CHAPTER IV

INVENTION IN ROME: ITS RISE AND FALL

We have noted, up to a time approximately that of Archimedes, a

continual succession of inventions of many kinds, that formed

stepping-stones to civilization so large and plain, that we can see

them even from this distance.

We now come to a period lasting more than a thousand years, in

the first half of which there was a gradually decreasing lack of

inventiveness shown, and in the latter half a cessation almost complete.

The nation that followed Greece as the dominant nation of the world was

Rome. She became more truly a dominant nation than Greece ever was; but

her civilization was built on that of Greece, and her success even in

war and government was due largely to following where Greece had led.

That Rome in her early days should have followed the methods of Greece

was natural of course; for the two countries were close together, and

the methods of Greece had brought success. The early religion of Rome

was so like that of Greece that even to this day the conceptions of

most of us regarding Zeus and Jupiter, Poseidon and Neptune, Aphrodite

and Venus are apt to become confused.

Like the Greeks, the Romans first were gathered in city-states that

were governed by kings; and as with the Greeks, more republican forms

were adopted later. In one important particular, the Roman practice

diverged from the Greek, and that was in incorporating conquered

states into the parent state, and granting their inhabitants the

privileges of citizenship; instead of keeping them in the condition

of mere subject states. The Roman system was somewhat like the system

of provinces established by the Assyrians. It forms the basis of the

"municipal system" of the free states of the present day, in which

local self-government is carried on, under the paramount authority of

the state.

It may be pointed out here that the conception of such an idea and its

successful development into an effective machine of government by the

Romans constituted an invention; though in view of what had been done

before by Assyria and Greece, it cannot be called a basic invention.

The early Romans were very different in their mental characteristics

from the Greeks; for they were stern, warlike, intensely practical, and

possessed of an extraordinary talent for what we now call "team work."

As a nation they were not so inventive as the Greeks; but the Roman,

Cæsar, was the greatest military inventor who ever lived.

As might be expected, their early endeavors pertained to war, and their

first improvements were in warlike things. One improvement that was

marked by considerable inventiveness was in changing the phalanx into

the legion. The phalanx, the historian Botsford tells us, was "invented

by the Spartans, probably in the eighth century B. C.," and consisted

of an unbroken line of warriors, several ranks deep. The Thebans

improved on this; and from the Theban, Philip developed the Macedonian

phalanx with which Alexander fought his way through Asia. The Romans

under Servius Tullius developed this into the Roman phalanx, which was

different only in detail. The essential characteristic of the phalanx

was strength. This was gained by the close support given by each man

to his neighbor, the personal strength of each man and the trained

co-operation of all. A tremendous blow was given to an enemy's line

when a phalanx struck it.

In the early wars among the hills of Italy, the Romans found the

phalanx too rigid for such uneven country; and it was in endeavoring

to invent a substitute that they finally developed the legion. This

machine was much more flexible, the individual soldiers had more

room for their movements, and yet the machine seemed to possess the

necessary rigidity when the shock of impact came. The heavy infantry

was in three lines, and each line was divided into ten companies, or

"maniples." The burden of the first attack was borne by the first

line. If unsuccessful, the first line withdrew through gaps in the

second line, and the second line took up the task;--and then the third,

composed of the most seasoned troops. The attack usually began with the

hurling of javelins, and was followed at once by an assault with the

Roman strong short swords.

Now the legion was just as truly an invented machine as a steam engine

is; and it had a greater influence on history than the steam engine has

ever had thus far. It was by means of their legions that the Romans

passed outside of the walls of Rome, and conquered all of Italy. It

was by means of their legions that the Romans conquered all the coast

peoples that bordered the Mediterranean Sea, subdued Gaul, Europe and

Egypt and Asia, and became the greatest masters of the world that the

world has ever seen.

The first war of the Romans that history calls great was their war

against the splendid and wealthy city of Carthage, situated on the

opposite side of the Mediterranean, inhabited by descendants of the

Phoenicians. They were an aggressive and energetic people, but only

commercially. They were not of the warlike cast, and delegated the work

of national defense to hired soldiers and sailors. They had one great

advantage over the Romans in the possession of an excellent navy.

The Romans resolved to create a navy. With characteristic energy

and practical ability, they devoted themselves at once to both the

acquisition of the personnel and the material, and the adequate

training of the crews. It is stated that within two months from the

time of starting, Rome possessed a hundred quinqueremes, the largest

galleys of those days, having five tiers of rowers; though they had had

none when the war broke out. The first naval battle took place near the

promontory of Mylæ. Naturally, the Romans were at a great disadvantage

as compared with the experienced officers and sailors in the

Carthaginian fleet; for though the Roman soldier was far better than

the Carthaginian, the Roman sailor was inexperienced and unskilful.

To remedy the difficulty, the Romans made a simple but brilliant

invention. They provided each quinquereme with a "corvus," that

consisted essentially of a drawbridge that could be lowered quickly,

and that carried a sharp spike at its outer end; and then arranged a

plan whereby each quinquereme should get alongside of a Carthaginian,

drop the drawbridge at such a time that the spike would hold the outer

end of the drawbridge in place on the Carthaginian deck, and Roman

soldiers should then rush across the drawbridge and attack the inferior

Carthaginian soldiers.

Few more brilliant inventions have ever been made; few have been more

successful and effective. The battle ended in a perfect victory for the

Romans, and constituted the initial step in the subjugation of Carthage

by Rome.

There were three wars in all, called Punic Wars. The great Carthaginian

General, Hannibal, invaded Italy by land in the Second War, and after

a campaign marked with a high order of daring and ability, threatened

Rome herself after a brilliant victory near Lake Trasimene. Another

victory followed at Cannæ, but a decisive disaster later on the

Metaurus River. So the Second War was won by Rome. But Carthage still

existed, and menaced the commercial, naval and military dominance of

Rome. Therefore war was brought about at last by Rome, and Carthage

destroyed completely.

The conduct of Rome toward Carthage cannot be justified on any grounds

of any system of morality accepted at the present day; and yet it

cannot reasonably be denied that it was better for human progress that

Rome should prevail than Carthage. The Romans, harsh and ruthless

as they were, were less so than the Carthaginians; and they had an

element of strong manliness and a comprehensive grasp of things beyond

mere commerce and money-getting and ease and comfort that the Semitic

Carthaginians wholly lacked. The effect of the conquest of Carthage by

Rome was a little like that of the conquest of Persia by Alexander.

During the same year (146 B. C.) when Rome destroyed Carthage, she also

destroyed Corinth in Greece, and brought Greece and Macedonia under her

sway. She had previously (190 B. C.) defeated Antiochus the Great, and

taken from him nearly all his territory in Asia Minor.

By the year 58 B. C., Rome had become the most powerful nation in the

world and still preserved a republican form of government. In that

year, 58 B. C., the man who probably is the most generally regarded

as the greatest man who has ever lived, appeared upon the stage of

history. His name was Julius Cæsar.

He appeared in that year, because he went then from Rome to Gaul,

and started on those brilliant and in many respects unprecedented

campaigns which have had so profound an effect on history, and which

for originality in conception and execution have had no rivals since.

At this time, Italy and the lands of Africa and Asia on which

Alexander had impressed the civilization of Greece, were prosperous

and well-governed; but beyond those countries only barbarous customs

prevailed, and only a primitive civilization reigned. The lands that

lay north and northwest of Italy, throughout all Gaul, were inhabited

by savage tribes that were in a state of continual war with each other.

In the southern and middle parts the effects of Roman civilization

might be dimly seen; but in the southwestern part, and in the north,

especially among the German tribes on the Rhine, and the Belgæ near the

North Sea, a condition of virtually pure savagery prevailed.

Into such a country Cæsar marched, at the head of a body of men wholly

inferior in numbers to those they were to meet, not superior to them

in courage or physical strength, but considerably superior to them

in discipline, and vastly superior in the weapons and methods that

had gradually been invented, with the progress of civilization. Thus,

while the Roman machine was superior as a machine to any that the

Gauls could bring to bear, it was smaller; so that the question to be

decided was whether the superior excellence of the Roman machine was

great enough to balance its inferiority in size. Looking back from our

vantage ground on the history of the campaigns that followed, we feel

inclined to answer the question in the negative, unless we consider

Cæsar himself a part of the machine. It is true that the campaigns were

decided in favor of the Roman machine; but there seems little ground

for doubting that they would not have been so decided, if the genius

of Cæsar had not managed the Roman machine and made improvements from

time to time.

Cæsar had had little experience as a soldier, but his habits of life

and traits of character were of the military kind. As the campaigns

progressed, his courage, equanimity and rapidity of thought and action

were continually displayed;--yet not to such a degree as to put him

in a higher class than many other generals of history, or to account

wholly for his marvellous successes. One peculiar ability, however,

he possessed and exercised in a degree greater than any other general

of history: and it was by the exercise of that ability that his most

extraordinary victories were achieved, and his generalship especially

distinguished from the generalship of others. That ability was

inventiveness.

His first contact was with the Swiss (Helvetii), who were about to

leave the barrenness of their mountain lands, and march west to the

fertile lands beyond. As this would take them through Roman territory

and tend to drive the Gauls into Italy, open Switzerland to occupation

by the Germans, and point a road thence for them also into Italy,

Cæsar hastened to the Rhône River, destroyed the bridge which they

would naturally go over, and forbade the Swiss to attempt to cross the

river. The Swiss pleaded with Cæsar to permit them to cross. As Cæsar

realized that the Swiss were too greatly superior in force to be kept

back, unless he could strengthen himself in some way, he asked time

for reflection, and told them to return in two weeks. When the Swiss

returned at the end of that time, their astonished eyes disclosed to

them the fact that Cæsar had constructed walls and trenches and forts

at every point where a passage could reasonably be attempted.

It may be objected that walls and trenches and forts were not new, and

that therefore Cæsar invented nothing. This may be admitted as an

academic proposition; but nevertheless, it was clearly the ingenious

and wholly unexpected construction of certain appliances by Cæsar that

opposed the barbarous Swiss with barriers which they could not pass. It

may even be argued with much reason that the conception and successful

execution of Cæsar's plan as a whole constituted an invention, even

though the material used was old. Certain it is that a situation was

created which did not exist before, and that it was the creation of

this situation, and not the exercise of strength or courage, that was

_the determining factor_ in stopping the Swiss. Froude says of Cæsar,

"He was never greater than in unlooked-for difficulties. He never

rested. He was always inventing some new contrivance."

Cæsar realized fully the value in war of mechanical appliances,

and took careful measures before he left Italy to supply his army

adequately with them, and also with men trained to use them. Besides

the fighting men strictly considered, Cæsar took a considerable number

of engineers with him, and expert men for building bridges, and doing

mechanical work of many kinds. The ingenious and frequent use that

Cæsar made of these men and of mechanical appliances was the most

powerful single factor that contributed to his success.

The Swiss departing from Switzerland by another route, Cæsar pursued

them, and defeated a fourth of them in a battle on the banks of a river

which the other three-fourths had crossed. He then built a bridge

over the river and sent his army across. This feat alarmed the Swiss

more than their defeat; because Cæsar had built the bridge and sent

his army across in one day, whereas they had consumed twenty days in

merely crossing. The Swiss pleaded to be allowed to proceed; but Cæsar

was obdurate. A battle followed, in which the Swiss, though greatly

superior in numbers and reinforced by 15,000 allies, were decisively

beaten; not because of inferior courage or warlike skill, but by reason

of inferior equipments, mechanical appliances and weapons.

Cæsar's next battle was with the Germans. It was won, if not precisely

with inventiveness, at least with "brains." He learned that the

German matrons had declared, after certain occult proceedings, that

Heaven forbade them to fight before the new moon. Apprehending his

opportunity, he advanced his forces right up to the German camp,

thereby forcing them as valiant soldiers to come out and fight. Fight

they did, but under an obvious psychological disadvantage, and with the

natural result.

In this battle, as in others between the Romans and the barbarians,

it was noticeable that although their first onslaught was fine, the

barbarians seemed to be at a loss afterwards,--if anything unexpected

occurred, or if any reverse was sustained; whereas the Romans--and

especially Cæsar himself--never behaved so well as when threatened

with disaster. This may be expressed by saying that the barbarians, as

compared with the Romans, were wholly inferior in the inventiveness

needed to devise a new plan quickly.

Not long afterward, Cæsar advanced against the town of Noviodunum. He

soon saw that he could not take it by storm; and so he brought forward

his mechanical siege appliances. The psychological effect of these on

the barbarians was so tremendous that they at once pleaded for terms of

surrender.

After a battle with the Nervii, in which Cæsar defeated them

disastrously, largely because of his resourcefulness in emergency and

their lack of it, he advanced against a great barbarian stronghold

that looked down on steep rocks on three sides, and was protected by

a thick, high double wall on the fourth side. Cæsar made a fortified

rampart around the town, pushed his mantlets (large shields on wheels

protected on the sides and top) close up to the wall, and built a

tower. The barbarians laughed at this tower; seeing it so far away

that, they thought, no darts thrown from it could reach them. But when

they saw the tower actually moving toward them they were struck with

terror and began at once to sue for peace.

During the following winter the Veneti, a large tribe on the

northwestern coast, the most skilful seamen and navigators of Gaul,

stirred up a revolt that quickly and widely spread. The situation at

once became serious for Cæsar, for the reason that the Veneti could not

be subdued, except on the sea; and neither the Roman sailors nor the

Roman vessels were as good as were those of the Veneti. Nevertheless,

Cæsar ordered war-vessels to be built on the Loire River, and seamen

and rowers to be drafted from the Roman Province.

When the improvised fleet of the Romans and the thoroughly prepared

fleet of the Veneti came together, the latter was superior even in

numbers. Furthermore, the Romans were at a great disadvantage in the

matter of throwing projectiles, from the fact that the Veneti's decks

were higher than theirs.

But Cæsar had prepared a scheme that gave him victory. In accordance

with it, the Roman galleys rowed smartly against the Veneti ships, and

Roman sailors raised long poles on which were sharp hooks which they

put over the halliards that held up the sails. Then each Roman galley

rowed rapidly away, the halliards were cut, and down came the sails.

The Veneti ships became helpless at once and were immediately boarded;

with the result that, of all the number, only a few made their escape.

Somewhat later, Cæsar decided to cross the Rhine into the country of

the Sueves, and to impress them with the power of Rome by building a

bridge and marching his army across. This bridge and the quickness and

thoroughness with which it was built are still models for engineers;

for in ten days after he had decided to build it, at which time the

material was still standing in the forest, a bridge 40 feet wide had

been constructed. Across this Cæsar at once marched his legions. The

effect on the barbarous Germans can be imagined. It made them realize

that the Romans were a race superior to themselves in ways that they

could not measure or even understand; and it impressed them with that

fear which is the most depressing of all fears, the fear of the unknown.

Did Cæsar make an invention? This depends on the meaning of the word

invention. Cæsar did not invent the bridge; but he did conceive and

carry into execution a highly original, concrete and successful scheme.

By it he accomplished as much as a victorious campaign would have

accomplished, and without shedding any blood. _He devised means which

created a state of thought in the minds of his enemies that destroyed

their will to fight._ Therein lay his invention.

Cæsar then conceived the idea of going across the water to the island

of Britain, about which little was known. After having a survey made

of the coast, he took his legions across in about eighty vessels. He

had to fight to make a landing, of course; but he succeeded, and then

formed his camp. A Roman camp, we may now remind ourselves, was so

distinctly a Roman conception, and so distinctly a part of the Roman

system of conducting war, that it almost constituted an invention.

Whenever a Roman army halted, even for one night, they intrenched

themselves within a square enclosure, surrounded with a ditch and

a palisade of stakes, and made a temporary little city, laid with

streets. In such a camp they were reasonably safe against any attack

that barbarians could make.

But a storm arose that drove some of Cæsar's ships ashore and some out

to sea. In this emergency, Cæsar's resourcefulness and energy directed

the work of recovery and repair, and enabled the Romans to collect and

put into good condition nearly all their ships. Cæsar returned shortly

afterward to Gaul; arrived there, he gave directions for building and

equipping another and larger fleet.

In the following July (54 B. C.), he started again for Britain. This

time he took five legions and some cavalry and had about 800 vessels.

He landed and formed his camp, and then advanced inland;--but another

storm arose that scattered his ships. He returned at once to the coast,

and instituted such prompt and resourceful measures that in ten days he

was able to resume his march. On this march, which took him far inland,

he was able to overcome all opposition; largely because, after the

first onset, the barbarians seemed to be without any plan of action,

while Cæsar was at his best.

_Cæsar had the ability to invent under circumstances of the utmost

danger and excitement._

Cæsar's remaining campaigns in Gaul were marked with the same

resourcefulness and originality on his part, and the same lack of

resourcefulness and originality on the part of the barbarians. Cæsar

would continually do something that the barbarians had not expected him

to do. True, they gradually learned some of his schemes and methods

from him; but only to find that he had then some newer schemes and

methods.

Cæsar at one time remarked that wise men anticipate possible

difficulties, and decide beforehand what they will do, if certain

possible occasions arise. Does not this process involve invention,

in cases where the possible occasions are not of the ordinary and

expectable kind? In such cases, does it not require imagination to

foresee the possible occasions, and form a correct picture on the mind

of the resulting situations? This being done, does it not require the

exercise of the constructive faculty afterwards, to make a concrete and

effective plan to meet them?

If it be so, then we may reasonably declare that, of all the factors

that contributed to the successes in Gaul of Cæsar, the most powerful

single factor was his inventiveness.

The final crisis came when Cæsar besieged Alesia, and Vercingetorix,

who had taken refuge in it, sent out a call for succor, that was

eagerly and promptly responded to; for it was plain to the barbarians

that Cæsar, being held in position fronting a fortress that he could

not successfully storm, would be in a precarious condition if attacked

vigorously in his rear. Attacked vigorously he was; for the barbarians

came in his rear with about 250,000 men; Cæsar having only 50,000, and

the enemy in front having 80,000.

But it required somewhat more than a month for the barbarians to unite

and reach Alesia. With his wonted energy and resourcefulness, Cæsar had

by this time cast up siege works all around the fortress, placed camps

at strategic points, and constructed twenty-three block-houses. He dug

a trench twenty feet deep around the place, and back of this began his

other siege works. These included two parallel trenches fifteen feet

broad and fifteen feet deep. Behind these he built a palisade twelve

feet high, and to this he added a breastwork of pointed stakes; while

at intervals of eighty feet he constructed turrets. In addition, he

had branches cut from trees and sharpened on the ends; and these he

fastened at the bottom of the trenches, so that the points projected

just above the ground. In front of these he dug shallow pits, into

which tapering stakes hardened in the fire were driven, projecting

four inches above the ground. These pits were hidden with twigs and

brushwood. Eight rows of these pits were dug, three feet apart; and

in front of all stakes with iron hooks were buried in the ground at

irregular intervals. When all this had been done on the side toward the

fortress, Cæsar constructed parallel entrenchments of the same kind, to

protect his rear; the two sets being so arranged with respect to each

other that the same men could man both. Having constructed all these

material appliances, he instituted a comprehensive system of drills, so

that his men would know exactly how to utilize them under all probable

contingencies.

In the battle that followed the barbarians showed their wonted courage

and dash; but an unexpected situation arose when Cæsar attacked a

separated part in their rear. Then they were seized with panic, and the

natural rout and disaster followed.

This battle decided the fate of Gaul; though its actual subduing,

especially in the southwestern part was not accomplished immediately.

The last major act was taking a strong fortress. This was accomplished

by cutting a tunnel, by which the spring was tapped that supplied

the garrison with water. As Vercingetorix said, the Romans won their

victories, not by superior courage, but by superior science.

Cæsar's later passage across the Rubicon, the flight of the Senate,

and his later operations by land and sea against Marseilles (Massilia)

and hostile forces in northern Spain, are well known, and were

characterized by the same high order of inventiveness. His later

operations against Pompey, and later still against Pharnaces and

Scipio, were conducted under conditions that gave him less opportunity

to utilize the quality of inventiveness in such clear ways; but they

were marked with the kindred qualities of foresight, skilful adaptation

of means to ends, and presence of mind in emergencies.

In the minds of some, Cæsar's greatest influence on history has been

due to his improvement of the Calendar, and especially his reforms of

the public morals and the laws of Rome, after his campaign against

Pharnaces. This subject has been the theme of jurists and scholars to

such a degree that it might seem presumptuous in a navy officer to

do more than mention it. At the same time it may be pointed out that

Cæsar's work was not in any matters of detail, or in contributing any

legal or juridical skill or knowledge, but in conceiving the idea of

creating the _Leges Juliæ_, and then creating them.

Julius Cæsar was murdered in the year 44 B. C. He was followed in power

by his grandnephew Octavius, one of the most fortunate occurrences in

history; for Octavius possessed the ability and the character to carry

on the constructive work that Julius Cæsar had begun. Under Octavius

and his successors, the Roman Empire became increasingly large and

strong, until the reign of Trajan in the second century, A. D., when it

acquired its greatest territorial extent.

During the time when Rome was increasing in extent and power, the

wealth of cities and of individuals increased also, and enormous public

works of all kinds were constructed, many of which are still the

admiration of the world. Material prosperity reached its highest point.

But the creative period had passed. Youth, with its dreams and vigor

of doing had gone, and maturity, with the luxury of prosperity and

the consequent dulling of the imagination, had assumed its place.

Senescence followed in due course. Then the empire was divided into

two parts, the Empire of the West and the Empire of the East. Finally,

in 476 A. D., Rome died and with it the Empire of the West.

[Illustration: Triumphal Procession from the Arch of Titus]

But the Eastern Empire stood, and Constantinople was its capital. And

it stood, alone and unassisted, as the sole bulwark of Christianity and

civilization for nearly 1000 years, until it finally fell before the

Ottoman Turks in 1543. It could not have done this, if in the latter

part of the seventh century when it was beleaguered by a Turkish fleet,

much greater than its own, it had not suddenly received unexpected

aid in the shape of a new invention. This was "Greek fire," which

seems to have been a pasty mixture of sulphur, nitre, pitch, and other

substances, which when squirted against wood set it on fire with a

flame that water could not quench. In the very first attack, the Turks

were so demoralized by the Greek fire that they fled in panic. They

never learned the secret and were never able to stand up against it.

On one occasion, fifteen Christian ships, using Greek fire, actually

put to rout a Turkish fleet numbering several hundred.

* * * * *

During all the countless centuries before the dawn of recorded history,

and during the approximately forty centuries that elapsed from the

beginning of recorded history until the fall of Rome, we have observed

the coming of many inventions of both material and immaterial kinds,

and noted the influence of those inventions in causing civilization,

and therefore in directing the line that history has followed.

It may be objected that a perfectly natural inference from what has

been written would be that the only thing which had influenced the

direction of movement of history was invention. To this, the answer

may very reasonably be made that this book does not pretend to be a

history, or to point out what have been the greatest factors that

have influenced its line of movement; it attempts merely to emphasize

the influence of one factor, invention, and to suggest that maybe its

influence has not hitherto been estimated at its proper value.

Another objection like that just indicated might be made to the effect

that all the progress of the world up to the fall of Rome is attributed

in this book to inventors only; that all the work of statesmen,

scientists, generals, admirals, explorers, jurists, men of business,

etc., etc., is ignored.

Such an objection would be natural and reasonable; but to it an answer

like the previous one may be made, to the effect that the purpose of

this book is not to compare the benefits conferred by any one class of

men with those conferred by any other, but merely to point out, in a

very general way, what inventors have done.

Nevertheless, it does seem clear that inventors did more to map out

the direction of the progress just traced than any other single class

of men. If we will fix our attention on any one invention about which

we know enough--say, the water-clock--we can see that the original

inventor of the water-clock (no matter who he was) had more influence

on the history of the clock than any other man has had; and that the

inventors of clocks who followed him had more influence on the clock

than any other equal number of men had. This does not mean that the

men who risked their money in making novel clocks did not influence

the history of the clock materially; and it does not mean that the men

who made good materials for them did not influence the history of the

clock greatly; and it does not mean that the engineers and mechanics

who operated them successfully did not influence its history. It would

be absurd to pretend that each one of these men did not influence

the history of the clock; for without them there would have been no

successful clock. Nevertheless, in the nature of things, the original

inventors must be credited with influencing the history of the clock

more than any other equal number of men did, just as a father must

be credited with influencing the history of his children more than

any other man can, from the mere fact of his having caused them to be

born. The inventors of clocks were the fathers of the clocks that they

invented, and also the forefathers of all the inventions that proceed

directly or indirectly from them.

What has been said about the clock applies with equal force to every

other invented thing. Therefore, it can hardly be gainsaid that, so

far as invented things are concerned, their inventors have had more

influence on the history that has resulted from them than any other men

have had.

If anyone will glance through any book of ancient history, he will

realize that it is mainly a record of wars; the political changes

caused by wars, or rendered possible by their means; the growth of

nations and other organizations; the invention of certain mechanisms,

arts and sciences; and the construction of certain structures such

as temples, palaces and ships. All these agencies influenced ancient

history, of course; but it is clear that the agency that influenced it

the most obviously and immediately was the wars.

Yet let us remind ourselves that the real effect on history of any war

was not exerted by the war itself, so much as by the result of the war.

Let us also remind ourselves that the result of any war was because of

the material forces engaged and the skill with which they were handled.

Now the material forces put onto the field of battle on each side

in any of the wars were the product of the material resources of

the country, of its wealth, its ability to manufacture weapons

and transport troops; that is, of its utilization of invented

mechanisms, processes and methods. The skill with which they were

handled--(especially when supreme skill was exerted, as in the cases of

Alexander and Cæsar)--was the outcome not of mere laborious training,

not of mere knowledge, or courage, or carefully detailed arrangement,

but of plans so conceived, developed and produced (invented) as to

confront the enemy with unexpected situations that they were not

prepared to meet. So the influence of even the wars seems to have been

due fundamentally to invention.

As to the other agencies that influenced the course of ancient history,

they seem to owe their influence even more obviously to invention than

war does. Every department of ancient civilization seems traceable back

to some invention or inventions. The whole of ancient civilization

seems to rest primarily on inventions.

As inventions were made by inventors, we seem forced to the conclusion

that inventors influenced ancient history more than any other one class

did. This does not mean that the inventor of a child's toy influenced

history more than did any one of the millions of wise and good men in

each generation who helped to keep the machine of civilization working

smoothly; for it refers to inventors as a class, and not to inventors

as individuals.

Invention: The Master-key to Progress · 第 4 / 11 章