of which

sufficiently indicate the fundamental points on which his criticism

played, questioning current axioms in its search for trustworthy

evidence of their validity. The first (1869) was on "The Views of

Hume, Kant, and Whately on the Logical Basis of the Doctrine of

the Immortality of the Soul," showing that these thinkers agreed in

holding that no such basis is given by reasoning apart, for instance,

from revelation. The argument is summarized in the essay on Hume

(_Coll. Ess._, vi, 201; 1878).

The second was "Has a Frog a Soul? and if so, of what Nature is that

Soul?" (1870), a physiological discussion as to the seat of those

purposive actions of which the animal is capable after it has lost

ordinary volition and consciousness by the removal of the front part

of its brain. Are these things attributes of the soul, and are

they resident not even in the brain, but in the spinal marrow? If

metaphysics starts from psychology, psychology itself depends greatly

upon physiology; current theories need reconsideration. This paper

was the starting-point for his larger essay on "Animals as Automata,"

delivered as an address before the British Association in 1874.

The third paper (1876) was on "The Evidence of the Miracle of the

Resurrection," as to which he, so to say, moved the previous question,

arguing that there was no valid evidence of actual death having taken

place. The paper was the result of an invitation on the part of some

of his metaphysical opponents. As he rejected the miraculous, they

asked him to write on a definite miracle, and explain his reasons for

not accepting it. He chose this subject because, in the first place,

it was a cardinal instance; and, in the second, that as it was a

miracle not worked by Christ himself, a discussion of its genuineness

could not possibly suggest personal fraud and so inflict gratuitous

pain upon believers in it. The question of the fundamentals of

Christian evidences had long been in his mind; it was no new subject

to him when in the eighties, debarred by his health from physiological

researches, he extended his work on Biblical studies.

If the Metaphysical Society effected nothing else, it brought about

a personal _rapprochement_ between the representatives of opposing

schools of thought. It became clear to the older school that the new

thinkers had by no means failed, as they suspected, to examine the

older doctrines. Theirs was not dishonest doubt, but a strong demand

for better evidence. If the Society itself "died of too much love," it

may well have contributed to the greater amenity of public discussion

as the years passed, and the diminution of the former rabid

denunciations which waned as the new doctrines spread, and were even

absorbed and digested by their former antagonists.

Thomas Henry Huxley: A Character Sketch · 第 21 / 52 题