EARLY DAYS

Thomas Henry Huxley was born ten years after Waterloo, while the

country was still in the backwash of the long-drawn Napoleonic wars.

It was a time of material reconstruction and expansion, while social

reconstruction lagged sadly and angrily behind. The year of his birth

saw the first railway opened in England; it was seven years before

electoral reform began, with its well-meant but dispiriting sequel

in the new Poor Law. The defeat of the political and aggressive cause

which had imposed itself upon the revolutionary inspiration of freedom

strengthened the old orthodoxies here. Questioning voices were raised

at their proper peril.

Thomas Henry was the seventh child of George Huxley and Rachel

Withers, his wife. He was born on May 4, 1825, at half-past nine in

the morning, according to the entry in the family Bible, at Ealing,

where his father was senior assistant-master in the well-known school

of Dr. Nicholas, of Wadham College, Oxford. The good doctor, who

had succeeded his father-in-law here in 1791, was enough of a public

character to have his name parodied by Thackeray as Dr. Tickleus.

"I am not aware," writes Huxley playfully in an autobiographical

sketch,

that any portents preceded my arrival in this world; but in

my childhood I remember hearing a traditional account of the

manner in which I lost the chance of an endowment of great

practical value. The windows of my mother's room were open, in

consequence of the unusual warmth of the weather. For the same

reason, probably, a neighbouring bee-hive had swarmed, and the

new colony, pitching on the window-sill, was making its way

into the room when the horrified nurse shut down the sash. If

that well-meaning woman had only abstained from her ill-timed

interference, the swarm might have settled on my lips, and

I should have been endowed with that mellifluous eloquence

which, in this country, leads far more surely than worth,

capacity, or honest work, to the highest places in Church and

State. But the opportunity was lost, and I have been obliged

to content myself through life with saying what I mean in the

plainest of plain language, than which, I suppose, there is no

habit more ruinous to a man's prospects of advancement.

The fact that he received the name of the doubting apostle was by no

means one of those superhuman coincidences in which some naive people

see portents. In later years my father used to make humorous play

with its appropriateness, but in plain fact he was named after his

grandfather, Thomas Huxley. I have not traced the origin of the Henry.

Both parents were of dark complexion, and all the children were

dark-haired and dark-eyed. The father was tall, and, I believe, well

set-up: a miniature shows him with abundant, brown, curling hair

brushed high above a good forehead, giving the effect, so fashionable

in 1830, of a high-peaked head. The features are well cut and regular;

the nose rather long and inclined to be aquiline; the cheeks well

covered; the eyes, under somewhat arched brows, expressive and

interesting. Outwardly, there is a certain resemblance traceable

between the miniature and a daguerrotype of Huxley at nineteen;

but the debt, physical and mental, owed to either parent is thus

recorded:--

Physically, I am the son of my mother so completely--even

down to peculiar movements of the hands, which made their

appearance in me as I reached the age she had when I noticed

them--that I can hardly find any trace of my father in myself,

except an inborn faculty for drawing, which, unfortunately

in my case, has never been cultivated; a hot temper, and

that amount of tenacity of purpose which unfriendly observers

sometimes call obstinacy.

My mother was a slender brunette, of an emotional and

energetic temperament, and possessed of the most piercing

black eyes I ever saw in a woman's head. With no more

education than other women of the middle classes in her day,

she had an excellent mental capacity. Her most distinguishing

characteristic, however, was rapidity of thought. If one

ventured to suggest that she had not taken much time to arrive

at any conclusion, she would say: "I cannot help it; things

flash across me." That peculiarity has been passed on to me

in full strength; it has often stood me in good stead; it

has sometimes played me sad tricks, and it has always been a

danger. But, after all, if my time were to come over again,

there is nothing I would less willingly part with than my

inheritance of mother-wit.

Restless, talkative, untiring to the day of her death, she was at

sixty-six "as active and energetic as a young woman." To her he was

devoted.

As a child my love for her was a passion. I have lain awake

for hours crying because I had a morbid fear of her death;

her approbation was my greatest reward, her displeasure my

greatest punishment.

About his childhood, he writes,

I have next to nothing to say. In after years my mother,

looking at me almost reproachfully, would sometimes say, "Ah!

you were such a pretty boy!" whence I had no difficulty in

concluding that I had not fulfilled my early promise in the

matter of looks. In fact, I have a distinct recollection of

certain curls of which I was vain, and of a conviction that

I closely resembled that handsome, courtly gentleman, Sir

Herbert Oakley, who was vicar of our parish, and who was as a

god to us country folk because he was occasionally visited

by the then Prince George of Cambridge. I remember turning my

pinafore wrong side forwards in order to represent a surplice,

and preaching to my mother's maids in the kitchen as nearly as

possible in Sir Herbert's manner one Sunday morning, when

the rest of the family were at church. That is the earliest

indication of the strong clerical affinities which my friend

Mr. Herbert Spencer has always ascribed to me, though I fancy

they have, for the most part, remained in a latent state.

He was not a precocious child, nor pushed forward by early

instruction. His native talent for drawing, had it been cultivated,

might have brought him into the front rank of artists; but on the

perverse principle, then common, that training is either useless to

native capacity or ruins it, he remained untaught, and his vigorous

draughtsmanship, invaluable as it was in his scientific career, never

reached its full technical perfection. But the sketches which he

delighted to make on his travels reveal the artist's eye, if not his

trained hand.

His regular schooling was of the scantiest. For two years, from the

age of eight to ten, he was at the Ealing school. It was a semi-public

school of the old unreformed type. What did a little boy learn there?

The rudiments of Latin, of arithmetic, and divinity may be regarded as

certain. Greek is improbable, and, in fact, I think my father had no

school foundation to build upon when he took up Greek at the age of

fifty-five in order to read in the original precisely what Aristotle

had written, and not what he was said to have written, about his

dissection of the heart.

For the rest, his experience of such a school, before Dr. Arnold's

reforming spirit had made itself felt over the country, is eloquent

testimony to the need of it.

Though my way of life [he writes] has made me acquainted

with all sorts and conditions of men, from the highest to the

lowest, I deliberately affirm that the society I fell into at

school was the worst I have ever known. We boys were average

lads, with much the same inherent capacity for good and evil

as any others; but the people who were set over us cared about

as much for our intellectual and moral welfare as if they were

baby-farmers. We were left to the operation of the struggle

for existence among ourselves; bullying was the least of the

ill practices current among us.

One bright spot in these recollections was the licking of an

intolerable bully, a certain wild-cat element in him making up for

lack of weight. But, alas for justice, "I--the victor--had a black

eye, while he--the vanquished--had none, so that I got into disgrace

and he did not." A dozen years later he ran across this lad in

Sydney, acting as an ostler, a transported convict who had, moreover,

undergone more than one colonial conviction.

This brief school career was ended by the break-up of the Ealing

establishment. After Dr. Nicholas's death, his sons tried to carry on

the school; but the numbers fell off, and George Huxley, about 1835,

returned to his native town of Coventry as manager of the Coventry

Savings Bank, while his daughters eked out the slender family

resources by keeping school.

Meantime, it does not seem that the boy Tom, as he was generally

called, received much regular instruction. On the other hand, he

learned a great deal for himself. He had an inquiring mind, and a

singularly early turn for metaphysical speculation. He read everything

he could lay hands on in his father's library. We catch a glimpse

of him at twelve, lighting his candle before dawn, and, with blanket

pinned round his shoulders, sitting up in bed to read Hutton's

_Geology_. We see him discussing all manner of questions with his

parents and friends; and, indeed, his eager and inquiring mind made it

possible for him to have friends considerably older than himself. One

of these was his brother-in-law, Dr. Cooke of Coventry, who married

his sister Ellen in 1839. Through Dr. Cooke he became, as a boy,

interested in human anatomy, with results that deeply affected his

career for good and for evil.

The extraordinary attraction [he writes] I felt towards the

intricacies of living structure proved nearly fatal to me at

the outset. I was a mere boy--I think between thirteen and

fourteen years of age--when I was taken by some older student

friends of mine to the first _post-mortem_ examination I ever

attended. All my life I have been most unfortunately sensitive

to the disagreeables which attend anatomical pursuits, but on

this occasion my curiosity overpowered all other feelings,

and I spent two or three hours in gratifying it. I did not cut

myself, and none of the ordinary symptoms of dissection-poison

supervened; but poisoned I was somehow, and I remember sinking

into a strange state of apathy. By way of a last chance, I

was sent to the care of some good, kind people, friends of

my father's, who lived in a farmhouse in the heart of

Warwickshire. I remember staggering from my bed to the window,

on the bright spring morning after my arrival, and throwing

open the casement. Life seemed to come back on the wings of

the breeze, and to this day the faint odour of wood-smoke,

like that which floated across the farmyard in the early

morning, is as good to me as the "sweet south upon a bed of

violets." I soon recovered; but for years I suffered from

occasional paroxysms of internal pain, and from that time

my constant friend, hypochondriacal dyspepsia, commenced his

half-century of co-tenancy of my fleshly tabernacle.

In this life-long recurrence of suffering he was like his great friend

and leader, Darwin. Each worked to his utmost under a severe handicap,

which, it must be remembered, in Darwin's case, was by far the

more constant and more disabling, though, happily, an ample fortune

absolved him from the troubles of pecuniary stress.

Years afterwards, one of these "good, kind friends" calls up the

picture of "Tom Huxley looking so thin and ill, and pretending to make

hay with one hand, while in the other he held a German book."

How did he come thus early to teach himself German, a study which was

to have undreamed-of consequences in his future? He learned it so well

that, while still a young man, he could read it--rare faculty--almost

as swiftly as English; and he was one of the swiftest readers I have

known. Thus equipped, he had the advantage of being one of the

few English men of science who made it a practice to follow German

research at first hand, and turn its light upon their own work.

The learning of German was one half of the debt he owed to Carlyle,

the other being an intense hatred of shams of every sort and kind. He

had begun to read the fiery-tongued prophet in his earliest teens, and

caught his inspiration at once. _Sartor Resartus_ was for many years

his Enchiridion (he says), while the translations from the German, the

references to German literature and philosophy, fired him to read the

originals.

As to other languages, his testimonials in 1842 record that he reads

French with facility, and has a fair knowledge of Latin. Thus he took

the _Suites à Buffon_ with him on the _Rattlesnake_ as a reference

book in zoology. As to Latin, he was not content with a knowledge of

its use in natural science. Beyond the minimum knowledge needful

to interpret, or to confer, the "barbarous binomials" of scientific

nomenclature, he was led on to read early scientific works published

in Latin; and in philosophy, something of Spinoza; and later,

massive tomes of the Fathers, whether to barb his exquisite irony in

dissecting St. George Mivart's exposition of the orthodox Catholic

view of Evolution, or in the course of his studies in Biblical

criticism. Of Greek, mention has already been made. He employed his

late beginnings of the language not only to follow Aristotle's work

as an anatomist, but to aid his studies in Greek philosophy and New

Testament criticism, and to enjoy Homer in the original. In middle

life, too, he dipped sufficiently into Norwegian and Danish to grapple

with some original scientific papers. When he was fifteen, Italian as

well as German is set down by him in his list of things to be

learnt, though for some time the pressure of preparing for the London

matriculation barred the way; and on the voyage of the _Rattlesnake_

he spent many hours making out Dante with the aid of a dictionary.

No doubt, also, he must have read some Italian poetry with his wife

during their engagement and early married days, for she had a fair

acquaintance with Italian, as well as equalling his knowledge of

German. When he was past sixty and ill-health, cutting short his old

activities, had sent him to seek rest and change in Italy, he took

up Italian again, and plunged into the authorities on the very

interesting prehistoric archæology of Italy.

To return to his early development. There is extant a fragmentary

little journal of his, begun when he was fifteen, and kept irregularly

for a couple of years. Here the early bent of his mind is clearly

revealed; it prefigures the leading characteristics of his mature

intellect. He jots down any striking thought or saying he comes across

in the course of his reading; he makes practical experiments to test

his theories; above all, his insatiable curiosity to find out the

"why" and "how" of things makes him speculate on their causes, and

discuss with his friends the right and wrong of existing institutions.

This curiosity to make out how things work is common to most healthy

boys; to probe deep into the reasoned "why" is rare. It makes the

practical mechanic into the man of science. Possessing both these

qualities as he did, it is easy to understand his own description of

his early ambitions:--

As I grew older, my great desire was to be a mechanical

engineer, but the fates were against this; and, while very

young, I commenced the study of medicine under a medical

brother-in-law. But, though the Institute of Mechanical

Engineers would certainly not own me, I am not sure that I

have not all along been a sort of mechanical engineer _in

partibus infidelium_. I am now occasionally horrified to think

how little I ever knew or cared about medicine as the art of

healing. The only part of my professional course which

really and deeply interested me was physiology, which is

the mechanical engineering of living machines; and,

notwithstanding that natural science has been my proper

business, I am afraid there is very little of the genuine

naturalist in me. I never collected anything, and species

work was always a burden to me; what I cared for was the

architectural and engineering part of the business, the

working out the wonderful unity of plan in the thousands

and thousands of diverse living constructions, and the

modifications of similar apparatuses to serve diverse ends.

One or two typical extracts may be given from the _Journal_, which

opens with a quotation from Novalis: "Philosophy can bake no bread;

but it can prove for us God, freedom, and immortality. Which, now, is

more practical, Philosophy or Economy?" Later comes a quotation from

Lessing, which involved a cardinal principle that he claimed for

himself, and demanded of his pupils: accept no authority without

verifying it for yourself:--

I hate all people who want to found sects. It is not error,

but sects--it is not error, but sectarian error, nay, and even

sectarian truth, which causes the unhappiness of mankind.

Electricity interests him specially; among other experiments,

while theorizing upon them, he makes a galvanic battery "in view

of experiment to get crystallized carbon: got it deposited, but not

crystallized."

He is a young Radical in his opposition to anything like injustice,

though frankly admitting that youth is not infallible. One of his

boyish speculations was as to what would become of things if their

qualities were taken away. While on this quest, he got hold of Sir

William Hamilton's _Logic_, and read it to such good effect that when,

years afterwards, he sat down to the greater philosophers, he found

that he already had a clear notion of where the key of metaphysics

lay. The following extract from the _Journal_ shows that he already

had a characteristic point of view:--

Had a long talk with my mother and father about the right to

make Dissenters pay church rates, and whether there ought to

be any Establishment. I maintain that there ought not in both

cases--I wonder what will be my opinion ten years hence? I

think now that it is against all laws of justice to force

men to support a church with whose opinions they cannot

conscientiously agree. The argument that the rate is so small

is very fallacious. It is as much a sacrifice of principle to

do a little wrong as to do a great one.

His friend, George Anderson May, with whom the boy of fifteen has "a

long argument on the nature of the soul and the difference between

it and matter," was then a man of six and twenty, in business at

Hinckley.

I maintained that it could not be proved that matter is

_essentially_, as to its base, different from soul. Mr. M.

wittily said soul was the perspiration of matter.

We cannot find the absolute basis of matter; we only know it

by its properties; neither know we the soul in any other way.

_Cogito ergo sum_ is the only thing that we _certainly_ know.

Why may not soul and matter be of the same substance (i.e.,

basis whereon to fix qualities; for we cannot suppose a

quality to exist _per se_, it must have a something to

qualify), but with different qualities?

Hamilton's analysis of the Absolute, once learned, was never

forgotten. It was a philosophic touchstone, understood by the

boy, applied by the man. With the Absolute, an entity stripped of

perceptible qualities, an "hypostatized negation," he could have no

traffic. The Cartesian motto of thought as the essence of existence

became another fixed point for him, and his last questioning phrase

half suggests the line of reasoning which, as he afterwards put

it, asserts that, philosophically speaking, materialism is but

spiritualism turned inside out.

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