_Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to the
commencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians_.
Having obtained absolute command of the Spanish possessions on the
southern side of South America, by the defeat and death of his rival
Almagro. Pizarro resolved to resume the conquest of Chili, which he
conceived might become an important acquisition. Among the adventurers
who had come from Spain to Chili, were two officers who held royal
commissions to attempt this conquest, named Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, and
Camargo. To Hoz had been confided the conquest of the country from the
confines of Peru to the river Maulé; and to Camargo the remainder of the
country beyond that river to the archipelago of Chiloé. Jealous of the
interference of these officers in the country which he considered as his
by right of discovery, Pizarro refused under frivolous pretences to
confirm the royal nomination, and chose for the conduct of the
expedition Pedro de Valdivia, his quarter-master, a prudent active and
brave officer, who had acquired military experience in the wars of
Italy, and who had already evinced a strong attachment to his party. On
this occasion, Valdivia was directed to take Hoz along with him to
Chili, and to allow him every advantage he could possibly desire in the
allotment or repartition of lands and Indians in the expected conquest.
Valdivia accordingly set out from Cuzco in 1540, with a force of 200
Spaniards, and accompanied by a numerous body of Peruvian auxiliaries,
taking likewise along with him some monks, several Spanish women, and a
great number of European quadrupeds, with every requisite for settling a
new colony in the country. On his march for Chili he pursued the same
route with Almagro; but instructed by the misfortunes of his
predecessor, he did not attempt to pass the Andes till the middle of
summer, by which precaution he was enabled to enter Chili without
incurring any loss. His reception there however, even in the northern
provinces, was very different from that which had been experienced by
Almagro. Informed of the conquest of Peru by the Spaniards, owing to
which they were freed from the submission they had come under to the
Incas, they did not consider themselves bound to transfer their
obedience to the present invaders. The Copaipans accordingly began to
attack Valdivia immediately on entering their country, assailing him at
every step with much valour, but with very little conduct. Like
barbarians in general, they were incapable of making a common cause with
each other; and having been long accustomed to servitude under the
Peruvians, during which all union among the northern tribes had been
dissolved, they attacked their invaders in separate hordes as they
advanced into the country, and without that steady and firm courage
which stamps the valour of a free people in the defence of their
liberties. In spite of this desultory and uncombined opposition from the
natives, Valdivia traversed the provinces of Copaipo, Coquimbo,
Quillota, and Melipilla, with Very little loss though much harassed, and
arrived in the province of Mapocho, now called St Jago.
This province, which is more than 600 miles from the confines of Peru,
is one of the pleasantest and most fertile in the kingdom. Its name of
Mapocho signifies in the Chilese language, _the land of many people_;
and according to the earliest writers respecting Chili, its population
was then extremely numerous. This province, which borders on the Andes,
is 140 miles in circumference, and is watered by the rivers Maypo,
Colina, Lampa, and Mapocho, which last divides it into two nearly equal
parts. In one place this river sinks into the earth, and after a
subterraneous course of five miles, emerges again with an increase of
its waters, and finally joins the river Maypo. The mountains of Caren,
which terminate this province on the north, abound in gold, and in that
part of the Andes which forms the eastern boundary, there are several
rich mines of silver. Valdivia had penetrated thus far into the country
on purpose to render it difficult for his soldiers to return into Peru,
and he now determined to form a settlement in this province, which from
its remote situation and natural advantages, seemed excellently
calculated to become the centre of his intended conquests. Having
selected with this view a convenient situation on the left shore of the
Mapocho, he laid the foundation of the intended capital of the kingdom
of Chili, on the 24th of February 1541, naming this new city St Jago, in
honour of the tutelary saint of Spain. In laying out the ground plan of
the intended city, he divided the whole into plots or squares of 4095
toises each[64], and allotted a quarter of each square as the scite of a
house for each citizen, which plan has been followed in laying out all
the other cities in Chili. One of these areas situated on one side of
the great square was destined for the cathedral and bishops palace, and
another for the house of the governor and the public offices. He then
appointed a cabildo or magistracy, according to the usual forms in
Spanish cities, from those persons in his small army that were best
qualified for the purpose; and, for the protection of the new
settlement, in case of attack from the Chilese, he built a fort on a
hill in the centre of the city, which has since received the name of St
Lucia.
[Footnote 64: Though not distinctly so expressed, this must be
considered as square toises, making each side of the square 64 toises,
or 384 feet. In a former account of the city of St Jago, the public
square is described as being 450 feet on each side.--E.]
Though many have applauded the sagacity of Valdivia in the choice of a
situation for the capital of the new colony, it would in my opinion have
been much better placed on the banks of the river Maypo, about fifteen
miles farther south; as that river is much larger than the Mapocho, has
a direct communication with the sea, and might easily be made navigable
for ships of considerable burden. In the year 1787, this city contained
more than 40,000 inhabitants, and was rapidly increasing in population,
owing to its being the seat of government, and the residence of many
wealthy and luxurious families, by which it attracts considerable
commerce.
The natives observed the progress of this new settlement with much
jealousy, and concerted measures for freeing themselves from such
unwelcome intruders; but, as Valdivia discovered their intentions, he
confined the chiefs of the conspiracy in his new fortress; and having
intimation of a secret intelligence being carried on between the
Mapochians and their neighbours, the Promancians, he repaired with a
body of sixty horse to the river Cachapoal or Rapel to watch the motions
of that brave and enterprising nation. This precaution was however
altogether unnecessary, as that fearless people had not sufficient
policy or foresight to think of uniting with their neighbours in order
to secure themselves from the impending danger. Taking advantage of the
absence of Valdivia, the Mapochians fell upon the new settlement with
desperate fury, burnt all the half-built houses, and assailed the
citadel on all sides, in which the inhabitants had taken refuge. While
the Spaniards were valiantly defending their imperfect fortifications, a
woman named Inez Suarez, beat out the brains of all the captive chiefs
with an axe, under the apprehension that they were endeavouring to
regain their liberty, and might assist the assailants in gaining
possession of the fort. The attack began at day-break, and was continued
without intermission till night, fresh assailants continually occupying
the places of those who were, slain or disabled.
The commandant of the Spaniards, Alonzo de Monroy, found means to send a
messenger to inform Valdivia of his situation; and the governor
accordingly hastened to the aid of the besieged with all possible
expedition, and found the ditch almost filled with dead bodies, while
the enemy, notwithstanding the heavy loss they had sustained, were
preparing to renew the assault. Drawing out its infantry from the fort
to join the cavalry he had along with him, Valdivia advanced in order of
battle against the forces of the enemy, who were posted on the bank of
the Mapocho. The battle was again renewed in this place, and obstinately
contested with equal valour on both sides; but with great disadvantage
on the part of the natives, who were far inferior in arms and discipline
to the Spaniards. The musquetry and the horse made a dreadful slaughter
among Mapochians, who were only armed with bows and slings; yet
obstinately bent upon preserving their independence, and regardless of
their own importance, they rushed on to inevitable destruction; till
having lost the flower of their valiant warriors, and reduced to a small
number, they at length fled and dispersed over the plain.
Notwithstanding this memorable defeat, and others of not less importance
which they sustained afterwards, the Mapochians did not cease for the
space of six years to keep the Spaniards closely blockaded in St Jago,
continually attacking them on every opportunity, and cutting off their
provisions so effectually, that they were often reduced to great
straits, having to subsist upon unwholesome and loathsome viands, and
what little grain they were able to raise under protection of the cannon
from the ramparts. At length, worn out and brought to utter ruin by this
incessant warfare, the remnant of the Mapochians destroyed their own
crops and retired to the mountains, leaving the fertile plains around
the new city utterly deserted and uncultivated.
The soldiers under Valdivia became wearied and disgusted by this
continual war, so different from what they had expected; and as they
believed him obstinately bent upon adherence to his own plan, and
resolved to continue the settlement in spite of every opposition from
the natives, they entered into a conspiracy to kill their general and to
return into Peru, where they expected to enjoy more ease and
tranquillity. Having fortunately got notice of this conspiracy,
Valdivia, who possessed great prudence and an insinuating address, soon
conciliated those who were least implicated. After this, as he only had
the title of general which did not confer any civil and judicial power,
he assembled the Cabildo of the city, and persuaded them to invest him
in the office of governor of the city and kingdom. In this imposing
capacity, he tried and capitally punished some of the ringleaders of the
conspiracy, and then prudently exerted himself to soothe the turbulent
and seditious spirits of the remainder, by buoying up their hopes with
the most flattering promises of future wealth. He had often heard in
Peru, that the valley of Quillota abounded in mines of gold, and was
hopeful therefore of being able to obtain a sufficient quantity from
thence to satisfy the avidity of his soldiers. Notwithstanding the
difficulties with which he was surrounded, he sent a party of soldiers
into the valley of Quillota, with orders to superintend and protect a
number of labourers in digging for the precious metal said to be abound
in that place. The mine which was opened upon this occasion proved
remarkably rich and productive, surpassing their most sanguine hopes; so
that all their past sufferings and present difficulties were soon buried
in oblivion, and henceforwards no one had the remotest wish to leave the
country. Valdivia, encouraged by this success to new enterprises,
ordered a carrack or ship of some considerable size to be built at the
mouth of the river Chillan, which traverses the valley of Quillota, for
the purpose of more readily obtaining succours from Peru, without which
he was fully sensible he could not possibly succeed in the vast
enterprise he had in view, which was no less than to accomplish the
entire reduction of Chili.
In the mean time, considering the urgent state of his affairs, Valdivia
resolved to dispatch two of his principal officers, Alonzo Monroy, and
Pedro Miranda by land to Peru, with an escort of six horsemen, whose
spurs, bits, and stirrups he directed to be made of solid gold, hoping
thereby to entice a sufficient number of recruits to come to his
assistance, by this obvious proof of the riches of the country. Although
these messengers were escorted to the confines of Chili by thirty
additional horsemen, they were attacked and defeated in the province of
Copaipo by a hundred archers, commanded by Coteo, an officer of the
_Ulmen_ of that province. Of the whole party none escaped with life but
the two officers, Monroy and Miranda, who were made prisoners and
carried before the _ulmen_ covered with wounds. The prince had resolved
on putting them both to death; but, while deliberating on the mode of
execution, his wife, the _ulmena_ or princess of Copaipo, moved by
compassion for their unhappy situation, successfully interceded with her
husband to spare their lives, unbound them with her own hands, tenderly
dressed their wounds, and treated them as if they had been her brothers.
When they were entirely recovered, she desired them to teach her son
the art of riding, as several of the Spanish horses had been taken in
the late defeat. The two Spaniards readily consented to her request,
hoping to avail themselves of this circumstance to give them an
opportunity of recovering their liberty, which they did in effect; but
the means they employed was marked by a cruel act of ingratitude to
their compassionate benefactress, of so much deeper turpitude that it
was unnecessary for their purpose. As the young prince was one day
riding between them, escorted by a party of archers and preceded by an
officer carrying a lance, Monroy suddenly dispatched him with two or
three mortal wounds of a poniard. At the same time Miranda wrested the
lance from the officer of the guard, who were thrown into confusion by
this unexpected event, and the two Spaniards readily accomplished their
escape. Being well mounted, they easily eluded pursuit, and made their
way through the desert into Peru, whence they continued their way to
Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro then resided, who had succeeded to the
government after the cruel assassination of Francisco Pizarro by the
Almagrian faction.
When De Castro was informed of the critical situation of affairs in
Chili, he immediately sent off a considerable reinforcement by land
under the command of Monroy, who had the good fortune to conceal his
march from the Copaipans, and to join Valdivia in safety. At the same
time the president of Peru dispatched by sea Juan Batista Pastene, a
noble Genoese, with a more considerable reinforcement for Valdivia. On
receiving these two reinforcements, which arrived about the same time,
Valdivia began to carry his great designs into execution. Being
solicitous to have a complete knowledge of the sea-coast, he ordered
Pastene to explore the whole as far to the southwards as possible,
noting the most important places all along the coast; and, on his return
from this maritime survey, he sent him back to Peru for additional
reinforcements, as the natives had become every day bolder and more
enterprising, ever since their victory in Copaipo over Monroy and
Miranda. Only a little before this, the Quillotans had contrived to
massacre all the soldiers employed at the gold mines in their country,
by the following stratagem. One day a neighbouring Indian brought a pot
full of gold to Gonzalo Rios, the commandant at the mines, and told him
that he had found a great quantity in a certain district of the country
which he offered to point out. On this information, all were eager to
proceed immediately to the place, that they might participate in the
imaginary treasure. As they arrived at the place described in a
tumultuary manner and entirely off their guard, they fell into an
ambush, by which the whole party was slain, except their imprudent
commander and one negro, both of whom saved their lives by the speed of
their horses. About the same time the vessel which Valdivia had ordered
to be built at the mouth of the river Chillan was burnt by the natives,
together with the store-houses or arsenal which he had established in
that place.
On receiving notice of the disaster which had taken place at the mines,
Valdivia hastened to Quillota with a strong body of troops, and took
revenge as far as he could on the Quillotans for the death of his
soldiers; after which, he constructed a fort in their country in which
he left a garrison for the protection of the people employed in the gold
mines. Being soon afterwards reinforced by three hundred men from Peru,
under the command of Francisco Villagran and Christoval Escobar, he
made choice of a beautiful plain near the mouth of the river Coquimbo,
at which place there is a very convenient natural harbour, near which he
erected in 1544: a city which he named _Serena_, to serve as a place of
arms to protect the northern part of Chili, and to secure the convoys
and reinforcements which might come from Peru in that direction. This
place is still known in geography by the name of Serena; but in Chili
the native name of Coquimbo prevails, as is the case with most of the
Spanish cities and towns in Chili.
In the ensuing year, 1545, Valdivia marched into the country of the
Promaucians, with the view of extending his conquests to the southwards.
Contemporary historians have not left an account of the events of this
year, nor of any battles having been fought on this occasion; yet it is
hardly to be supposed that this valiant tribe, who had so gloriously
repulsed the armies of the Inca and of Almagro, would allow Valdivia to
reduce their territory to subjection without a struggle. However this
may have been, it is certain that he had the art to persuade the
Promaucians to enter into an alliance with him against the other tribes
of Chili; as ever since the Spanish armies in Chili have been assisted
by Promaucian auxiliaries, owing to which the most rooted antipathy has
been constantly entertained by the Araucanians against the remnant of
the Promaucians. In the year 1546, Valdivia passed the river Maulé, and
reduced the natives to obedience from that river to the Itata. While
encamped at a place named Quilacura, near the latter river, he was
attacked one night by the natives, who destroyed many of his horses, and
put him into imminent danger of a total defeat. His loss on this
occasion must have been considerable; as he found it necessary to
relinquish his plan of farther conquest, and to return to St Jago to
wait reinforcements from Peru. As the expected reinforcements did not
arrive, and Pastene, who had been sent into Peru to endeavour to procure
recruits, brought news in 1547 of the civil war which then raged in
Peru, Valdivia determined to go thither in person, expecting to reap
some advantages from these revolutionary movements.
Valdivia sailed therefore with Pastene for Peru, taking with him a great
quantity of gold, and left Francisco Villagran in charge of the
government of Chili during his absence. Valdivia accordingly arrived in
Peru, where he offered his services to the president De la Gasca, and
acted with great reputation as quarter-master-general of his army in the
war against Gonzalo Pizarro. The president was so much satisfied with
the services which were rendered by Valdivia on this occasion, that,
after the insurrection of Gonzalo was entirely subdued, he confirmed him
in the office of governor of Chili, and sent him back to that kingdom
with abundance of military stores, and with two ships filled with the
soldiers who had served under Gonzalo in the late insurrection, glad of
an opportunity of getting rid of so many seditious people for whom there
was then no fit employment in Peru.
During the absence of Valdivia from Chili, Pedro de Hoz, who had been
deprived of that share in the conquest and government which had been
granted him by the court of Spain, and who had imprudently put himself
under the power of his more successful rival, was accused of entering
into secret practices for usurping the government. It is now unknown
whether this accusation was well-founded, or if it were merely a
pretence for getting rid of him; but, however this may have been,
Villagran condemned him to be beheaded in 1548, either to please
Valdivia by ridding him of a dangerous competitor, or perhaps in
consequence of secret instructions for that purpose. About this time,
the Copaipans killed forty Spaniards, who were proceeding in several
separate detachments from Peru to Chili; and the Coquimbans, at the
instigation of these northern neighbours, massacred all the inhabitants
of the new city of Serena, and razed that place to the foundations. On
this occasion Francisco Aguirre was sent into this part of Chili with a
military force, to chastise the natives, and had several encounters with
them with various success. In 1549, he rebuilt the city of Serena in a
more commodious situation, and the inhabitants have ever since
considered him as the founder of their city, many of the most
distinguished inhabitants of which still boast of being his descendants.
After an incessant contest of nine years, attended by incredible
fatigues, numerous dangers, and many reverses, Valdivia considered
himself as solidly established in the dominion of that portion of Chili
which had formerly been under the authority of the Incas. He accordingly
distributed the territory among his followers in repartimientos,
assigning a considerable portion of land with all its native inhabitants
to each of his followers in proportion to their rank and services, under
the denomination of commanderies, according to the baneful system of
feudalism then prevalent in Europe. Having thus quieted the restless
ambition and mutinous spirit of his soldiers, he advanced towards the
south to extend his conquests, accompanied by a respectable force both
of Spanish and Promaucians. After a march of 250 miles, during which he
encountered few obstacles of any moment, he arrived at the Bay of Penco,
now generally called the Bay of Conception, which had been already
explored by Pastene during his voyage of discovery formerly mentioned;
and near that excellent bay he laid the foundation of the third city in
Chili, on the 5th of October 1550, to which he gave the name of
Conception.
The situation of this place was admirably adapted for commerce, from the
excellence of its harbour; as the bay extends six miles from east to
west and nine miles from north to south, defended at its entrance from
the sea by the pleasant island of Quiriquina. The passage into the bay
on the north side of this island, called the _bocca grande_, is about
half a league broad, and has sufficient water for the largest ships.
That on the other side of the island, or _bocca chica_, is very narrow,
and is only navigable by small vessels. The soil around this place,
under the influence of an admirable climate, produces abundance of
timber, excellent wine, and all the necessaries of life, and is not
deficient in the valuable minerals; and both the sea and the adjoining
rivers afford great quantities of fine fish. But owing to the lowness of
the situation which was chosen for this city, it was much exposed to
inundations of the sea during earthquakes, which are frequent in Chili.
On the 8th of July 1730, this city was nearly destroyed by an earthquake
and inundation; and experienced a similar calamity on the 24th of May
1751. In consequence of these repeated calamities, the inhabitants
established themselves on the 24th of November 1764 in the valley of
Mocha, nine miles south from Penco, between the rivers Andalian and
Biobio, where they founded a city to which they gave the name of New
Conception. The harbour named Talgacuano, situated at the south-east
extremity of the bottom of the bay, is between six and seven miles from
the new city; and a fort is all that now remains of the old city, now
called Penco.