_Continuation of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from the
death of Valdivia, to that of Caupolican._
This important victory, which was gained in the evening of the 3d
December 1553, was celebrated next day by the Araucanians with all kinds
of games and diversions, which were exhibited in a meadow surrounded by
high trees, on which the heads of the slaughtered enemies were suspended
as trophies of the victory. An immense concourse of inhabitants from all
the surrounding country flocked to Tucapel to enjoy the triumph obtained
over an enemy hitherto considered as invincible, and to join in the
festivities on this joyful occasion. In token of triumph, the Araucanian
officers dressed themselves in the clothes and armour of their slain
enemies, and Caupolican decorated himself with the armour and surcoat of
Valdivia, which was magnificently embroidered with gold. After the
conclusion of the rejoicings, Caupolican presented Lautaro to the
national assembly or Butacayog, which had met to deliberate upon the
proper measures to be pursued in farther prosecution of the war; and,
after a speech in which he attributed the whole success of the late
glorious battle to the young warrior, he appointed him extraordinary
vice-toqui, and to enjoy the command of a second army which was to be
raised for protecting the frontiers against invasion from the Spaniards.
In consideration of the inappreciable service he had rendered to his
country, the advancement of Lautaro to this new dignity was approved and
applauded by all the chiefs of the confederacy. Besides the nobility of
his origin, as he belonged to the order of ulmens, Lautaro was
singularly beautiful in his appearance, and conciliating in his manners,
and possessed talents far surpassing his years, so that in the sequel he
fully confirmed the sentiments now entertained of him by Caupolican and
the rest of his countrymen.
The sentiments of the assembled chiefs in respect to the farther
prosecution of the war, were various and discordant. Colocolo and most
of the Ulmens were of opinion, that they ought in the first place to
endeavour to free their country from the remaining Spanish
establishments within its bounds, before attempting to carry their
incursions to the north of the Biobio. Tucapel and some others of the
most daring officers, insisted that they ought to take advantage of the
present circumstances to attack the Spaniards even in the city of St
Jago, the centre of their colonies, while in a state of consternation
and dismay, and to drive them entirely from the whole kingdom of Chili.
Caupolican applauded the heroic sentiments of Tucapel, yet adopted the
council of the elder chiefs, as the most prudent and beneficial for the
interests of the nation.
About this time Lincoyan, the former toqui, who was at the head of a
detached body of troops engaged in harassing the dispersed settlements
of the Spaniards in Araucania, fell in with a party of fifteen
Spaniards, on their march from Imperial to join Valdivia, of whose total
defeat they had not yet received intelligence. Before engaging with the
enemy, whom they confidently expected to defeat with the utmost
facility, these Spaniards vainly regretted that their number exceeded
twelve, in hope that the event of the day would stamp upon their names
the chivalrous title of _the twelve of fame_. Their wishes were soon
more than gratified, as seven of them fell at the first encounter with
the enemy, and the remaining seven, taking advantage of the swiftness of
their horses, escaped severely wounded to the fortress of Puren,
carrying with them the melancholy intelligence of the total destruction
of Valdivia and his army. On this distressing news the Spanish
inhabitants of Puren, and Frontera or Angol, retired to Imperial, where
they considered themselves in greater security than in these other more
inland fortresses, which were entirely surrounded by the country of the
victorious enemy. About the same time the inhabitants of Villarica
abandoned that settlement and took refuge in Valdivia; so that two
Spanish establishments only now remained in the Araucanian country, and
both of them at a great distance from reinforcements or assistance. As
Caupolican determined upon besieging these two cities, he committed to
Lautaro the charge of defending the northern frontier against invasion,
and set out for the south to reduce the cities of Imperial and Valdivia.
The young and gallant vice-toqui, Lautaro, accordingly took post on the
lofty mountain of Mariguenu, which intervenes between Conception and
Arauco, and which he fortified with extraordinary care, rightly judging
that the Spaniards would take that road in search of Caupolican on
purpose to revenge the defeat and death of their general Valdivia. This
mountain, which has proved fatal to the Spaniards on several occasions
in their wars with the Araucanians, has a large plain on its summit
interspersed with shady trees. Its steep sides are full of rude
precipices and deep clefts or ravines, its western end being rendered
inaccessible by the sea, while on the east it is secured by an
impenetrable forest. The north side only was accessible to the
Spaniards, and even in that way it was only possible to reach the top by
a narrow and winding path.
The two Promaucians who alone had escaped from the fatal battle of
Tucapel, by favour of the darkness and under covert of a thick wood,
reached Conception, which they filled with grief and consternation, by
relating the total overthrow and massacre of the army of Valdivia. When
the general terror and dismay had a little subsided, the magistrates
proceeded to open the sealed instructions which had been left with them
by Valdivia, when he departed on his late fatal expedition. In these he
named Alderte, Aguirre, and Villagran successively to the vacant
government in case of his own decease. Alderte being gone to Europe, and
Aguirre absent on his expedition into the distant province of Cujo, the
command devolved on Villagran. After such preparations as appeared
necessary under the present emergency, Villagran crossed the Biobio with
a considerable army of Spaniards and Promaucian auxiliaries, intending
to march for Arauco in the first place. In a narrow pass at no great
distance to the south of the Biobio, he was vigorously opposed by a body
of Araucanian warriors, who withstood the utmost efforts of his army for
three hours, and then withdrew continually fighting, towards the top of
the mountain where Lautaro awaited the approach of the Spaniards with
the main body of his army, in a well chosen post defended by a strong
palisade. Villagran ordered the squadrons of cavalry to force their way
up the difficult passage of the mountain, which they effected with
infinite difficulty and severe fatigue, and were received at a short
distance from the summit by showers of stones, arrows, and other
missiles, which were incessantly discharged against them by the vigilant
and brave Araucanians. Villagran, who followed his cavalry at the head
of all the infantry of his army, with six pieces of artillery, seeing
the determined opposition of the enemy, several detachments of whom were
endeavouring to gain his flanks and rear, ordered his musquetry to
advance, and the artillery to take a favourable position for annoying
the enemy.
The mountain was enveloped in smoke, and resounded on all sides with the
thunder of the Spanish cannon and musquets, while the balls were heard
whistling in every direction, and dealing destruction among the ranks of
the valiant Araucanians, who continued vigorously to defend their post,
undismayed at the numbers who fell amid their thick array. Perceiving
that his principal loss was occasioned by the cannon, Lautaro gave
orders to one of his bravest officers, named Leucoton, to sally from the
camp with a select detachment of troops, and to gain possession of the
cannon at all events, or never more to appear in his presence. Leucoton
executed his orders with the utmost bravery, and after a furious and
bloody contest with the guard of the guns, carried them off in triumph;
while Lautaro, to prevent the Spaniards from sending succours to their
artillery, made a furious general attack on the whole line with all his
troops. Astonished by this bold and general attack, and dismayed by the
loss of their cannon, the Spanish horse and foot fell into confusion and
disorder, and were so furiously pressed upon by the valiant Lautaro and
his troops, that they dispersed and fled with the utmost precipitation.
Three thousand of the Spaniards and their Promaucian allies were slain
in this decisive battle, Villagran himself, having fallen in the
retreat, was on the point of being taken prisoner, when he was rescued
by the almost incredible efforts of three of his soldiers, and remounted
on his horse. The remaining Spaniards urged on their almost exhausted
horses to regain the narrow defile where the engagement had commenced,
and were closely pursued by the Araucanians; but on arriving at the
pass, they found it blocked up with trees, which had been felled across
by orders of Lautaro. The engagement was renewed at this place with the
utmost fury, and not a man of the broken army would have escaped, had
not Villagran opened the pass at the utmost hazard of his life. Though
the Araucanians had lost above seven hundred men in the course of this
eventful battle, they continued the pursuit a long way; but at length,
unable to keep up with the horses, and exhausted with excessive fatigue,
they gave up the pursuit, and Lautaro encamped for the night to refresh
his men, determined upon passing the Biobio next day to follow up the
consequences of his glorious and decisive victory.
On the arrival of the few Spaniards at Conception who had been able to
escape from the slaughter at Mariguenu, the city of Conception was
filled with indescribable grief and dismay, not a family but had to
deplore the loss of some near relation; and the alarm was greatly
increased by learning that Lautaro was fast approaching with his
victorious army. As Villagran considered it to be impossible to defend
the city under the present dismay of his small remaining force, he
hastily embarked all the old men, women, and children on board two ships
that happened to be then in the harbour, one of which he ordered to
proceed to Imperial, and the other to Valparaiso, while he proceeded by
land for St Jago with all the rest of the inhabitants who were able to
carry arms. Lautaro entered the city next day without opposition, which
he found entirely deserted of its inhabitants, but filled with much
valuable booty, as by its mines and commerce it had already attained
considerable opulence, and the inhabitants were in such haste to escape
with their lives, that they only took what provisions they could procure
along with them, and abandoned their riches. After removing every thing
that was valuable, Lautaro burnt all the houses, and razed the citadel
and other fortifications; after which he returned with his army to
Arauco, to celebrate his triumph after the manner usual in his country.
While Lautaro thus bravely asserted the independence of his country on
the frontiers, Caupolican marched into the south, as has been already
mentioned, to invest the cities of Imperial and Valdivia, both of which
he held closely blockaded. In this emergency, the governors of these two
cities demanded succours from Villagran; who, notwithstanding his late
terrible defeat, sent a sufficient number of troops for their defence
with all possible speed; and both places being accessible by sea, these
succours were able to arrive in time to prevent Caupolican from gaining
possession of either.
"When the army of Caupolican drew near to the city of Imperial, the air
was suddenly enveloped in black clouds, whence arose a mighty storm of
hail and rain. In the midst of the tempest the _epumanon_ or war god of
the Araucanians, made his appearance in form of a terrible dragon,
casting out fire at his mouth and nostrils, and desired them to hasten
their march as he would deliver the city into their hands, on which
occasion he enjoined them to put all the Christians to the sword. The
_epumanon_ then disappeared, and they pursued their way joyfully, being
animated by this oracle. On a sudden the heavens cleared up, and a most
beautiful woman was seen, seated on a bright cloud, and having a
charming yet severe and majestic countenance, which much abated the
pride and haughtiness inspired by the former vision. This was the _queen
of heaven_, who commanded them to return to their own homes, for God was
resolved to favour the Christians; and they immediately obeyed[70]."
[Footnote 70: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is literally
copied from Ovalle, as an instance of the puerile conceits indulged in
by the true Catholic writers of the seventeenth century. The brave and
faithful Bernal Diaz at the beginning of the sixteenth century saw no
miracles during the conquest of Mexico, and the judicious Molina at the
close of the eighteenth, modestly refrains from copying any such
incredible absurdities into his history of Chili.--E.]
On abandoning the sieges of Imperial and Valdivia, Caupolican went to
join Lautaro at Conception, in order to attempt some enterprise against
the Spaniards more practicable than the attack of fortifications, for
the assault of which the Araucanians possessed no sufficient arts or
arms. Availing himself of the absence of his redoubted enemy; Villagran,
who appears to have gone along with the succours to Imperial, ravaged
the whole Araucanian territory around that city, burning and destroying
the houses and crops, and carrying off all the provisions that were not
destroyed to the town. Though of a humane and generous disposition,
averse from the exercise of violence, Villagran endeavoured to
vindicate the employment of these rigorous measures by the necessity of
circumstances, and the pretended rights of war: But on this occasion
they were of no real service to the Spanish cause, which they
contributed to render more odious to the Araucanians; and in general the
only effect which such barbarous conduct produces, is to heap distress
on the weak and helpless. To the other terrible calamities inseparable
from war, especially when carried on in this barbarous manner, a
pestilential disease was superadded which committed dreadful ravages in
Chili, especially among the natives. During the incursions of Villagran
into the Araucanian territory, some Spanish soldiers, who were either
infected at the time or had recently recovered from the small pox,
communicated that fatal disease for the first time to the Araucanians,
among whom it spread with the more direful and rapid destruction, as
they were utterly unacquainted with its nature. So universal and
dreadful was the mortality on this occasion in several provinces, that,
in one district containing a population of twelve thousand persons, not
more than a hundred escaped with life. This pestilential disorder, which
has been more destructive than any other to the human race, had been
introduced a few years before into the northern parts of Chili, where it
then occasioned great mortality among the natives, and where it has
since frequently reappeared at uncertain intervals, and has greatly
diminished the aboriginal population. For more than a century, counting
from the present times, 1787, the southern provinces of Chili forming
the Araucanian confederacy, have been exempted from the ravages of this
cruel disease, in consequence of the most rigorous precautions being
employed by the inhabitants to prevent all communication with the
infected countries, similar to those used in Europe to prevent the
introduction of the plague.
"The following anecdote will shew what horror the small-pox has inspired
into the natives of Araucania. Some considerable time ago[71], the
viceroy of Peru sent as a present to the governor of Chili, several jars
of honey, wine, olives, and different seeds. One of these jars happened
to break while landing, and some Indians who were employed as labourers
on this occasion, imagined that the contents of the jar were the
purulent matter of the small-pox, imported by the governor for the
purpose of being disseminated among the Araucanian provinces, to
exterminate their inhabitants. They immediately gave notice to their
countrymen, who stopped all intercourse with the Spanish provinces and
flew to arms, killing above forty Spaniards who were then among them in
the full security of peace. To revenge this outrage, the governor
marched with an army into the Araucanian territory, and a new war was
excited which continued for some time to the great injury of both
nations."
[Footnote 71: The passage within commas is a note in the original
English publication of Molina; and from subsequent parts of the history,
the event here related appears to have occurred about the commencement
of the seventeenth century, or more than two hundred years ago.--E.]
While Villagran was using every possible exertion to maintain the
Spanish power in the south of Chili, by combating the brave and
victorious Araucanians, he found himself on the point of being compelled
to turn his arms against his own countrymen. It has been already
mentioned that Valdivia, in the instructions he left with the
magistrates of Conception before his fatal expedition into Araucania,
had nominated Francisco Aguirre in the second place as his own successor
in the government, and that Villagran, only third in nomination, had
succeeded to the command in consequence of the absence of the other two
who were prior to himself. When Aguirre, who was then in Cujo, where he
does not appear to have effected any thing of importance, was informed
of the death of Valdivia, and his own destination to the government of
Chili, he considered the assumption of the vacant command by Villagran
as prejudicial to his own just rights, and immediately returned into
Chili with sixty men who remained of his detachment, determined to
acquire possession of the government by force or favour. His pretensions
and those of Villagran must infallibly have kindled a civil war among
the Spaniards in Chili, to the ruin or vast detriment of the Spanish
interest, had not the competitors agreed to submit the decision of their
respective claims to the royal audience at Lima, which at that time,
1555, held the supreme legal jurisdiction over all the Spanish dominions
in South America. On this appeal, the court of audience thought proper
to set aside the pretensions of both competitors, and issued an edict
authorizing the corregidors of the different cities to command each in
their respective districts, till farther orders. Perceiving the extreme
inconvenience that must have necessarily resulted to the interests of
the colony, from this divided government, especially during so important
a war, the principal inhabitants remonstrated against the impolicy of
this decree. The royal audience listened to the representations of the
colonists, and appointed Villagran to resume the command, but only
granted him the title of corregidor, and gave him orders to rebuild the
city of Conception. Although convinced of the inutility of this measure
in the present conjuncture, Villagran, in obedience to the orders,
proceeded immediately to that place with eighty-five families, whom he
established there, and erected a strong fortification for their defence.
The native inhabitants of that part of the country which formed the
territory of Conception, were indignant at being again subjected to the
intolerable yoke of the Spaniards, and had recourse to the Araucanians
for protection. Caupolican, who seems at this time to have remained in
almost entire inaction, either ignorant of the proceedings of the
Spaniards, or from some other cause of which we are not informed,
immediately sent Lautaro at the head of two thousand warriors to the
assistance of the distressed natives on the north side of the Biobio.
The young vice-toqui, exasperated at what he called the obstinacy of the
Spaniards in rebuilding the city which he had destroyed, immediately
passed the Biobio, and the Spaniards imprudently awaited him in the open
plain, confiding in their own valour and arms, despising the superior
numbers of the barbarians. The Spaniards, however, were panic struck at
the furious energy of the first encounter, and fled with precipitation
to take shelter behind their ramparts; but were so closely pursued by
Lautaro and his valiant followers, that they were unable to close the
gate. The Araucanians entered the city along with the fugitives, many of
whom were slain; and the small remnant made a precipitate retreat, part
of them by embarking in a ship then in the port, and others by taking
refuge in the woods, whence they returned through bye-paths to St Jago.
Lautaro immediately plundered and burnt the city, and returned loaded
with spoils to his usual station on the mountain of Mariguenu. The
successful issue of this enterprise excited Caupolican to resume the
sieges or blockades of Imperial and Valdivia, during which Lautaro
undertook to make a diversion of the Spanish forces, by marching against
St Jago, by which he expected to prevent them from sending
reinforcements into the south, and he even conceived that it might be
possible to gain possession of that capital of the Spanish dominions in
Chili, notwithstanding its great distance; as the successes he had
already obtained so filled his mind with confidence that no difficulty
appeared too great to be overcome. In order to execute this hazardous
enterprise, which appears to have been concerted with Caupolican, he
only required five hundred men to be selected by himself from the
Araucanian army; but so many pressed to serve under his victorious
standard, that he was obliged to admit an additional hundred. With this
determined band of six hundred warriors, he traversed all the provinces
between the rivers Biobio and Maulé, without doing any injury to the
natives, who hailed him as their deliverer from the Spanish tyranny. But
on crossing the latter river, he immediately proceeded to lay waste the
lands of the Promaucians, who were detested by the Araucanians for
acting as auxiliaries to the Spaniards. Had he treated them with
kindness, he might in all probability have detached them from the
Spanish interest and united them in alliance with his own nation. But
impelled by eagerness for revenge, he did not appreciate the good
effects which might have flowed from a reconciliation with that numerous
and warlike nation, whom he considered as traitors to the common cause.
Having satiated his revenge, he fortified himself in an advantageous
post in their territory on the banks of the Rio-claro, probably on
purpose to gain more correct information respecting the state of the
city he intended to attack.
This ill-judged delay was of great importance to the inhabitants of St
Jago, by giving them time to prepare for their defence. They could not
at first believe it possible that Lautaro would have the audacity to
undertake a march of three hundred miles beyond the Araucanian frontiers
to attack their city; but undeceived by the refugees from Conception,
and the daily reports of the ravages of the enemy in the territories of
the Promaucians, they dispatched Juan Godinez with an escort of
twenty-five horse into the Promaucian country to watch the motions of
the enemy, and to send intelligence of his proceedings and designs.
Godinez was unexpectedly attacked by a detachment of the Araucanians,
and obliged to make a precipitate retreat to St Jago, with his numbers
considerably diminished, and filled the capital with consternation and
dismay at the intelligence of the near approach of their redoubted
enemy. On this occasion the Araucanians took ten horses and some arms
from the Spaniards, both of which were used by them in the succeeding
actions.
Villagran, who was at this time unable to take the field in consequence
of illness, sent his son Pedro against Lautaro with such troops as could
be procured, and immediately proceeded to fortify all the approaches to
the city of St Jago with strong entrenchments. In the mean time, young
Villagran attacked the Araucanians in their fortified post. Instructed
by their intrepid yet wary commander, the Araucanians pretended to take
flight after a short resistance; but the Spaniards were no sooner
entered into the abandoned inclosure, than they returned upon them with
such impetuosity, that Pedro and his men were completely routed, and
only the cavalry was able to escape by flight, all the infantry who had
penetrated the Araucanian camp being put to death. After procuring
reinforcements, young Villagran returned three several times to attack
the camp of Lautaro, in all of which attempts he was repulsed with
considerable loss. He now encamped his force in a low meadow on the
banks of the river Mataquito, at no great distance from the entrenched
post of Lautaro. The Araucanian general formed a plan for inundating the
camp of the Spaniards during night, by turning upon them a branch of the
river; but the Spaniards being informed of this design by a spy,
withdrew to St Jago.
Having recovered from his illness, Villagran was solicited by the
citizens of St Jago to exert himself to dislodge the Araucanians from
their neighbourhood, as they every moment expected to see them at their
gates. He accordingly, some time in the year 1556, set out from the city
at the head of 196 Spaniards and 1000 Indian auxiliaries, in search of
Lautaro. Instructed by his severe defeat at Mariguenu, Villagran
resolved to attack the enemy by surprise; and quitting the direct road,
he secretly directed his march towards the Araucanian encampment in the
night by a private path under the guidance of a spy, and reached their
entrenchments undiscovered at day-break. Lautaro, who had been on guard
all night according to his usual custom, had just retired to rest when
the alarm was given of the attack from the Spaniards. He hastened
immediately to the spot, to observe the enemy and to issue his orders
for defence; but at the moment of his arrival, a dart from the hand of
one of the Indian auxiliaries pierced him to the heart. Encouraged by
this fortunate event, which was soon known to the Spaniards, Villagran
urged the assault of the entrenchments, and soon forced an entrance in
spite of the Araucanians, who made an obstinate defence. Finding their
post carried, the Araucanians retired to an angle of their works,
determined rather to allow themselves to be cut in pieces than to
surrender. In vain the Spanish commander repeatedly offered quarter;
they continued fighting with the utmost obstinacy till every man of them
was cut off, many of them even throwing themselves on the lances of the
Spaniards, as if courting death in preference to submission. This
victory, which was not obtained without considerable loss on the part of
the Spaniards and their allies, was celebrated in St Jago and the other
Spanish settlements with every demonstration of joy. The Spaniards
felicitated themselves on being freed from a redoubted enemy, who at the
early age of nineteen had already obtained so many victories over them,
and who threatened to destroy their settlements in Chili, and even to
harass them in Peru.
When the terror which this young hero had inspired was removed by his
death, even his enemies extolled his valour and military talents, and
compared him to the greatest generals who had figured in ancient times,
calling him the Chilese Hannibal. To use the words of the abbe
Olivarez:--"It is not just to depreciate the merit of one, who, had he
been of our nation, we should have vaunted as a hero. If we celebrate
the martial prowess of the Spanish Viriatus, we ought not to obscure the
fame of the American Lautaro, as both valorously contended in arms for
the liberties of their country."
For a long time the Araucanians lamented the untimely fate of the
valiant Lautaro, to whom they owed all the success which their arms had
hitherto atchieved, and on whose conduct and bravery they entirely
relied for the preservation of their independence. His name is still
celebrated in their heroic songs, and his actions are still proposed as
the most glorious model for the imitation of their youth. Above all
others, Caupolican felt and lamented the loss of his valiant associate.
Far from thinking he had got free from a rival of his fame, he
considered that he had lost his chief coadjutor in the glorious cause of
restoring their nation to independence. Immediately on receiving the
mournful intelligence, he quitted the siege of Imperial, though reduced
to the last extremity, and returned with his army to defend the northern
frontiers of Araucania, and to protect his country from the incursions
of the Spaniards, as he learnt by his spies that they soon expected a
large reinforcement of men and warlike stores from Peru under a new
commander.
On learning the death of Valdivia, as formerly related, Philip II. gave
charge of the government and conquest of Chili to Alderete, the agent
who had been sent by Valdivia into Spain, and furnished him for this
purpose with six hundred regular troops. During the voyage to the Tierra
Firma, the ship was set on fire by accident, by his sister who was
accustomed to read in bed; and of the whole number on board, Alderete
and three soldiers alone escaped to Porto Bello. Overcome with grief and
disappointment at this melancholy catastrophe, Alderete died soon after
in the small island of Taboga in the gulf of Panama. When informed of
this disaster, and of the threatening aspect of affairs in Chili in
consequence of the untoward events in the Araucanian war, the marquis of
Canete, then viceroy of Peru, appointed his son Don Garcia Hurtado de
Mendoza, to the vacant government. As this charge had become both
important and dangerous, the marquis resolved that his son should be
accompanied by such a body of forces as might be able to support his
authority, and might enable him successfully to terminate the war
against the Araucanians. As the civil dissensions in Peru were now at an
end, and that country abounded in military adventurers eager for
employment, he was soon able to levy a respectable force of horse and
foot for this expedition. The infantry, all well equipped and appointed,
with a great quantity of military stores; embarked in ten ships under
the command of Don Garcia in person; and the cavalry marched by land
under the orders of Garcia Ramon, who was appointed quarter-master-general
of Chili.
Don Garcia arrived with his fleet in safety in the Bay of Conception, in
the month of April 1557, and came to anchor near the island of
Quiriquina, which was chosen as the headquarters as a place of great
security. The scanty population of the island attempted to oppose the
disembarkation of the troops, but being soon dispersed by the artillery,
they retired in their piraguas to the continent. A small number being
made prisoners, the governor sent two or three of them with a message to
the Araucanians, to inform them of his arrival, and that he was desirous
to settle a lasting peace with them on fair terms. In an assembly of the
Ulmens to deliberate upon this message, the general opinion was that no
propositions ought to be listened to from an enemy who had returned in
greater force than ever, under the idea that any terms they might
propose would necessarily be treacherous and unfair. Old Colocolo
observed, however, that no injury could arise from listening to the
proposals of the Spanish governor; and that they even had now a
favourable opportunity for obtaining a knowledge of the amount of his
force, and for discovering his designs. For this purpose, therefore, he
thought it advisable that they should send an intelligent person, under
pretence of congratulating the new governor on his arrival, and thanking
him for his offer of amicable terms of peace, who might at the same time
gain information of whatever he should consider important to regulate
their future conduct. Caupolican and most of the older officers adopted
this judicious proposal, and the important commission was confided to
Millalauco, a person who possessed every requisite for the business
confided to his charge.
Millalauco accordingly crossed the narrow strait which separates the
island of Quiriquina from the continent, and presented himself to the
Spaniards with all the pride which characterises the Araucanian nation.
In their turn, the Spaniards were willing to give him a high idea of
their military power, and drew out their troops in order of battle for
his reception, conducting him to the tent of the governor amidst
repeated discharges of their artillery. Not in the least disconcerted by
this military parade, Millalauco complimented the governor in the name
of Caupolican and the Araucanian chiefs, declaring that they would all
be happy in the establishment of an honourable peace, advantageous to
both nations, in their desire for which they were solely actuated by
motives of humanity, and not by any dread of the Spanish power. Don
Garcia, though much disappointed by these vague offers, replied in the
same general terms respecting peace; and, after regaling the ambassador
in a magnificent manner, he ordered some of his officers to conduct him
over the whole encampment, in expectation of intimidating him by
displaying the immense military preparations which accompanied him to
Chili. This was exactly suited to the wishes of Millalauco, who observed
every thing with the utmost attention, though with apparent
indifference; and, having taken leave of the Spaniards, he returned to
make his report to the assembled chiefs. On receiving an exact report of
all that had been seen by their envoy, the Araucanian chiefs gave orders
for the establishment of centinels along the coast of their country, to
observe and communicate notice of the movements of the Spaniards, and
commanded the warriors to prepare for taking the field at the first
summons, as they believed a renewal of the war was near and inevitable.
Don Garcia continued inactive almost the whole of the winter in the
island of Quiriquina, waiting the arrival of his cavalry from Peru, and
for reinforcements which he had required from the cities of Chili. At
length, on the night of the 6th August 1557 he privately landed 130 men
and several engineers on the plain of Conception, and immediately took
possession of Mount Pinto which commands the harbour, where he
constructed a fort well garnished with cannon, and surrounded by a deep
ditch. This event was immediately communicated to Caupolican, who
hastily collected his forces, and passed the Biobio on the 9th of
August, and next morning at day-break, a day remarkable in Europe by the
defeat of the French at St Quintin, he assailed the new fortress on
three sides at once, having sent on in front a body of pioneers to fill
up the ditch with fascines and trunks of trees. The assault was long
urged with all the furious and obstinate bravery which distinguishes the
Araucanians. Numbers mounted the parapet, and some even leapt within the
walls, destroying many of the defendants. But the cannon and musquetry
of the Spaniards were so skilfully directed, and the slaughter of the
assailants so prodigious, that the ditch was filled with dead bodies,
serving as bridges for the new combatants who pressed on to replace
their slain comrades. Tucapel, impelled by his rash and unparalleled
valour, threw himself into the fort, where he slew four of the enemy
with his formidable mace, and then made his escape by leaping from a
precipice amidst a shower of balls.
While the assault of the fortress was pushed with the utmost fury and
was seen from the island of Quiriquina, the remainder of the Spanish
army came over to the aid of the garrison, and formed in order of
battle. The debarkation was observed by Caupolican who immediately sent
a part of his troops to meet this new enemy. After a severe conflict of
several hours, this detachment was driven back to the mountain with
heavy loss, so that the Araucanians were now placed between two fires;
yet they did not lose courage, and continued fighting till mid-day. At
length, worn out with the length of the combat, the Araucanian general
drew off to the Biobio, determined to collect a new army and to return
to the attack. Having in a short time reinforced his army, Caupolican
began his march towards Conception; but, learning on his way that the
governor had received a numerous reinforcement, he halted on the banks
of the Biobio, deeply chagrined at not being able to effect the
destruction of the new fortress of Conception, which had been twice
performed by Lautaro with the universal applause of the nation.
In fact, on the preceding day the Spanish cavalry from Peru, consisting
of 1000 well armed men, had arrived at Conception, together with another
squadron of Spanish horse from Imperial, and 2000 Promaucian
auxiliaries. Being now at the head of a numerous and well-appointed
army, Don Garcia determined to invade the Araucanian territory. For this
purpose he crossed the Biobio in boats, six miles above its mouth, where
the river is about 1500 paces broad. As the Spanish cannon in the boats
commanded the opposite bank of the river, Caupolican made no attempt to
obstruct the passage, but drew up his army at no great distance in a
position flanked by thick woods, by which his retreat would be secured
in case of being defeated. The battle began by several skirmishes, which
ended in favour of the Araucanians; several advanced parties of the
Spaniards being repulsed by the enemy with loss, though reinforced by
order of Ramon the quarter-master-general. Alonzo Reynoso likewise, who
was dispatched to their aid with fifty horse, was defeated in his turn,
and obliged to retreat leaving several of his men dead on the field. At
length the two armies met and joined battle. Encouraged by the
advantages they had already gained, the Araucanians used every effort to
come to close quarters with the Spaniards, notwithstanding the heavy
fire of eight pieces of artillery which played incessantly from the
front of the enemy. But when they came within reach of the musquetry,
they were quite unable to resist the close and well directed fire
continually kept up by the veteran troops of Peru. After many
ineffectual attempts to close in with the Spaniards, and losing a vast
number of their bravest warriors, they fell into confusion from the
vacancies in their ranks, and began to give ground. By a well timed
charge, the cavalry put them completely to the rout, and made a
prodigious slaughter among them in their flight to the woods.
Either from innate cruelty of disposition, or on mistaken principles of
policy, Don Garcia pursued the most rigorous measures against the enemy.
Contrary to the opinion and advice of most of his officers, he was the
first who introduced the barbarous practice of mutilating and putting to
death the prisoners; a system which may intimidate and restrain a base
people accustomed to servitude, but cruelty is detestable in the
estimation of a generous nation, and serves only to exasperate and
render them irreconcileable[72]. Among the prisoners taken on this
occasion was one named Galvarino, whose hands were cut off by order of
Don Garcia, and was then set free. He returned to his countrymen, to
whom he displayed his bloody and mutilated stumps, which so inflamed
them with rage against the Spaniards, that they all swore never to make
peace with them, and even denounced the punishment of death against any
one who should have the baseness to propose such a measure. Even the
women, excited by desire of revenge, offered to take up arms and fight
along with their husbands, which was actually done by many of them in
the subsequent battles. From thence originated the fable of Amazons in
Chili, placed by some authors in the southern districts of that country.
[Footnote 72: In a note of the original translation, it is said that
"the Indian allies of the Spaniards cut off the calves from the
Araucanian prisoners, which they roasted and eat. And, by means of
certain leaves applied to the wounds, prevented the effusion of a single
drop of blood."--E.]
After the victory, Don Garcia proceeded with his army into the province
of Arauco, constantly harassed by flying detachments of the enemy, who
never ceased doing them every possible injury. On his arrival at
Melipuru[73], Don Garcia caused several native prisoners to be tortured,
in order to obtain information of the situation of Caupolican, but none
of them would discover the place of his retreat. On being informed of
this barbarous procedure, Caupolican sent notice by a messenger that he
was not far off, and meant to meet the Spaniards the next day. Don
Garcia and his army, being alarmed by this intelligence, passed the
whole night under arms, and accordingly the Araucanian army made its
appearance next morning at day-break, advancing in regular array in
three several lines. The Spanish cavalry made a furious charge upon the
front line, commanded by Caupolican in person, who made his pikemen
receive the charge with levelled spears, while the alternate
mace-bearers were directed to strike at the horses heads. By this
unexpected reception, the Spanish cavalry were obliged to retreat in
confusion; upon which the Araucanian general and his division broke into
the centre of the Spanish infantry with great slaughter, Caupolican
killing five of them with his own hand. Tucapel advanced with his
division in another quarter with equal success, and at the first attack
broke his lance in the body of a Spaniard, and then drawing his sword
slew seven others. He received several wounds at this time, yet seeing
the valiant Rencu, formerly his rival for the office of toqui,
surrounded by a crowd of enemies, he fell upon them with such fury that
he killed a considerable number of them, and rescued Rencu from imminent
danger. Victory, for a long time undecided, was on the point of
declaring for the Araucanians, as the Spaniards were ready to give way;
when Don Garcia gave orders to a body of reserve, hitherto unengaged, to
attack that division of the enemy which was commanded by Lincoyan and
Ongolmo. This order, which was executed with promptitude and success,
preserved the Spanish army from total destruction. This line or division
of the Araucanians being broken and routed, fell back tumultuously upon
the other two divisions, then nearly victorious, and threw them into
such inextricable confusion, that being utterly unable to restore his
troops to order, after repeated ineffectual efforts, Caupolican was
reluctantly constrained to sound a retreat, and yielded the victory to
his enemies which he had fondly imagined was already secured to himself.
In their retreat, the Araucanian army would have been utterly cut to
pieces, had not Rencu, by posting himself in a neighbouring wood with a
party of warriors whom he rallied, called off the attention of the
victors from the pursuit, which they urged with the most deadly rancour.
After sustaining the violence of the Spanish assault till such time as
he judged his dispersed countrymen had ensured their safety, Rencu and
his companions retired through the wood by a secret path and rejoined
his countrymen.
[Footnote 73: Called Millapoa, perhaps by mistake in Pinkerton's map of
Chili, a place very near the southern shore of the Biobio, and marked
_arruinada_ probably meaning in ruins.--E.]
Before leaving Melipuru, Don Garcia caused twelve ulmens who were found
among the prisoners, to be hanged on the trees that surrounded the field
of battle, and Galvarino, now again a prisoner, was condemned to the
same fate. That unfortunate youth, notwithstanding the loss of his
hands, had accompanied the Araucanian army, and had never ceased during
the late battle to excite his countrymen to fight valiantly, exhibiting
his mutilated stumps to inspire them with fury and revenge, and even
using his teeth to do all the injury he was able to the enemy. One of
the captive ulmens, overcome with terror, abjectly petitioned for his
life; but Galvarino reproached him in such severe terms for his
cowardice, and inspired him with so great contempt for death, that he at
length rejected a proffered pardon, and even entreated to die the first,
as an expiation of his weakness, and the scandal he had brought upon the
character of his nation. After this barbarous execution, by which he
sullied the glory of his victory, Don Garcia proceeded into the province
of Tucapel to the place where Valdivia had been defeated and slain,
where he built, as if in contempt of the Araucanians, a city which he
named _Canete_[74] from the titular appellation of his family. Being in
the centre of the enemies country, he strengthened this new city or
fortress with a good palisade, a deep ditch, and strong rampart, mounted
with a number of cannon, and left a select garrison for its defence
under the command of Alonzo Reynoso.
[Footnote 74: Probably the place distinguished in modern maps by the
name of Tucapel-viejo, about 40 miles south from the Biobio.--E.]
Believing that the Araucanians, whom he had now defeated in three
successive battles, were no longer in condition to oppose his victorious
arms, he went with his army to Imperial, where he was received in
triumph. Soon after his arrival at that place, he sent off a plentiful
supply of provisions for the garrison of his new city under a strong
escort, which was attacked and routed in a narrow pass called Cayucupil
by a body of Araucanians, and had certainly been entirely destroyed if
the enemy had not given them an opportunity of escaping to Canete with
little loss, by eagerness to seize the baggage. The fugitives were
received in Canete with much joy, as Reynoso had learnt that Caupolican
intended to attack him. In fact, only a few days afterwards, that
indefatigable general, whom misfortune seemed to inspire with fresh
courage, made a furious assault upon the place, in which his valiant
troops, with arms so extremely inferior to their enemies, endured a
continual fire of cannon and musquetry for five hours with the most
heroic firmness, pulling up and burning the palisades, filling the
ditch, and endeavouring to scale the ramparts. But valour alone was
unable to prevail in this difficult enterprise, and Caupolican was
constrained to desist from the attempt by open force, and to try some
more secure expedient for attaining his end. With this view he persuaded
one of his officers, named _Pran_, who was of an artful character, to
introduce himself into the garrison as a deserter, in order to fall upon
some device for delivering it up. Pran accordingly obtained admission in
that character, and conducted himself with the most profound
dissimulation. He soon formed a strict friendship with a Promaucian
named Andrew, in the service of the Spaniards, who seemed a fit
instrument for his purpose. One day, either artfully to sound or flatter
him, Andrew pretended to sympathize with his new friend on the
misfortunes of his country; and Pran eagerly took advantage of this
favourable opportunity, as he thought, to carry his designs into
execution, and revealed to Andrew the motive of his pretended desertion,
earnestly entreating him to assist in the execution of his plan, which
was to introduce some Araucanian soldiers into the place, during the
time when the Spaniards were accustomed to indulge in their _siesta_ or
afternoon sleep. Andrew readily engaged to give every assistance in his
power, and even offered to keep one of the gates open on the day
assigned for executing the enterprise. Pran, elated with joy at the
supposed acquisition of a so useful associate, hastened to Caupolican,
who was only at a short distance from Canete, to whom he related the
success of his endeavours. On his side, Andrew gave immediate notice of
the intended plot to Reynoso, the commander of the fort, who desired him
to keep up the deception by appearing to concur in its execution, in
order to entrap the enemy in their own snare.
Entirely occupied with an ardent desire of accomplishing this enterprise
against Canete, Caupolican lost sight of his wonted prudence, and too
easily reposed confidence in this ill concerted scheme. The better to
arrange his measures on this occasion, he procured an interview with
Andrew by means of Pran, and the artful Promaucian appeared before
Caupolican with that flattering show of respect and attachment which
villains know so well to assume. He broke out into virulent invectives
against the Spaniards, whom he pretended to have always detested, and
declared his readiness to perform the promise he had made to Pran,
asserting that the execution of the plot would be perfectly easy.
Caupolican applauded his partriotism, and engaged, if the plot
succeeded, to raise him to the office of ulmen, and to appoint him first
captain in the Araucanian army in reward of his services. He then shewed
him the troops which he had along with him, appointing next day for
executing the plot, and dismissed him with the strongest assurances of
favour and esteem. Andrew immediately communicated the intelligence to
Reynoso, and the Spaniards employed the whole of that night in making
every preparation to obtain the greatest possible advantage from this
double act of perfidy. When the particulars of this plot were
communicated to the principal officers of the Araucanian army, they
openly disapproved of it, as disgraceful to the national honour, and
refused to accompany Caupolican in the expedition. But he obstinately
adhered to his design, and began his march at day-break for Canete with
three thousand men, with whom he posted himself in concealment near the
place, till Pran came to inform him from Andrew that every thing was in
readiness to deliver the place into his hands. The Araucanians
immediately proceeded in silence towards the city, and finding the gate
open according to promise began to enter it. When a sufficient number
were got in, the Spaniards suddenly closed the gate upon them, and
immediately opened a fire of grape-shot on those without who were
crowding to the gate, making a dreadful slaughter. The cavalry belonging
to the garrison, being all in readiness, issued from another gate, and
completed the destruction of all who had escaped from the fire of the
cannon, so that hardly one of all the Araucanians escaped. Caupolican
escaped the general slaughter of his men with a small number of
attendants, and retired to the mountains, whence he hoped to be soon
able to return with a new army sufficiently numerous to keep the field.
While the cavalry gave a loose to their fury on the Araucanians without
the walls, the infantry were employed within the fort in putting to
death all that had got through the gate; who, finding all chance of
escape utterly hopeless, chose rather to be cut in pieces than
surrender. Pran, discovering his error when too late, rushed among the
thickest of the foe, and escaped by an honourable death from the well
merited reproaches of his imprudent and fatal credulity. Among a few
prisoners taken on this occasion were three ulmens, who were all blown
from the mouths of cannon.
As Don Garcia believed the Araucanian war was terminated by this
destructive enterprise, he gave orders to rebuild the city of
Conception, and desirous of adding fresh laurels to the victories he had
already obtained, he marched in 1558 with a numerous army against the
Cunches in the south of Chili, a nation which had not yet been assailed
by the Spanish arms. On first hearing of the approach of the Spaniards,
the chiefs of the Cunches met in council to deliberate whether they
should submit or resist the invasion of these formidable strangers. On
this occasion, one Tunconobal, an Araucanian exile, who was present in
the assembly, was desired to give his opinion, which he did in the
following terms. "Be cautious how you adopt either of these measures. If
you submit, you will be despised as vassals and compelled to labour; if
you resist in arms, you will be exterminated. If you desire to get free
of these dangerous visitors, make them believe that you are miserably
poor. Hide your property, particularly your gold; and be assured the
Spaniards will not remain in your country if they have no expectation of
procuring that sole object of all their wishes. Send them such a present
as may impress them with an opinion of your extreme poverty, and in the
mean time retire into the woods."
The Cunches approved the wise council of the Araucanian, and deputed him
with nine natives of the country to carry a present to the Spanish
general, such as he had recommended. He clothed himself and his
companions accordingly in wretched rags, and made his appearance with
every mark of fear before Don Garcia. After complimenting him in rude
terms, he presented him with a basket containing some roasted lizards
and wild fruits, as all that the poverty of the country could supply.
The Spaniards could not refrain from laughter at the wretched appearance
of the ambassadors and their miserable present, and endeavoured to
dissuade the governor from pursuing the expedition into so unpromising a
region. Unwilling to relinquish his plan with too much facility, he
exhorted his troops to persevere; assuring them that, according to
information he had received, they would find a country abounding in the
precious metals. This was indeed by no means improbable, as it was usual
in America to meet with the richest countries after passing through
frightful deserts. He then inquired of the Cunches which was the best
road into the south. Tunconobal directed him towards the west, which was
the roughest and most mountainous; and on being asked for a guide, left
one of his companions, whom he directed to lead the Spanish army by the
most difficult and desolate roads near the coast. The guide followed the
instructions of Tunconobal with so much judgment, that although the
Spaniards had been accustomed to surmount the severest fatigues in their
pursuit of conquests, they declared they had never encountered such
difficulties in any of their former marches. On the fourth day of this
terrible march, their guide quitted them, and they found themselves in
the middle of a frightful desert surrounded by rugged precipices, whence
they could perceive no way by which to extricate themselves. But Don
Garcia encouraged them to persevere, by the flattering assurance of soon
reaching a happy country which would amply repay all their present
fatigues and privations.
Having at length overcome all the obstacles in their way, the Spaniards
arrived at the top of a high mountain, whence they discovered the great
archipelago of _Ancud_, more commonly named of Chiloé, the channels
among the islands being covered by innumerable boats or canoes navigated
by sails and oars. They were filled with joy at this unexpected
prospect; and as they had suffered many days from hunger, they hastened
to the shore, and were delighted by seeing a boat making towards them,
in which were fifteen persons handsomely clothed. These natives
immediately leaped on shore without evincing the smallest apprehension
of the Spaniards, whom they cordially saluted, inquiring who they were,
whence they came, whether they were going, and it they were in want of
any thing. The Spaniards asked for provisions, and the chief of these
strangers immediately gave them all the provisions in his boat, refusing
to accept any thing in return, and promised to send them a large
immediate supply from the neighbouring islands. Indeed the famished
Spaniards had scarcely completed their encampment, when numerous
piraguas arrived from the different islands, loaded with maize, fruit,
and fish, all of which the natives distributed gratuitously among them.
Constantly and liberally supplied by these friendly islanders, the
Spaniards marched along the shore of the continent opposite the
archipelago, all the way to the Bay of Reloncavi. Some of them went over
to the neighbouring islands, where they found the land well cultivated,
and the women employed in spinning wool, mixed with the feathers of
sea-birds, which they manufactured into cloth for garments. The
celebrated poet Ercilla was one of the party; and as he was solicitous
of the reputation of having proceeded farther south than any other
European, he crossed the gulf to the opposite shore, where he inscribed
some verses on the bark of a tree, containing his own name and the date
of the discovery, being the 31st January 1559.
Satisfied with this discovery of the archipelago of Chiloe, Don Garcia
returned towards the north, having one of the islanders as a guide, who
conducted him safely to Imperial through the inland country of the
Huilliches, which is for the most part level and abounds in provisions.
The inhabitants, who are similar in all respects to their western
neighbours the Cunches, made no opposition to his march through their
country; and Don Garcia on this occasion founded the city of Osorno in
their country at the western extremity of a great lake, though
according to some authors he only rebuilt that town. For some time this
place increased rapidly in population and wealth, in consequence of
great abundance of fine gold being found in its neighbourhood, and of
extensive manufactures of woollen and linen carried on by its
inhabitants; but it was afterwards destroyed by the toqui
Paillamacu[75].
[Footnote 75: The ruins of Osorno are in lat. 40° 30' S. and long. 73°
20' W. The lake, or _Desaguodero de Osorno_, extends 50 or 60 miles from
east to west, by a breadth of 6 or 7 miles.--E.]
While Don Garcia was engaged in this expedition into the south of Chili,
Alonzo Reynoso the commandant of Canete used every effort to discover
the place in which Caupolican lay concealed, both offering rewards for
information and even employing torture to extort intelligence from the
natives. He at length found a person who engaged to point out the place
in which the Araucanian general had concealed himself ever since his
last defeat. A detachment of cavalry was accordingly sent under the
guidance of this traitor, and coming upon him by surprise one morning at
day-break, succeeded in taking that great and heroic champion a
prisoner, after a gallant resistance from ten faithful followers who
continued to adhere to him under his misfortunes. During this combat,
his wife incessantly exhorted him to die rather than surrender; and on
seeing him made prisoner, she indignantly threw towards him her infant
son, saying she would retain nothing that belonged to a coward. The
detachment returned to Canete with their prisoner, amidst the rejoicings
of the inhabitants, and Reynoso immediately ordered the redoubted toqui
to be impaled and shot to death with arrows. On hearing his sentence,
Caupolican addressed Reynoso as follows, without the smallest change of
countenance, and preserving all his wonted dignity. "My death, can
answer no possible end, except that of inflaming the inveterate hatred
already entertained by my countrymen against the Spaniards. Far from
being discouraged by the loss of an unfortunate leader, other
Caupolicans will arise from my ashes, who will prosecute the war against
you with better fortune. If however you spare my life, from the great
influence I possess in Araucania, I may be of great service to the
interests of your sovereign, and in aiding the propagation of your
religion, which you say is the chief object of the destructive war you
wage against us. But, if you are determined that I must die, send me
into Spain; where, if your king thinks proper to condemn me, I may end
my days without occasioning new disturbances to my unhappy country."
This attempt of the unfortunate toqui to prevail on Reynoso to spare his
life was in vain, as the sentence was ordered to be carried into
immediate execution. A priest, who had been employed to converse with
Caupolican, pretending to have converted him to the Christian faith,
hastily administered the sacrament of baptism; after which the prisoner
was conducted to the scaffold erected for his public execution. When he
saw the instrument of punishment, which till then he did not clearly
comprehend, and noticed a negro who was ready to execute the cruel
sentence, he became exasperated, and hurled the executioner from the
scaffold with a furious kick, indignantly exclaiming, "Is there no sword
and some less unworthy hand to put a man like me to death? In this
punishment there is no semblance of justice: It is base revenge!" He was
however overpowered by numbers, and compelled to undergo the cruel and
ignominious punishment to which he had been condemned. The name of
Reynoso is still held in detestation, not only by the Araucanians, but
even by the Spaniards themselves, who have ever reprobated his conduct,
as cruel, unnecessary, and impolitic, and contrary to those principles
of generosity on which they pride themselves as a nation.