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A
GENERAL
HISTORY AND COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
* * * * *
BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
* * * * *
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. V.
MDCCCXXIV.
CONTENTS
OF
VOL. V.
* * * * *
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
CHAP. VII. _Continued_. Continuation of the early history of Peru, after
the death of Francisco Pizarro to the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the
reestablishment of tranquillity in the country; written by Augustino
Zarate,
SECT. III. Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to his
deposition and expulsion from Peru,
SECT. IV. History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the
expulsion of the Viceroy to his defeat and death,
V. Continuation of the Usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, to the arrival of
Gasca in Peru with full powers to restore the Colony to order,
VI. History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the death of Gonzalo
Pizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity,
VII. Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, and
their unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma,
CHAP. VIII. Continuation of the early history of Peru, from the
restoration of tranquillity by Gasca in 1549, to the death of the Inca
Tupac Amaru; extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega,
SECT. I. Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca,
to the appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy,
II. History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza,
III. Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of the
Viceroy Mendoza,
IV. Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty of the
Marquis de Cannete,
V. History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del Cannete,
VI. Incidents in the History of Peru, during the successive Governments
of the Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro, and Don Francisco de
Toledo,
CHAP IX. History of the Discovery and Conquest of Chili,
SECT. I. Geographical View of the Kingdom of Chili,
II. Of the Origin, Manners, and Language of the Chilese,
III. State of Chili, and Conquests made in that Country by the
Peruvians, before the arrival of the Spaniards,
IV. First Expedition of the Spaniards into Chili under Almagro,
V. Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to the
commencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians,
VI. Narrative of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from
the year 1550, to the Defeat and Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the 3d of
December 1553,
SECT. VII. Continuation of the War between the Spaniards and
Araucanians, from the death of Valdivia, to that of Caupolican,
VIII. Continuation of the Araucanian War, after the Death of Caupolican,
to the Reduction of the Archipelago of Chiloe by the Spaniards,
IX. Continuation of the Araucanian War to the Destruction of all the
Spanish Settlements in the territories of that Nation,
X. Farther Narrative of the War, to the Conclusion of Peace with the
Araucanians,
XI. Renewal of the War with the Araucanians, and succinct Narrative of
the History of Chili, from 1655 to 1787,
XII. State of Chili towards the end of the Eighteenth Century,
XIII. Account of the Archipelago of Chiloe,
XIV. Account of the native tribes inhabiting the southern extremity of
South America,
CHAP. X. Discovery of Florida, and Account of several ineffectual
Attempts to Conquer and Settle that Country by the Spaniards,
SECT. I. Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon,
II. Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer
Florida; together with some account of that Country,
III. Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss
of Narvaez,
Sect. IV. Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand
de Soto,
V. Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida,
VI. Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto,
[Illustration: VICEROYALTY OF NEW GRANADA]
A
GENERAL HISTORY
AND
COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
* * * * *
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
* * * * *
CHAPTER VII _Continued_.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCO
PIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF
TRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.
SECTION III.
_Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to his
deposition and expulsion front Peru_.
The viceroy received immediate intelligence of the revolt of Puelles, as
mentioned in the foregoing section, which; was brought to him by a
Peruvian captain named Yllatopa; and, though he considered it as a very
unfortunate incident, he took immediate measures to counteract their
intentions of joining the enemy, by sending a detachment to occupy the
passes of the valley of Jauja, through which they must necessarily march
on their way from Guanuco to join Gonzalo. For this purpose, he
immediately ordered his brother Vela Nunnez to march in all haste with
a detachment of forty light armed cavalry, and thirty musqueteers under
the command of Gonzalo Diaz, besides whom ten of the friends and
relations of Nunnez went as volunteers on this expedition. On purpose to
expedite the march of this detachment as much as possible, the viceroy
caused thirty-six mules to be purchased, which cost 12,000 ducats, the
money being taken from the royal treasury. Being thus excellently
equipped, they set out from Lima, and marched to Guadachili[1], about
twenty leagues from Lima on their way to the valley of Jauja. At this
place a plot was formed by the soldiers for killing Vela Nunnez and
deserting to the army of Gonzalo, which was revealed by the following
incident. Certain scouts who preceded the detachment about four leagues
beyond Guadachili in the district of Pariacaca, met the friar Thomas de
San Martino, provincial of the Dominicans, who had been sent by the
viceroy to Cuzco to try if it were possible to come to some agreement
with Gonzalo; on this occasion one of the soldiers secretly informed the
provincial of the particulars of the conspiracy, begging him to take
immediate means of prevention, as it was to be executed on the following
night. The provincial accordingly hastened his journey to Guadachili,
taking all the scouts he could meet with along with him, as he told them
their present expedition was entirely useless, as Puelles and his troops
had passed through Jauja two days before, and it was now impossible to
intercept them. On his arrival in Guadachili, the provincial immediately
informed Vela Nunnez of the danger to which he was exposed, who
accordingly consulted with some of his friends and relations on the
means of escape. In the evening, they ordered out their horses, as if
for the purpose of sending them to water, and mounting them immediately,
they saved themselves by flight under the cloud of night, being guided
on their way by the provincial.
[Footnote 1: The place mentioned in the text is probably what is now
named Guarochiri, which is in the direction of the march, and nearly at
the distance indicated.--E.]
When the flight of Vela Nunnez and his friends was known, Juan de la
Torre, Pedro Hita, Jorge Griego, and the other soldiers who had formed
the conspiracy, went immediately to the main guard, where they compelled
all the other soldiers, under threats of instant death, to promise going
off along with them to join Gonzalo. Almost the whole of the detachment
promised compliance, and even the captain Gonzalo Diaz was of the
number; but he was apparently more harshly treated by the conspirators
than the others. They tied his hands as if fearing he might use measures
against them; yet he was not only believed to have been a participator
in the plot, but was even supposed to be its secret leader. Most of the
inhabitants of Lima expected Diaz to act in the way he did, as he was
son-in-law to Puelles against whom he was sent, and it was not to be
supposed he would give his aid to arrest his father-in-law. The whole
party therefore, immediately set out in search of Gonzalo, mounted on
the mules which had cost so high a price, and joined him near the city
of Guamanga, where Puelles had arrived, two days before them. At that
time of their junction, the adherents of Gonzalo were so much
discouraged by the lukewarmness of Gaspard Rodriguez and his friends,
that in all probability the whole army under Gonzalo would have
dispersed if they had been three days later in arriving. But the arrival
of Puelles gave the insurgents great encouragement, both by the
reinforcement which he brought of forty horse and twenty musketeers, and
by his exhortations; as he declared himself ready to proceed against the
viceroy even with his own troops, and had no doubt of being able to take
him prisoner or to drive him out of the country, he was so universally
hated. The encouragements derived by the insurgents from the junction of
Puelles, was still farther strengthened by the arrival of Diaz and his
companions.
Vela Nunnez got safe to Lima, where he informed the viceroy of the
unfortunate result of his expedition, who was very much cast down on the
occasion, as his affairs seemed to assume a very unpromising aspect.
Next day Rodrigo Ninno, and three or four others who refused to follow
the example of Diaz, arrived at Lima in a wretched condition, having
suffered a thousand insults from the conspirators, who deprived them of
their horses and arms, and even stripped them of their clothes. Ninno
was dressed in an old doublet and breeches, without stockings, having
only a pair of miserable pack-thread sandals, and had walked all the way
with a stick in his hand. The viceroy received him very graciously,
praising his loyalty, and told him that he appeared more nobly in his
rags than if clothed in the most costly attire.
When Balthasar de Loyasa had procured the safe conduct from the viceroy
for his employers, he set out without loss of time for the army of
Gonzalo Pizarro. As his departure and the nature of his dispatches were
soon known in Lima, it was universally believed there that the troops
under Pizarro would soon disperse of their own accord, leaving the
viceroy in peaceable and absolute command of the whole colony, upon
which he would assuredly put the ordinances in force with the utmost
rigour to the utter ruin of every one: For this reason, several of the
inhabitants, and some even of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy,
came to the resolution of following Loyasa and taking his dispatches
from him. Loyasa left Lima in the evening of a Saturday, in the month of
September 1545, accompanied by Captain Ferdinand de Zavallos. They were
mounted on mules, without any attendants, and had no baggage to delay
their journey. Next night, twenty-five persons set out from Lima on
horseback in pursuit of them, determined to use every possible
expedition to get up with Loyasa that they might take away his
dispatches. The chiefs in this enterprize were, Don Balthasar de Castro,
son of the Conde de la Gomera, Lorenzo Mexia, Rodrigo de Salazar, Diego
de Carvajal usually called the gallant, Francisco de Escovedo, Jerom de
Carvajal, and Pedro Martin de Cecilia, with eighteen others in their
company. Using every effort to expedite their journey, they got up with
Loyasa and Zavallos about forty leagues from Lima, and found them asleep
in a _tambo_ of palace of the Incas. Taking from them the letters and
dispatches with which they were entrusted, they forwarded these
immediately to Gonzalo Pizarro by means of a soldier, who used the
utmost diligence in travelling through bye ways and short cuts through
the mountains, with all of which he was well acquainted. After this, de
Castro and the rest of the malecontents continued their journey towards
the camp of Gonzalo, taking Loyasa and Zavallos along with them under
strict custody.
Upon receiving the intercepted dispatches which were brought to him by
the soldier, Gonzalo Pizarro secretly communicated them to Captain
Carvajal, whom he had recently appointed his lieutenant-general, or
maestre de campo, in consequence of the sickness of Alfonzo de Toro, who
held that commission on commencing the march from Cuzco. After
consulting with Carvajal, he communicated the whole matter to the
captains and those other chiefs of the insurgent-army who had shewn no
intentions of abandoning him, as they had not participated in applying
for the safe conduct from the viceroy. Some of these, from motives of
enmity against individuals, others from envy, and others again from the
hope of profiting by the forfeiture of the lands and Indians belonging
to the accused, advised Gonzalo to punish these persons with rigor, as a
warning to others not to venture upon similar conduct. In this secret
consultation, it was determined to select the following from among those
who were clearly implicated in taking part with the viceroy, by their
names being contained in the safe conduct taken from Loyasa: Captain
Gaspard Rodriguez; Philip Gutierrez, the son of Alfonso Gutierrez of
Madrid who was treasurer to his majesty; and Arias Maldonado, a
gentleman of Galicia, who had remained along with Gutierrez at Guamanga,
two or three days march in the rear of the army, under pretence of
having some preparations to make for the journey. Accordingly, Gonzalo
sent off Pedro de Puelles to Guamanga accompanied by an escort of
cavalry, who arrested these two latter gentlemen and caused them to be
beheaded.
Gaspar Rodriguez was in the camp, where he commanded a body of near two
hundred pikemen; and as Gonzalo and his advisers dared not to put him to
death openly, as he was a very rich man of considerable influence and
much beloved, they had to employ a stratagem for his arrestment. Gonzalo
ordered a hundred and fifty musqueteers of the company commanded by
Ceremeno to hold themselves in readiness around his tent, near which
likewise he caused his train of artillery to be drawn up ready for
service, and then convened all the captains belonging to his troops in
his tent, under pretence of communicating some dispatches which he had
received from Lima. When the whole were assembled, and Rodriguez among
them, he became alarmed on seeing that the tent was surrounded by armed
men and artillery, and wished to have retired under pretext of urgent
business. At this time, and in presence of the whole assembled officers,
the lieutenant-general Carvajal, came up to Rodriguez as if without any
premeditated intention, caught hold of the guard of his sword, and drew
it from the scabbard. Carvajal then desired him to make confession of
his sins to a priest, who was in attendance for that express purpose, as
he was to be immediately put to death. Rodriguez used every effort to
avoid this sudden and unlooked for catastrophe, and offered to justify
himself from every accusation which could be brought against him; but
every thing he could allege was of no avail, as his death was resolved
upon, and he was accordingly beheaded.
The execution of these three leaders astonished every one, being the
first which were ventured upon since the usurpation of Gonzalo; but they
more especially terrified those other persons who were conscious of
having participated in the same plot for which their chiefs were now put
to death. A few days afterwards, De Castro and his companions arrived at
the camp of the insurgents, with their prisoners Loyasa and Zavallos. It
has been reported that, on the very day of their arrival, Gonzalo sent
off his lieutenant-general Carvajal to meet them on the road by which
they were expected, with orders to have Loyasa and Zavallos strangled:
But, fortunately for them, their conductors had left the ordinary road,
taking a circuitous and unfrequented path, so that Carvajal did not fall
in with them; and, when they were brought before Gonzalo, so many of his
friends and accomplices interceded for their pardon, that he agreed to
spare their lives. Loyasa was commanded immediately to quit the camp, on
foot and without any provisions. Zavallos was detained in the camp as a
prisoner; and, rather more than a year afterwards, was appointed
superintendent of those who were employed in digging for gold in the
province of Quito. While in that employment, it was represented to
Gonzalo that Zavallos had become so exceedingly rich, that he must have
purloined a great proportion of the gold which was drawn from the mines.
Being predisposed against him by his former conduct in the service of
the viceroy, Gonzalo was easily persuaded to believe him guilty, and
ordered him to be hanged.
The departure of De Castro and his companions from Lima, as already
mentioned, though conducted in great secrecy, was soon discovered. On
the same night, as Diego de Urbina, the major general of the army
belonging to the viceroy, was going the rounds of the city, he happened
to visit the dwellings of several of those who had accompanied De
Castro; and finding that they were absent, and that their horses, arms,
servants, and Indians were all removed, he immediately suspected that
they were gone off to join Gonzalo. Urbina went directly to the viceroy,
who was already in bed, and assured him that most of the inhabitants had
fled from the city, as he believed that the defection was more general
than it turned out to be. The viceroy was very justly alarmed by this
intelligence, and ordered the drums to beat to arms. When, in
consequence of this measure, all the captains and other officers in his
service were assembled, he gave them orders to visit the whole houses of
the city, by which means it was soon known who had deserted. As Diego
and Jerom de Carvajal, and Francisco Escovedo, nephews of the commissary
Yllan Suarez de Carvajal were among the absentees, the viceroy
immediately suspected Yllan Suarez of being a partisan of Gonzalo
Pizarro, believing that his nephews had acted by his orders, more
especially as they dwelt in his house, and could not therefore have gone
away without his knowledge; though assuredly they might easily have
escaped by a different door at a distance from the principal entrance.
Actuated by these suspicions, the viceroy sent his brother, Vela Nunnez,
with a detachment of musqueteers, to bring Suarez immediately to the
palace for examination. On arriving at his house, Suarez was in bed, but
was brought immediately before the viceroy, who was now dressed is his
armour, and reposing on a couch. It is reported by some who were
present, that the viceroy addressed Suarez on entering the following
words. "Traitor! you have sent off your nephews to join Gonzalo
Pizarro." "Call me not traitor, my lord," replied Suarez, "I am as
faithful a subject to his majesty as you are." The viceroy was so much
irritated by the insolent behaviour of Suarez, that he drew his sword
and advanced towards him, and some even allege that he stabbed him in
the breast. The viceroy, however, constantly asserted that he did not
use his sword against Suarez; but that the servants and halberdiers who
were in attendance, on noticing the insolent behaviour of the commissary
to their master, had put him to death, without allowing him time for
confession, or even for speaking a single word in his own defence. The
body was immediately carried away for interment; and as the commissary
was very universally beloved, it was thought dangerous to take his dead
body through the great court of the viceregal palace, where there were
always a hundred soldiers on guard during the night, lest it might
occasion some disturbance. For this reason, it was let down from a
gallery which overlooked the great square, whence some Indians and
negroes carried it to a neighbouring church, and buried it without any
ceremony in his ordinary scarlet cloak.
Three days after this tragical event, when the judges of the royal
audience made the viceroy a prisoner, as shall be presently related,
among their first transactions, they made a judicial examination
respecting the circumstances attendant upon the death of Suarez. It was
ascertained in the first place, that he had disappeared since the time
when he was carried before the viceroy at midnight; after which, the
body was dug up, and the wounds examined[2]. When the intelligence of
the death of Suarez spread through Lima, it gave occasion to much
dissatisfaction, as every one knew that he had been always, favourable
to the interest and authority of the viceroy, and had even exerted his
whole influence in procuring him to be received at Lima, in opposition
to the sentiments of the majority of the magistrates of that city. His
death happened on the night of Sunday the 13th of September 1544. Early
next morning, Don Alfonzo de Montemayor was sent by the viceroy with a
party of thirty horse, in pursuit of De Castro and the others who had
gone after Loyasa and Zavallos. When Montemayor had travelled two or
three days in the pursuit, he learnt that De Castro and his companions
were already so far advanced in their journey that it would be utterly
impossible to get up with them. He accordingly turned back, and
receiving information on his return towards Lima, that Jerom de Carvajal
had lost his companions during the night, and, being unable to discover
the road by which they were gone, had concealed himself in a marsh among
some tall reeds, where Montemayor found him out, and carried him
prisoner to Lima, on purpose to give him up to the viceroy. Fortunately
for Carvajal, the viceroy was himself a prisoner when Montemayor
returned to Lima.
[Footnote 2: This judicial examination, so formally announced, is left
quite inconclusive by Zarate.--E.]
When the anger of the viceroy had somewhat subsided, he used great pains
to justify himself, in regard to the death of Suarez, explaining the
reasons of his conduct in that affair to all who visited him, and
endeavouring to convince them that he had just reasons of suspicion,
giving a detailed account of all the circumstances respecting the arrest
and death of Suarez. He even procured some judicial informations to be
drawn up by the licentiate Cepeda, respecting the crimes which he laid
to the charge of the commissary, of which the following is an abstract.
"It appeared reasonable to suppose that Suarez must have been privy to
the desertion of his nephews, as they lived in his house and could not
have gone off without his knowledge. He alleged that Suaraz had not
exerted all the care and diligence that were necessary and proper, in
several affairs connected with the present troubles which had been
confided to him. It was objected to him, that he was particularly
interested in opposing the execution of the obnoxious regulations;
since he would have been obliged, along with the rest, to give up the
lands and Indians he then held as an officer of the crown, which he had
not done hitherto on account of the subsisting disturbances in the
country. Lastly, the viceroy charged against him, that having entrusted
Suarez at the very beginning of the troubles with certain dispatches for
his brother, the licentiate Carvajal, who then dwelt at Cuzco, intended
for procuring intelligence by his means of what was going on in that
city, he had never given or procured any answer on that subject;
although it must certainly have been easy for him to have procured
intelligence from his brother, by means of the Indian vassals of both,
and by those belonging to the king who were at his disposal officially,
all of whom dwelt on the road between Lima and Cuzco." Besides that all
these allegations carry very little weight in themselves, as evidences
of the presumptive guilt of Suarez, none of them were ever
satisfactorily established by legal proof.
As the viceroy found that all his affairs had turned out unfortunate,
and that every person seemed much discontented in consequence of the
death of Suarez, he changed his intention of waiting for Gonzalo Pizarro
at Lima, which he had caused fortify in that view with ramparts and
bastions. He now resolved to retire to the city of Truxillo, about
eighty leagues from Lima, and entirely to abandon and even to dispeople
the city of Lima; in the execution of this project he meant to send the
invalids, old persons, women, children, and all the valuable effects and
baggage belonging to the inhabitants by sea to Truxillo, for which
purpose he had sufficient shipping, and to march all who were able to
carry arms by land, taking along with him all the European inhabitants
of every settlement in the plain between Lima and Truxillo; and sending
off all the Indian population of the plain to the mountainous region. By
these decisive measures, he hoped to reduce the adherents of Gonzalo
Pizarro to such straits, by depriving them of every possible succour and
refreshment, after the fatigues of a long and painful march, encumbered
with baggage and artillery, as might constrain them to disband their
army, when they might find the whole way between Lima and Truxillo
reduced to a desert entirely devoid of provisions. The viceroy
considered himself under the necessity of employing these strong
measures, as some of his people deserted from him almost daily to the
enemy, in proportion as the insurgents approached towards Lima.
In pursuance of this resolution, on Tuesday the 15th of September, two
days after the slaughter of the commissary Suarez, the viceroy gave
orders to Diego Alvarez de Cueto, with a party of horse, to convey the
children of the late Marquis Pizarro on board ship, and to remain in
charge of them and the licentiate Vaca de Castro. On this occasion, he
gave the command of the fleet to Cueto, being afraid lest Don Antonio de
Ribera and his wife, who then had the charge of young Don Gonzalo and
his brothers, children of the late marquis, might conceal them and give
them up to their uncle. This measure occasioned much emotion among the
inhabitants of Lima, and gave great offence to the oydors or judges of
the royal audience, particularly to the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate, who
made strong remonstrances to the viceroy against sending Donna Francisco
Pizarro among the sailors and soldiers, where she could not reside in
decent comfort. This young lady, who was both beautiful and rich, was
now almost grown a woman, and the conduct of the viceroy towards her on
this occasion was considered as harsh, tyrannical, and unnecessary.
Ortiz was unable to prevail on the viceroy to recall his orders
respecting the children of the late marquis; and he even openly declared
that he had come to the resolution of abandoning Lima in the way already
mentioned. All the oydors considered these intended steps as highly
improper and ruinous to the colony; and declared, that as they had been
ordered by his majesty to take up their residence in Lima, they were
determined not to quit that place without a new royal order for the
express purpose. As the viceroy found that every thing he could say was
quite ineffectual to bring over the oydors to his sentiments, he
resolved to gain possession of the _royal seal_, and to carry it off
with himself to Truxillo, by which measure the oydors would be reduced
to the state of private persons in Lima, and unable to hold any sitting
of the royal audience, unless they chose to accompany him to Truxillo.
When this resolution of the viceroy was communicated to the oydors, they
called the chancellor before them, from whom they took the seal, which
they committed to the custody of the licentiate Cepeda, the senior
oydor. This was done by three of the oydors, Cepeda, Texada, and
Alvarez, Ortiz being absent at the time.
On the same evening, all the four oydors assembled in the house of
Cepeda, and agreed to present a formal requisition to the viceroy to
bring back the family of the late marquis from the fleet in which he had
embarked them. After this resolution had been engrossed in the register,
the licentiate Ortiz retired to his own house, being indisposed. The
other three oydors continued in consultation on the measures which were
proper to be adopted, for defending themselves against the power of the
viceroy, in case he should persist in his plans, and endeavour to make
them embark by force, which they publickly asserted was his intention.
On this occasion, they drew up an ordinance or public act, by which, in
the name and authority of the king "they commanded all the inhabitants
of the city of Lima, captains, soldiers, and others, civil and military,
in case the viceroy should give orders to remove them, the oydors of the
royal audience, by force and violence from Lima, that they should aid,
assist, and defend them, in opposition to such a measure, as illegal and
unjust, and contrary to the orders of his majesty, clearly expressed in
the new regulations, and in the commission granted to them as oydors of
the royal audience."
Having formally extended and authenticated this _act_, they communicated
it in secret to Captain Martin de Robles, whom they desired to hold
himself and his soldiers in readiness to defend them in case of need. De
Robles engaged to stand by them; for though one of the captains in the
troops, he was not on good terms with the viceroy. Several other persons
of importance in the city, to whom the oydors communicated the
resolutions which they had formed, promised likewise to stand by them
against the tyranny of the viceroy. That same evening, all who were in
concert with the oydors held themselves in readiness, anxiously waiting
the event of an open breach between the viceroy and the judges of the
royal audience. However secret the steps taken by the oydors might have
been, they became known to the viceroy, or at least he entertained
violent suspicions of their nature and tendency. At night-fall, Martin
de Robles went privately to the house of the oydor Cepeda, to whom he
communicated his opinion that the viceroy was already informed of all
their proceedings, and that, unless prompt measures were taken for their
security, they would all be put to death. Cepeda sent immediately for
Alvarez and Texada, two others of the oydors; and these three came
immediately to the determination of openly defending themselves against
the viceroy, if he should attempt their arrest. For this purpose,
several of their friends, and some of the soldiers of the company,
commanded by De Robles, assembled in arms at their residence. While this
was going on, Urbina the maestre de campo or major-general, when going
his rounds met several of these soldiers in the street, and immediately
suspected the truth. He went, therefore, straight to the viceroy, to
whom he communicated the suspicious circumstances he had observed, that
some prompt measures might be concerted for counteracting the
machinations of the oydors. The viceroy desired him to fear nothing, as
they had only civilians to deal with, who had not sufficient courage to
concert any enterprize against his authority. Urbina went away
accordingly to continue his round; but as he still continued to meet
several armed horsemen in the streets, all of whom were going towards
the house of Cepeda, he returned again to the palace, and remonstrated
with the viceroy on the absolute necessity of taking instant measures of
defence. The viceroy immediately put on his armour and ordered to sound
an alarm, after which he went out into the great square before the
palace, accompanied by his nightly guard of a hundred soldiers and all
his domestic establishment, meaning to have proceeded to the house of
Cepeda, to arrest the oydors, to chastise the mutineers, and to
re-establish order in the city. While in the great square near the gate
of the palace, he noticed that it was impossible to prevent the soldiers
from going to join the oydors, as the horsemen who filled all the
streets constrained them to take that direction. If, however, the
viceroy had persisted in his first design, he could hardly have found
much difficulty or considerable resistance, as he then had a greatly
superior force to what had assembled with Cepeda and the other judges.
He was disuaded from executing these intentions by Alfonzo Palomino,
alcalde or police-judge of Lima, who asserted that a great majority of
the troops were assembled at the house of Cepeda, and were about to
attack him; for which reason, the best measure was to fortify himself in
the palace, which could easily be defended; whereas he had not a
sufficient force to assail the oydors and their adherents. Influenced by
this advice, the viceroy retired into the palace, accompanied by his
brother Vela Nunnez, Paul de Meneses, Jerom de la Cerna, Alfonso de
Caceres, Diego de Urbina, and others of his friends and followers, with
all his relations and servants. The hundred soldiers of the nightly
guard were posted at the great gate of the palace, with orders to
prevent any one from going in.
While these vacillatory measures were going on at the viceregal palace,
information was brought to the oydors, that the viceroy had drawn out
his troops in the great square, with the intention of attacking them.
Having as yet collected only a small force for their protection, they
resolved to go out into the street; believing, if the viceroy should
come to blockade them, and should occupy the streets leading to the
house of Cepeda, that all those who were disposed to aid them would be
intercepted. They advanced therefore by the streets which led towards
the great square, and were soon joined by others of their adherents, to
the number of about two hundred men. To justify their conduct on this
occasion, they caused the act which they had drawn up to be publickly
read; but so great was the noise and confusion, that very few of those
present were able to hear its tenor. On the arrival of the judges and
their partizans in the great square, day began to dawn. At this time,
the troops attached to the viceroy fired a few musket-shots, from the
corridore of the palace, and began to extend themselves in front of the
main gate. The soldiers who accompanied the oydors were much displeased
at this procedure, and proposed to assault the palace, and to slay all
that resisted them; but the oydors restrained and appeased them. The
oydors then deputed Gaspard de Carvajal, the superior of the Dominicans,
and Antonio de Robles, to inform the viceroy, that their only demand
from him was an assurance that they should not be compelled to embark
against their will and contrary to the express orders of his majesty,
which fixed their residence at Lima. They farther required, that,
without proceeding to hostilities, the viceroy should come to the great
church, where they proposed, going to meet him, and where all their
differences might be amicably settled; as otherwise he would put both
himself and all who were with him in extreme danger. While these envoys
were in the palace in the execution of their commission, the hundred
soldiers who formed the guard of the viceroy went over in a body to the
oydors; by which, as the entrance to the palace was left entirely
unguarded, several of the malecontents got admission to the chambers
belonging to the officers of the viceroy in the outer court, which they
pillaged. At this time, the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate went from his
house towards the palace, meaning to have joined the viceroy; but
meeting the other oydors on his way, and seeing that it was impossible
for him to prosecute his original design, he accompanied them to the
church.
When the viceroy received the message of the oydors from Carvajal and
Antonio de Robles, considering at the same time that his palace was
already in possession of the insurgents, and that his own troops had
abandoned him, he determined to proceed to the church, and to give
himself up to the oydors who there waited for him. They carried him
directly, in his coat of mail and cuirass, to the house of Cepeda;
where, seeing Ortiz along with the other judges, he exclaimed: "Is it
possible that you, in whom I had so much confidence as one of my best
friends, have joined with the rest in making me a prisoner." To this the
licentiate replied, "Whoever has told you so spoke falsely, as it is
known to every one who those are that have caused you to be arrested,
and that I have no share in the matter." The three other judges gave
immediate orders to convey the viceroy on board ship, that he might be
sent to Spain; justly fearing, if Gonzalo Pizarro should find him in
custody on his arrival at Limn, that he would put him to death, or that
the relations and friends of the commissary Suarez might kill him in
revenge for the murder of that officer; as in either of which cases the
blame might be imputed to them, the judges were much embarrassed how
best to act in this delicate emergency, considering that if they merely
sent the viceroy on board the fleet which lay at anchor off the harbour
of Calao, he might be soon in condition to return in force against them.
In this dilemma, they appointed Cepeda, one of their number, to act as
captain-general of the colony; who, with a strong guard, conducted the
deposed viceroy to the sea side on purpose to put him on board one of
the ships. They found some difficulty in executing this measure, as
Diego Alvarez de Cueto, who commanded the fleet, on seeing the
assemblage of people on the shore, and learning that they had the
viceroy among them as a prisoner, sent Jerom de Zurbano, one of his
captains in an armed boat to collect all the boats of the fleet, with
which, accompaniment he approached the shore and demanded the liberation
of the viceroy from the judges. This measure was altogether ineffectual,
as the judges refused to listen to the demands of Cueto; who, after
exchanging a few shots with those on shore, went back to his ships.
After this, the judges sent off a message to Cueto, by means of Friar
Gaspard de Carvajal, in which the deposed viceroy concurred, ordering
him to surrender the command of the fleet, and to give up the children
of the late marquis, in return for which they would place the viceroy
under his charge, who would otherwise be in great peril of his life. On
getting aboard ship, Friar Gaspard presented his commission to Cueto and
gave him a full account of the state of affairs, in presence of the
licentiate Vaca de Castro, who still remained a prisoner in that vessel.
In consideration of the danger to which the viceroy was exposed, Cueto
sent the children of the marquis on shore together with Don Antonio de
Ribera and his wife who had the care of them. The judges still insisted
that Cueto should surrender the fleet to their command, threatening to
behead the viceroy if he refused; and though Vela Nunnez, brother to the
viceroy, went several times with messages to induce compliance, the
captains of the ships would not consent to that measure, so that the
judges were constrained to return to Lima with the viceroy still in
custody.
Two days afterwards, the commanders of the ships were informed that the
judges and their partizans had come to the resolution of sending a
strong force of musqueteers in boats to make themselves masters of the
ships by force. They might perhaps have easily persuaded Cueto to give
up the fleet, of which in reality Jerom de Zurbano had more the command
than he, as all the soldiers and sailors who were attached to the
deposed viceroy were at his disposal; but Zurbano, to whom the judges
made great offers, was quite inflexible. The captains of the fleet came
even to the resolution of quitting the port of Lima, to cruise upon the
coast of Peru, till such time as they might receive orders from his
majesty how to conduct themselves in the present crisis. They believed
that the viceroy had many friends and adherents in Lima and other parts
of Peru; as many persons who had not taken any share in the deposition
and imprisonment of the viceroy, and several of those who were best
disposed to the royal service continued almost daily to make their
escape on board the fleet. The ships were tolerably well armed and
appointed, having ten or twelve iron cannon, and three or four of brass,
besides forty quintals of powder. As to provisions, they had above four
hundred quintals of biscuit, five hundred bags of maize, and a large
store of salt meat; so that they were victualled sufficiently for a
considerable time, and they could easily procure water on any part of
the coast. Their force however was very small, as they had only twenty
five soldiers, and by no means a sufficient number of mariners for the
ten ships which composed their fleet. They resolved therefore to abandon
four of the smallest vessels, which they were unable to man; and not
thinking it right to leave these behind, lest they might have been
employed against themselves by the partizans of the judges, they set
these small vessels on fire the day after the imprisonment of the
viceroy, as likewise two fishing barks which were in the harbour, and
then set sail. The four small ships were entirely destroyed, but the two
fishing vessels were saved after sustaining very little damage.
The fleet went into the harbour of Guavra, which is eighteen leagues
_below_[3] the port of Lima, where they took in a supply of wood and
water. They carried the licentiate Vaca de Castro along with them, and
resolved to wait at Guavra to see what consequences might follow from
the imprisonment of the viceroy. When this came to the knowledge of the
judges, who believed the ships might not go to any considerable distance
from Guavra, on account of the attachment of their commanders to the
viceroy whose life was in danger, they determined to send a force both
by sea and land to attempt acquiring possession of the ships almost at
any risk. For this purpose, they gave orders to Diego Garcias de Alfaro,
an inhabitant of Lima who was versant in maritime affairs, to repair and
fit out the two barks which had drifted on shore. When that was done,
Alfaro embarked in them with thirty musqueteers, and set sail towards
Guavra. At the same time, Don Juan de Mendoza and Ventura Beltran,[4]
were sent off by land with a party of soldiers in the same direction. On
coming to Guavra in the night, Garcias de Alfaro concealed his two barks
behind a light house[5], in the harbour very near the ships, where he
could not be seen. At the same time, the party which went by land began
to fire off their muskets, and the people in the ships believed they
were some friends of the viceroy who wished to embark. Vela Nunnez was
sent accordingly in a boat to the shore, to learn what was meant by the
firing, on which Diego Garcias pushed on his barks between Vela Nunnez
and the ships, firing upon him and obliged him to surrender.
Intelligence of this event was immediately sent to Cueto, with a message
assuring him that both the viceroy and his brother would be immediately
put to death unless he surrendered his ships to the judges. Cueto[6]
accordingly submitted, being afraid lest the threat might be executed;
but had certainly not been allowed to do so if Zurbano had been present,
who had sailed from Guavra with his ships, two days before the arrival
of Diego Garcias, with the intention of going all along the coast
between Lima and Tierra Firma to take possession of every ship he might
fall in with, to prevent them from being employed by the oydors.
[Footnote 3: The expression in the text _below_, is probably an error in
the French translator in rendering _barlovento_ which signifies to
leeward. Accordingly, to the north of Lima, and about the indicated
distance, there is a sea-port or coast town named Huaura, certainly the
place meant by Zarate. _Hua_ and _Gua_ are often inchanged by the
Spaniards in the names of places in America, probably from the g having
a guttural sound, or strong aspiration.--E.]
[Footnote 4: Garcilasso names this person Ventura Veltran.--E.]
[Footnote 5: In Garcilasso de la Vega, obviously copying this part of
the story from Zarate, Garcias is said to have concealed his barks
behind a rock.--E.]
[Footnote 6: This person is always named Cuero, by Garcilasso; who
likewise informs us that he was brother-in-law to the viceroy.--E.]
Immediately after the departure of the fleet under Cueto from the port
of Lima, the judges became apprehensive lest the relations of the
commissary might put the viceroy to death, which they actually
threatened; on which account they came to a resolution, to transport him
to an island about two leagues from the coast. For this purpose he was
embarked along with a guard of twenty men in one of those barks or
floats made of dried reeds which the Indians call _henea_. When the
judges learnt the surrender of the fleet under Cueto, they determined
upon sending him as a prisoner to Spain, with a formal memorial of all
that had passed, and deputed the licenciate Alvarez, one of their number
to take charge of him thither, and to support their memorial at the
court of Spain, giving him 8000 crowns to defray the expences of the
voyage. For this purpose all the necessary dispatches were prepared,
which were signed by all the judges of the royal audience, excepting
Ortiz de Zarate, who refused his concurrence. Alvarez went by land to
Guavra, to which place the viceroy was transported in one of the barks
fitted out by Diego Garcias, and given into the custody of Alvarez, who
immediately set sail with three ships that had been placed at his
disposal, without waiting even for the dispatches from his brother
judges. At this time, Vaca de Castro was carried back to the port of
Lima, still a prisoner.
SECTION IV.
_History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the expulsion of the
Viceroy to his defeat and death_.
While the viceroy remained in the small island, as formerly mentioned,
Alfonso de Montemayor and those who had gone along with him to succour
Loyasa and Zavallos, returned to Lima, upon which the judges caused them
to be arrested and disarmed, ordering them, and several of the captains
who were attached to the viceroy, to be detained as prisoners in the
house of Martin de Robles, and in the houses of several of the citizens
of Lima. These prisoners were persuaded, if the viceroy could regain his
liberty, that he would still be able to prevent the arrival of Gonzalo
Pizarro at Lima, and to avert the disorders and evils which must flow
from his successful usurpation, prejudicial to the rights of the crown
and the interest of the colony. With this view, therefore, they
concerted to unite together under arms, to bring back the viceroy from
the place of his confinement, and to reinstate him in his authority;
resolving in the execution of this project, to make the judges
prisoners, or even to kill them if necessary, and to take possession of
the city in the name of his majesty. They had assuredly executed their
project, had they not been betrayed by a soldier, who discovered the
whole plot to Cepeda. Immediately on receiving notice of this
conspiracy, Cepeda in concert with the other judges apprehended all the
leaders, namely Alfonso de Montemayor, Paolo de Meneses, Alfonso de
Caceres, Alfonso de Barrionuevo, and some others. Several of these when
put to the torture, had sufficient resolution to refuse confession; but
Barrionuevo confessed partly, in hopes of satisfying the judges, and
that they might not continue his torments. Upon his confession, he was
at first condemned to lose his head; but in the sequel the judges
satisfied themselves with causing his right hand to be cut off; and all
the other leaders of the conspiracy, who persisted in refusing to
confess, were banished from Peru.
After all these revolutionary events, information of every thing that
had occurred in Lima, was transmitted to Gonzalo Pizarro, the judges and
their friends being in hopes that, he would now be induced to dismiss
his army. They were however quite mistaken in this expectation; for he
believed that every thing, even the imprisonment of the viceroy, was a
false rumour, or a mere concerted trick to force him to lay down his
arms, and that they would put him to death when left without support.
In the mean time the licentiate Alvarez, as already mentioned, set sail
from Guavra having charge of the viceroy and his brothers.
Notwithstanding that this judge had been the chief promoter of every
thing that had been done against the viceroy, having even especially
contributed to make him a prisoner, and been most active in punishing
those who had conspired to restore him to the government; yet, on the
very first day of the voyage, he went into the cabin which had been
appointed for the captive viceroy, declaring his repentance for all that
he had done against him, and his earnest desire for a reconcilement. He
assured him, that, in accepting the charge of his conveyance as a
prisoner, he had been entirely actuated by the desire of serving him,
that he might get him from under the power of Cepeda, and prevent him
from falling into the hands of Gonzalo Pizarro, who was expected to
arrive shortly at Lima. To satisfy the viceroy of his sincerity, Alvarez
assured him that he was from that moment at full and perfect liberty,
and that he now surrendered the command of the vessel into his hands;
humbly beseeching him to forgive all that was passed, and declaring
himself ready to obey his commands in all things. Alvarez then gave
orders to the ten men who had been given him as guards over the viceroy,
that they were now to obey the viceroy and not him. The viceroy
expressed his entire satisfaction at this conduct in Alvarez, and took
the command accordingly; yet in a very short time he treated Alvarez
very ill, often calling him villain, traitor, mutineer, and other
opprobrious names, and threatening that, though he spared his life for
the present because he had occasion for his service, he would certainly
have him hanged in the sequel. Yet they continued together till their
arrival at Truxillo, as shall be related in the sequel.
It was soon suspected at Lima that Alvarez had entered into terms with
the viceroy, from certain circumstances which had transpired before he
embarked, but more especially from his having set sail without waiting
for the dispatches of the royal court of audience, which had been
delayed a day in waiting for the consent of Ortiz. While they were still
in some degree of uncertainty on this subject, and waiting anxiously to
know the whole truth, they judged proper to send a representation on
the state of affairs to Gonzalo Pizarro, of which the following was the
tenor. "That, in consequence of their commissions, and of the express
powers confided to them by his majesty of doing every thing which might
be necessary for the due administration of justice, and to place the
country in good order, they had suspended the execution of the obnoxious
regulations, as demanded by the colonists, and had even sent off the
viceroy to Spain, which was more than had been required or could have
been reasonably asked. As, therefore, there now remained no call or
pretence for the military preparations which he had set on foot, they
commanded him immediately to dismiss his troops: But, if he were
inclined to come to Lima, he must come there as a man of peace, without
warlike array; yet, if he considered it necessary to his safety to have
an escort, they granted him permission to bring fifteen or twenty
horsemen along with him."
When these orders were prepared, the judges were desirous of sending
some of the inhabitants of Lima to carry them to Gonzalo Pizarro; but no
one would undertake the commission, which they considered as extremely
hazardous. They represented to the judges, that Gonzalo and his officers
would reproach them for opposing the just measures in which they were
engaged; as they had associated for the general interest of the colony.
On this refusal of the inhabitants, the judges gave orders to Augustino,
the royal treasurer of Peru[7], and Don Antonio de Ribeta, one of the
citizens of Lima, to carry this order to Gonzalo. To these messengers
they gave formal letters of credence, with which they set out upon their
journey for the valley of Jauja, in which Gonzalo Pizarro was then
encamped with his army. Gonzalo had already received notice of this
intended embassy; and was afraid, if the envoys should give a public
notification of the message with which they were entrusted, that his
troops might mutiny; as he knew they were exceedingly desirous of
marching to Lima in full force, that they might be in condition to
pillage that city on the first pretext that offered. To prevent this, he
sent Jerom de Villegas with thirty mounted musqueteers to intercept the
two messengers now on their way to the army. According to his
instructions, Villegas allowed Ribera to continue his journey to the
camp; but made Augustino de Zarate a prisoner, and deprived him of his
dispatches. Zarate was carried back by Villegas to the province of
Pariacaca[8], where he was detained a prisoner for ten days, and every
means were employed to intimidate him that he might not execute the
commission with which he was entrusted.
[Footnote 7: The author of the History of the Discovery and Conquest of
Peru, which forms the subject of the present article; who accordingly,
might justly say of these events, _quorum pars magna fui_. His associate
on this occasion was the person who had charge of the family of the late
marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and had married the widow of Francisco
Martin de Alcantara, as we learn from Garcilasso.--E.]
[Footnote 8: No such province is now to be found in the best maps of
Peru; but seventy or eighty miles to the north of Jauja, there is a
district called the valley of Pari, with a town of the same name on the
_Chinchay Cocha_, or lake of Chinchay, which may then have been called
Pari-cocha, or Pari on the lake. From this circumstance, it appears the
messengers had been obliged to make a great circuit towards the north,
on purpose to get a passage across the main western ridge of the
Andes.--E.]
At the end of that period Gonzalo Pizarro arrived with his army at
Pariacaca, and called Zarate into his presence to give an account of the
subject of his mission: Zarate had been already made to understand that
his life would be in danger if he attempted to execute the orders he had
received literally: For which reason, after having explained the whole
distinctly to Gonzalo in private, on being taken into the tent where all
the insurgent captains were assembled, he proceeded, as instructed by
Gonzalo, to discharge his commission with prudent reserve. Gonzalo
desired him to repeat all that he had already communicated to him, but
Zarate, understanding distinctly what was expected of him by Gonzalo, in
addressing the assembled officers in the name of the judges of the royal
audience, used considerable address, and availed himself of the full
powers contained in his credentials. He was silent therefore regarding
the dismissal of the troops, which was the point of delicacy, and
confined himself to such other matters as seemed proper for the service
of his majesty and the good of the colony. In this view, he represented
to them, "that, since the viceroy was deported, and their demand for
suspending the obnoxious ordinances was granted, it seemed just that
they should repay the sums which Blasco Nunnez Vela had taken from the
royal treasury, as they had promised. That they should forgive those
inhabitants of Cuzco who had deserted from their camp to join the late
viceroy, since it could not be denied that these men had substantial
reasons for what they had done; and that they ought to send a humble
deputation to his majesty, to excuse and exculpate themselves from the
measures in which they had been engaged." Zarate added several things of
a similar nature; to all of which the only answer given by the council
of officers, which he was directed to carry back to the judges was,
"that it was indispensably necessary for the well being of the colony,
that they should appoint Gonzalo Pizarro governor of Peru. After which
every thing that was required should be done: But if this were refused,
the military council was determined to give up Lima to be plundered by
the soldiers."
Zarate would willingly have excused himself from bearing this answer;
but as no other could be procured, he was obliged to return to Lima,
where he reported it to the judges, to whom it gave much uneasiness and
dissatisfaction. Gonzalo Pizarro had not hitherto carried his
pretensions so high, having only insisted for the departure of the
viceroy from Peru, and the suspension of the obnoxious regulations, and
the judges were much at a loss how to conduct themselves under this new
and unexpected demand. After mature deliberation, they sent to inform
the insurgent officers, "that they were unable to grant their demand, or
even to take it into consideration, unless some person should appear
before them authorised to present the request according to the
accustomed forms." Upon this message, all the procurators or deputies of
the cities who were in the insurgent army repaired to Lima; where, in
conjunction with such other deputies of the cities as were resident in
that place, they presented a formal request in writing, demanding the
same thing which had been formerly done by a verbal message. The
auditors, considering this affair as exceedingly delicate, and that they
neither had any right to grant what was now demanded, nor sufficient
power to refuse it, as Gonzalo was now very near Lima which he held
strictly blockaded; they resolved to submit the whole to the
consideration of the principal persons of the city, that they might
receive their sentiments and advice in the present crisis. For this
purpose, they drew up a formal instrument of the whole matter, which was
communicated to Don Jerom de Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Don Juan Solano
archbishop of Cuzco, Don Garcia Diaz bishop of Quito, Fray Thomas de San
Martino provincial of the Dominicans, Augustino de Zarate the treasurer,
and to the royal accountant and controller general[9]. This
extraordinary council was desired to consider maturely the demands of
the deputies, and to give their opinion freely on what was proper to be
done in consequence. In this instrument, the judges explained at full
length the reasons which induced them to require advice on this
important subject, openly avowing that this measure was not resorted to
in the view of following what the council might judge best, since
neither the judges nor the council had any power in the present
situation of affairs to act otherwise than as prescribed by Gonzalo
Pizarro and his officers; but that the judges had called in this manner
on the members of this extraordinary council, as recorded witnesses of
the constraint and oppression under which they all now acted.
[Footnote 9: By Garcilasso, Zarate is represented as holding all the
three offices, Treasurer, accountant, and controller.--E.]
While these deliberations were going on in Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro drew
nigh with his army and encamped about a quarter of a league from the
city, drawing up his numerous train of artillery in readiness for
service. As a whole day elapsed without the formal appointment as
governor being transmitted to him, he became impatient; and dispatched
thirty musqueteers into the city under the command of his
lieutenant-general, who made prisoners of twenty-eight persons, among
whom were those who had formerly deserted him at Cuzco, and others who
were most obnoxious for having taken part with the viceroy. Among these
were Gabriel de Roias, Garcilasso de la Vega, Melchior Verdugo, the
licentiate Carvajal, Pedro de Barco, Martin de Florencia, Alfonso de
Caceres, Pedro de Manjares, Luis de Leon, Antonio Ruys de Guevara, and
some others of highest consideration in the colony. These were committed
to the common prison, of which the lieutenant-general took possession,
taking away the keys from the alcalde or keeper. The judges were utterly
unable to make the smallest opposition to this strong measure, and dared
not even to express their disapprobation, as there did not now remain
fifty soldiers in the city; all those who had been formerly attached to
them or to the viceroy having gone over to the camp of Gonzalo, who had
now a force of twelve hundred men completely armed, including his
original troops and those who deserted to him on this occasion.
Next morning, several of the insurgent officers came into the city, and
required the judges to make out the commission for Gonzalo, and to
proclaim him governor-general of Peru without delay, otherways
threatening to give up the city to plunder, and to massacre the
inhabitants, in which case they would begin by putting the judges to
death. The judges endeavoured to excuse themselves, alleging that they
had neither right nor authority to do what was desired. Whereupon
Carvajal, the lieutenant-general under Pizarro, caused four of his
prisoners to be brought from the prison, and ordered three of them to be
hanged on a tree near the city. These unfortunate men were Pedro de
Barco, Martin de Florencia, and Juan de Saavedra. Carvajal only allowed
them a short half hour to confess their sins and to prepare for death,
adding insult and mockery to his cruelty. He particularly indulged in
raillery against Pedro de Barco, who was last executed; saying, as he
was a brave commander who had made several conquests, and was one of the
most considerable and richest men in Peru, he was inclined to allow him
some distinction in his death, and that he therefore granted him the
high and honourable privilege of choosing which branch of the tree he
preferred for being hanged upon. Luis de Leon escaped at the
intercession of his brother who served under Gonzalo.
On seeing these arbitrary proceedings, and being threatened by Carvajal
with a similar treatment of all the other prisoners, and that the city
should be given up to pillage if they did not execute the required
commission without delay, the judges sent to the members of the
extraordinary council formerly mentioned, desiring them to give their
undisguised sentiments: upon what was proper to be done. They
accordingly agreed unanimously that it was necessary to comply with the
demands of Gonzalo; and the judges immediately made out a commission
appointing Gonzalo Pizarro governor-general of Peru, until his majesty
might give orders to the contrary, and without prejudice to the rights
and authority of the royal audience, to which Gonzalo was required to
make oath that he would renounce his authority whenever it might please
his majesty or the audience to demand it from him, and likewise engaging
to submit to their authority in the event of any complaints against him,
either as an individual, or in the execution of his high office.
On receiving his commission, Gonzalo Pizarro made his public entry into
Lima, with all his troops in martial order. Captain Bachicao marched at
the head of the vanguard with the artillery, consisting of twenty field
pieces, which with all their ammunition, carriages, and other
equipments, were carried on the shoulders of six thousand Indians, who
completely filled all the streets through which they had to pass. The
artillery was accompanied by a guard of thirty musqueteers and fifty
canoneers. The company of two hundred pikemen commanded by Diego de
Gumiel followed next. Then two companies of musqueteers, commanded by
the Captains Guevara and Pedro Cermeno, the former consisting of 150,
and the latter of 200 men. After these followed three companies of
infantry who preceded Gonzalo Pizarro as his body guards, who followed
on horseback in his coat of mail, over which he wore a robe of cloth of
gold. He was followed by three captains of cavalry: Don Pedro de Porto
Carrero in the middle carrying the royal standard belonging to his
troop, having Antonio de Altamirano on his right with the standard of
Cuzco, and Pedro de Puelles on his left with a standard of the arms of
Gonzalo Pizarro. The whole cavalry of the army brought up the rear in
regular order. In this array, the whole column of march moved towards
the house of the oydor Ortiz de Zarate, where the other judges were
assembled. Ortiz had feigned sickness, on purpose to avoid attending the
royal court of audience at the reception of Gonzalo, but his brethren
adjourned the sitting to his house on the occasion.
Leaving his cavalry drawn up in the great square, Gonzalo made his
appearance before the assembled judges, who received him in form, and
administered to him the oath as governor. From thence he proceeded to
the town house, where all the magistrates of the city were assembled,
and where he was received with all the usual solemnities. Having gone
through all the ceremonies, he retired to his own house, and the
lieutenant-general Carvajal dismissed the army to its quarters upon the
citizens, who were ordered to entertain them at free quarters. Gonzalo
Pizarro continued to reside in Lima, exercising his authority as
governor in all things pertaining to military affairs, without
interfering in the administration of justice, which he confided entirely
to the oydors, who held their sittings for that purpose in the house of
the treasurer Alfonso Riquelme. Immediately after assuming the office of
governor, Gonzalo sent Alfonso de Toro as his lieutenant to Cuzco, Pedro
de Fuentes to Arequipa, Francisco de Almendras to La Plata, and others
in the same quality to the other cities of Peru[10].
[Footnote 10: According to Garcilasso, the entry of Gonzalo Pizarro into
Lima was in October 1544, forty days after the deposition and
imprisonment of the viceroy. In the History of America, II. 373, this
event is dated on the 28th October.--E.]
As in the sequel of this history we shall have much to say respecting
Gonzalo Pizarro and his lieutenant-general Francisco de Carvajal, it may
be proper in this place to give a short account of the age, qualities,
and characters of these two men. At this period, Gonzalo Pizarro was
about forty years of age, large made and tall, well proportioned, of a
dark brown complexion, with a long black beard. He was well versant in
military affairs and took great delight in war, of which he endured the
labours and privations with much patient fortitude. He was an excellent
horseman; and though his genius was rather confined, and his language
vulgar, he could express his sentiments with sufficient clearness. He
was exceedingly remiss in keeping his secrets to himself, by which
weakness he often suffered much prejudice in his affairs and military
transactions. He was rather avaricious, and disliked much to give away
money; owing to which want of liberality his affairs frequently suffered
material injury. He was exceedingly amorous, not confining himself like
his brother the marquis to the native women, but gave much offence by
his intrigues among the Spanish ladies in Peru.
Francisco de Carvajal was a man of low descent, the son of a person
employed in collecting the tax on salt, and was born in the village of
Ragama near Arevala. He had served long in the wars of Italy under Count
Pedro de Navarre, having been in the battle of Pavia, where the king of
France was taken prisoner. On his return to Spain he was accompanied by
a lady of a good family, Donna Catalina de Leyton, to whom he was said
to be married; though most people believed otherwise, and some even
alleged she had been a nun. After his return to Spain, he lived for some
time at the commandry of Heliche, in the capacity of a steward; and went
afterwards into New Spain with the lady who passed for his wife. He was
for some time employed in Mexico, where he held some office; whence he
was sent by the viceroy of that kingdom to Peru, along with
reinforcements to the marquis Pizarro, at the time when the Indians
revolted, as formerly related. On this occasion, the marquis gave him
some lands and Indians at Cuzco, where he resided till the arrival of
the viceroy; when he was about to have returned into Spain with a
considerable sum which he had amassed from the Indians of his
repartimiento; but not being able to procure an opportunity, he had
remained in the country. When Gonzalo Pizarro assumed the government of
Peru, Carvajal was said to be eighty years of age. He was of the middle
stature, but very gross, full-faced, and high-complexioned. He was
skilled in warlike affairs, having had long experience, and was able to
undergo fatigue infinitely better than could have been expected at his
advanced age. He hardly ever quitted his armour, either by day or night;
and scarcely ever slept, except on a chair, leaning his head on his
hand. He was so much addicted to wine, that when he could not procure
such as was brought from Spain, he used to content himself with the
strong liquors made by the Indians, of which he drank more freely than
any other Spaniard. His disposition was addicted to cruelty, insomuch
that he frequently put people to death upon very slight grounds,
sometimes even without any reason at all, except merely under pretence
of keeping up proper military discipline. Even when ordering any
unfortunate persons to condign punishment, he was wont to crack his
jokes, and to pay them ironical compliments. He was a bad Christian, and
much addicted to impiety, as was manifest in all his words and actions;
and was prodigiously avaricious in the acquisition of money, for which
purpose he pillaged many of their wealth, by threatening to put them to
death, and then letting them free for a good round sum. He ended his
days in a miserable manner, with small hope of salvation, as will appear
in the sequel.
To return to the incidents of our history: Our readers may recollect
that Luis de Ribera, lieutenant governor in La Plata, and Antonio
Alvares alcalde or judge ordinary of that city, with most of its
inhabitants, had taken the field with the purpose of joining the
viceroy. After journeying a long way in the deserts without receiving
any intelligence of the events which were passing at Lima, they at
length learnt that the viceroy was deposed and that Gonzalo Pizarro had
usurped the government of Peru. As Ribera and Alvarez were the chief
leaders and instigators of the citizens of La Plata, they did not dare
to return to that city in the present situation of affairs, and took
therefore the resolution of seeking refuge among the Indians in the
inaccessible mountains. Some of their associates, however, ventured to
return to their city, while others went to Lima, where they obtained
pardon from Gonzalo; but he forfeited their lands and Indians, and sent
Francisco de Almendras to take possession of their repartimientos in his
name, as funds for reimbursing the expences of the war.
We must now advert to the deposed viceroy. After he had been set at
liberty by the oydor Alvarez, as has been already related, and the two
other vessels which carried his brother, friends, and servants, had
likewise submitted to his authority, he continued his voyage with all
the three ships to the port of Tumbez, where he and Alvarez landed,
leaving proper persons to take charge of the ships. Immediately on
landing, the viceroy and oydor began to exercise their respective
authorities, by constituting a royal audience, and proclamations were
dispersed through every part of the country, giving an account of the
illegal deposition and imprisonment of the viceroy and the usurpation of
Gonzalo, and commanding all faithful subjects of his majesty to join the
standard of the viceroy. He issued these orders to the cities of Quito,
San Miguel, Puerto Viejo, and Truxillo; and commissioned captains to go
to different places to raise troops; sending, among others, Jerom de
Pereira on this errand into the province of Bracamoras. In consequence
of these proceedings, many persons came to Tumbez to join his standard.
He applied himself likewise to collect provisions and ammunition,
strengthening his party as much as possible; and issued orders to
transmit to him all the money which was contained in the royal coffers,
which was obeyed in many places. Some of the inhabitants however, fled
into the mountains, being unwilling to attach themselves to either of
the parties which now divided the unhappy colony, while others went to
join Gonzalo Pizarro. Intelligence was soon carried to Gonzalo of the
arrival of the viceroy at Tumbez, and of his preparations for recovering
his authority, and some even of the proclamations and orders of the
viceroy were brought to him at Lima. Gonzalo was by no means negligent
in endeavouring to counteract the proceedings of the viceroy; for which
purpose he sent orders to Ferdinand de Alvarado, his lieutenant at
Truxillo, and the captains. Gonzalo Diaz and Jerom Villegas, to collect
as many soldiers as possible in that part of the country, lest they
might have gone to Tumbez to join the party of the viceroy. He commanded
these officers to give every possible interruption to the preparations
of the viceroy, yet ordered them on no account to risk coming to a
battle with the royalists, however powerful and numerous they might
conceive their troops to be in comparison with those of the viceroy.
It had been long proposed to send a deputation from Gonzalo and the
communities of Peru into Spain, to lay an account before his majesty of
all that had occurred in the colony; and many of the principal
insurgents insisted on the necessity of this measure, to justify their
conduct. Others again, among whom the principal persons were the
lieutenant-general Carvajal and Captain Bachicao, were of an opposite
opinion; insisting that it were better to wait till his majesty might
think proper to send out persons to inquire into the cause of his
revenues being detained. They alleged that the viceroy must have already
fully informed his majesty upon all the late transactions, and would
doubtless be listened to in preference to any thing which they could say
in defence of their conduct. On this account, the leaders of the
insurgents regretted that they had not at the first sent over the judges
of the royal audience into Spain, to give an account of their reasons
for having made the viceroy a prisoner. And, after many deliberations on
this subject, it was at length determined to send home the Doctor
Texada, one of the oydors, in the name of the royal audience, to lay an
account of the whole before the king. It was at the same time resolved,
that Francisco Maldonado, who was master of the household of Gonzalo
Pizarro, should accompany Texada, carrying justificatory letters from
his master; but without any title, credence, or powers whatever. By
these measures, two purposes were served at the same time, both of which
were deemed useful: In sending a deputation to the king to justify their
proceeding, those of their party who pressed that measure were
satisfied; and by employing Texada on this errand, the court of royal
audience was virtually broken up, as Ortiz de Zarate could not then hold
sittings by himself[11]. When this proposal was communicated to Texada,
he readily consented to undertake the office, on condition that he were
furnished with 6000 crowns to defray the expences of his voyage.
Accordingly, Cepeda and he composed all the memorials and dispatches
which were deemed necessary, which were signed by these two judges only,
as Ortiz refused his concurrence.
[Footnote 11: Zarate seems to forget the existence of Cepeda, one of the
judges; but he seems to have entirely devoted himself to the party of
the usurper, while Ortiz affected at least to retain a sense of
loyalty.--E.]
When all was in readiness for the dispatch of Texada and Maldonado, a
ship which lay in the harbour of Lima was ordered to be fitted out for
their reception, of which Captain Bachicao was to have taken the
command, with a sufficient number of cannon, and twenty soldiers; having
orders to take possession of all the ships he might fall in with along
the coast. At this time, Vaca de Castro, the ex-president, who still
remained a prisoner in this ship, contrived to gain over a majority of
the seamen belonging to the vessel, with the assistance of his friend
Garcia de Montalva who occasionally visited him. By these means he
acquired the command of the vessel, which was already provided with
every thing needful for the voyage, and immediately set sail. This
untoward incident gave much uneasiness to Gonzalo Pizarro, both because
it delayed the departure of Texada, and because he judged that it could
not have happened without the concurrence of several concealed enemies
to the present state of affairs. On this the troops were ordered under
arms, and all the principal persons who were suspected of disaffection
to the party of Pizarro were taken into custody and committed to the
common prison of the city, both those who had fled from Cuzco, and those
belonging to other cities who had not joined his party. One of the
persons committed to prison on this occasion was the licentiate
Carvajal, to whom the lieutenant-general Carvajal sent a message,
desiring him to confess and make his will, as he was immediately to be
put to death. The licentiate did accordingly what he was desired, and
prepared himself to die with much firmness and resolution; yet he was
urged to be more expeditious, and the executioner was present, provided
with cords for tying his hands and strangling him. Every one believed
the last hour of the licentiate was come; more especially as,
considering his rank and quality, it was not thought possible that he
could be treated in this manner merely to frighten him. It was likewise
universally believed, that the execution of the licentiate would be
speedily followed by that of all the other prisoners; which it was
conceived would prove of material detriment to the colony, as they
consisted of the very principal people of the country, and of those who
had always evinced the most zealous loyalty to the service of his
majesty.
While matters seemed fast tending to this extremity, several of the most
judicious persons went to Gonzalo Pizarro, and requested of him to
reflect that the licentiate Carvajal was one of the principal persons in
the country, and that his brother had been already unjustly put to
death by the viceroy, under pretence of the licentiate having joined the
party of Pizarro. They urged that it was exceedingly imprudent at this
time to put the licentiate to death, as that would necessarily renew the
discontents which had formerly taken place on the death of his brother
the commissary. They even added, that much good service might be
expected from the licentiate, were it only in pursuit of revenge for the
death of his brother. They insisted that neither the licentiate nor any
of the other prisoners had any hand in the flight of Vaca de Castro; but
that it might easily be seen that the slightest pretexts were resorted
to on purpose to accuse them, who were already under suspicion as
disaffected to the ruling party. Teased and fatigued by these
solicitations, Gonzalo Pizarro refused to be spoken to on the subject;
so that the licentiate and his friends were induced to try another
expedient for his release. They conveyed to the lieutenant-general an
ingot of gold weighing forty marks[12], with a promise of a much larger
present if he would save the life of the licentiate. The
lieutenant-general accepted their offers, delayed the execution of the
licentiate, and prevailed on Gonzalo Pizarro to set him and all the
other suspected persons at liberty.
[Footnote 12: The weight of this is 820 ounces, which at L. 4 an ounce
comes to L. 1280, and was then worth as much as L. 7680 is in efficient
value.--E]
After the conclusion of this business, measures were taken for the
dispatch of Texada and Maldonado; and at this time there happened to
arrive a brigantine from Arequipa, which was fitted out along with some
other vessels, and armed with a part of the artillery which had been
brought down from Cuzco. In these vessels Bachicao embarked along with
the deputies, accompanied by sixty musqueteers, who were all that could
be prevailed upon to undertake the voyage. They proceeded on their
voyage along the coast to the northwards, and arrived one morning early
at Tumbez, where they understood the viceroy then resided. Immediately
on their being perceived making for the coast, the adherents of the
viceroy gave the alarm and stood on their defence: But as the viceroy
believed that Gonzalo Pizarro was on board in person accompanied by a
formidable body of troops, he retired in all haste from Tumbez
accompanied by an hundred and fifty men, taking the road for Quito.
Several of his people however did not think fit to accompany his flight,
and preferred giving themselves up to Bachicao, who likewise took
possession of two ships which happened to be in the port of Tumbez. From
thence, Bachicao went to Puerto Viejo and other places, where he drew
together about an hundred and fifty men, all of whom he took along with
him in the ships of his squadron. Among these were Bartholomew Perez,
and Juan Delmos, respectable inhabitants of Puerto Viejo.
Continuing his voyage towards Panama, Bachicao put in at the Isle of
Pearls, about twenty leagues from Panama to procure refreshments. While
at that place, the inhabitants of Panama received notice of his arrival,
and sent two deputies to learn his intentions, requesting at the same
time that he would not come into their boundaries with his troops.
Bachicao sent back word, that although he happened to be accompanied by
armed men, it was merely on purpose to defend himself against the
viceroy, and that he had not the most distant intention of injuring or
even displeasing the inhabitants of Panama. He informed them, that he
was entrusted with the transport of the Doctor Texada, one of the royal
judges, who was charged with a commission from the court of audience to
give an account to his majesty of the events which had occurred in Peru.
He farther declared that he should only land in Panama to provide
necessaries for his voyage back to Peru, and would reimbark without
delay. Lulled into security by these assurances, the inhabitants of
Panama took no measures for defence. On coming into the port, two ships
which happened to be there, made sail to go away; one of which was taken
possession of by one of the brigantines belonging to Bachicao, and
brought back to the harbour, with the master and chief mate hanging from
the yard arms. This sad spectacle gave great uneasiness to the
inhabitants, who judged from this tragical event, that the purposes of
Bachicao were very different from his words and promises. But it was not
now time to think of defence, and they were constrained to submit,
though filled with terror and dismay, leaving their lives and properties
entirely at the discretion of Bachicao, who was no less cruel than the
lieutenant-general Carvajal, or even more so if possible; being at the
same time exceedingly addicted to cursing and blasphemy, and among all
his vices not a single spark of virtue could be found to relieve the
picture.
At this time Captain Juan de Gusman was in Panama raising soldiers for
the service of the viceroy; but he found it advisable to retire on the
arrival of Bachicao, with whom all these soldiers now inlisted. Bachicao
likewise got possession of the artillery which had belonged to the
vessel in which Vaca de Castro escaped from Lima. Seeing himself master
of Panama, Bachicao who was a brutal passionate fellow, exercised the
command there in a cruel and tyrannical manner, disposing at his will of
the goods and properties of every one, violating every rule of law and
justice, oppressing the liberties of the community, and holding every
individual under such slavish constraint, that no one dared to act
otherwise than as he pleased to dictate. Learning or suspecting that two
of his captains had formed the design of putting him to death, he
ordered them both to be beheaded without any form of trial; and in
similar acts of injustice, and in every transaction, he used no other
formality than ordering it to be intimated by the public crier, "That
Captain Ferdinand Bachicao had ordained such and such to be done." He
thus usurped supreme and absolute authority, paying not the smallest
regard to the laws, or even to the external forms of justice.
The licentiate Vaca de Castro, who was at Panama when Bachicao arrived,
fled immediately across the isthmus to Nombre de Dios on the Atlantic,
where he embarked accompanied by Diego Alvarez de Cueto and Jerom
Zurbano. Doctor Texada and Francisco Maldonado escaped likewise to the
same port, where they all embarked together for Spain. Texada died on
the voyage while passing the Bahamas. On their arrival in Spain,
Moldonado and Cueto went directly to Germany, where the emperor Don
Carlos then was, where each gave an account of the business with which
they were entrusted. Vaca de Castro remained for some time at Tercera in
the Azores; whence he went to Lisbon, and afterwards to the court of
Spain; alleging that he did not dare to go by way of Seville, on account
of the influence in that place of the brothers relations and friends of
Juan Tello, whom he had put to death after the defeat of the younger
Almagro. On his arrival at court, De Castro was put under arrest in his
own house by order of the council of the Indies. He was afterwards
brought to trial on a variety of accusations, in the course of which he
was kept prisoner for five years in the citadel of Arevalo. He was
afterwards removed to a private house in Simanca, from which he was not
permitted to go out: And in consequence of a subsequent revolution in
the court of Spain, he was allowed to remain a prisoner at large in the
city and territory of Valladolid, till his cause was finally adjuged
[13].
[Footnote 13: We learn from Garcilasso, that Vara de Castro was in the
end honourably acquitted, and that in the year 1461, when Garcilasso was
at Madrid, De Castro was senior member of the council of the Indies. His
son, Don Antonio, was made knight of St. Jago, and had a grant of lands
and Indians in Peru to the extent of 20,000 pieces of eight yearly.--E.]
On the flight of the viceroy from Tumbez with an hundred and fifty men,
as before related, in consequence of the arrival of Bachicao, he retired
to Quito, where he was honourably received. In this place he increased
his force to two hundred men, and finding the country fertile and
abounding in provisions, he determined to remain there till he might
receive ulterior orders from his majesty, in reply to the informations
he had transmitted by Diego Alvarez de Cueto. In the mean time he
appointed strong guards to defend the passes in the mountains, and
stationed spies on the different roads, that he might have early
intimation of the procedure of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, which is three
hundred leagues from Quito. About this time four soldiers belonging to
Gonzalo deserted on account of some injurious treatment, and seized a
small bark in the port of Lima, in which they sailed northwards to a
place where they landed, and whence they travelled by land to Quito. On
their arrival, they represented to the viceroy, that the inhabitants of
Lima and other places were exceedingly discontented by the conduct of
Gonzalo, who subjected them to the most harassing and vexatious tyranny,
driving them from their houses, and despoiling them of their goods, so
that many of the colonists were reduced to depend on other persons for
their subsistence. That Gonzalo imposed such burthensome contributions
on the whole inhabitants, that they were unable to endure them; and that
all were so weary of his tyranny, that they would gladly join any person
who might come among them in the name of the king, to relieve them from
the cruel oppression and tyrannous violence of the usurper. In
consequence of this statement, the viceroy was induced to march from
Quito towards San Miguel, appointing to the command of his troops one
Diego de Occampo, an inhabitant of Quito, who had joined him on his
arrival at Tumbez, and had expended large sums in his service from his
own private fortune.
The licentiate Alvarez always accompanied the viceroy, and these two
established themselves as the court of royal audience, in virtue of a
commission from his majesty which the viceroy still held. By this royal
order, the viceroy was authorised after his arrival at Lima, to hold
audience in conjunction with two or one of the oydors who might first
arrive, or even in case that any two or three of them should chance to
die. In pursuance of this authority, the viceroy ordered a new seal to
be made, which he committed to the custody of Juan de Leon, alcalde or
police judge of Lima, who had been nominated by the Marquis of Camarosa,
grand-chancellor of the Indies, as his deputy or chancellor of the
audience of Lima. De Leon had fled from Gonzalo Pizarro, and had joined
the viceroy at Quito. In consequence of this arrangement, the viceroy
issued such orders and proclamations as seemed needful or expedient, in
the name of the emperor Don Carlos; authenticating them with the royal
seal, and by the signatures of himself and the licentiate Alvarez. By
these means there were two royal audiences in Peru, one at the city of
Lima, and the other wherever the viceroy happened to reside; so that it
frequently happened that two opposite and contradictory decrees were
pronounced and promulgated, in one and the same cause.
On taking the resolution of marching from Quito, the viceroy sent his
brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto, to inform his majesty of the
state of affairs, and to solicit such reinforcements as might enable him
to re-establish his authority in Peru, by waging war against Gonzalo
Pizarro. Cueto went accordingly to Spain in the same fleet with Vaca de
Castro and Texada, as already related. The viceroy advanced southwards
to San Miguel, which is an hundred and fifty leagues from Quito,
determining to remain at that place till he might receive farther orders
from his majesty. The inhabitants of San Miguel gave him the best
reception in their power, and furnished him as far as they were able
with every thing he was in want of. He continually kept his small army
on foot, to preserve the honour and reputation of his character as
viceroy, and that he might be in a convenient situation for receiving
such reinforcements as might come from Spain or from any of the American
colonies; as every one coming by land from these quarters must
necessarily pass by the way of San Miguel, especially if accompanied by
horses or beasts of burthen. He expected therefore to be able in this
place to collect reinforcements to his army, so as to be in condition to
renew the war, and employed himself to collect men, horses, and arms, so
that he was soon at the head of five hundred men, tolerably equipped.
Some of these indeed were in want of defensive armour, which they
endeavoured to supply by fabricating cuirasses of iron, and of hard
leather.
At the time when Gonzalo Pizarro sent Bachicao with the brigantines to
get possession of the ships belonging to the viceroy, he dispatched
Gonzalo Diaz de Pinera and Jerom de Villegas to collect the soldiers who
dwelt in Truxillo and San Miguel, that they might make head against the
viceroy in the north of Peru. These officers remained in San Miguel with
about eighty men whom they had drawn to their party, till they heard of
the approach of the viceroy; on which, not being in sufficient force to
oppose him, they retreated towards Truxillo, and established themselves
in the province of _Collique_, about forty leagues[14] from San Miguel.
From thence they sent intimation to Gonzalo of the advance of the
viceroy, and that his army increased daily in numbers, insomuch that it
behoved him to think of some appropriate measures to avert the
threatened danger. Diaz and Villegas were likewise informed that the
viceroy had sent Juan de Pereira, one of his officers, into the province
of Chachapoyas, in which there were very few Spanish settlers, to
endeavour to collect reinforcements. As they believed that Pereira and
his followers entertained no suspicions of their being in the
neighbourhood, Diaz and Villegas determined on attempting to surprize
them, which they did so effectually one night, that they made the whole
party prisoners without resistance. Having beheaded Pereira and two of
his principal followers, they obliged the rest of the party, about sixty
horsemen, to enter into the service of Gonzalo, by threats of putting
them all to death if they refused; after which they returned to their
post.
[Footnote 14: The distance in the text is probably a mistake for
_fourteen_ leagues, as about that distance to the S.E. of San Miguel
there is a river named _Chola_, which may have given name to the
district or valley in which it runs.--E.]
The viceroy was greatly incensed by this untoward event, and determined
to seek an opportunity of revenge. With this view he departed secretly
from San Miguel with a body of an hundred and fifty horse, and took such
judicious measures that he arrived one night undiscovered at _Collique,_
where he surprized the enemy, and obliged them to fly in all directions.
Diaz made his escape almost alone into a district inhabited by hostile
Indians, who assailed him and put him to death. Villegas and Ferdinand
Alvarado were more fortunate in their escape, as they were able to
collect some of their dispersed troops, with whom they took up a new and
more secure position not far from Truxillo, and at a safer distance from
San Miguel.
As Gonzalo Pizarro was informed that the viceroy augmented his army
from time to time, more especially after this successful enterprize, he
resolved to march against him without delay; as hardly a day passed in
which the viceroy was not joined by soldiers, horses, and arms from
Spain, or some of the American colonies, all of which were landed at the
port of Tumbez. He was likewise in dread lest some dispatch might arrive
from the emperor, favourable to the viceroy, by which his own adherents
might be intimidated, and numbers might be induced to change sides. With
this view he assembled his army, determined to march in person against
the viceroy, and if possible to bring him to action. He issued therefore
the proper orders to all his officers, reviewed and mustered his troops,
advanced them the necessary funds for taking the field, and sent off the
baggage, artillery, ammunition and provisions, with the main body of the
army towards Truxillo, remaining behind at Lima with some of his
principal officers, to follow in proper time. About this time a vessel
arrived from Arequipa with a very seasonable supply of 100,000 crowns;
and another vessel from Tierra Firma, belonging to Gonzalo Martel, sent
by his wife to enable him to return home. The arrival of these two
vessels was very opportune for Gonzalo Pizarro, as they served to
transport great quantities of musquets, pikes, ammunition, and other
implements of war, together with a guard of an hundred and fifty men,
and greatly facilitated the intended expedition against the viceroy.
On quitting Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro thought proper to take the oydor
Cepeda and Juan de Caceres the accountant-general along with him, both
to give the more eclat and appearance of legal authority to his
measures, and on purpose to break up the court of royal audience, as
Ortiz de Zarate would then be the only judge remaining at Lima, who was
not thought of much importance, as he was in bad health. Besides, Blas
de Soto, his brother, had married the daughter of that judge; and
although that marriage had been effected contrary to the wish of Ortiz,
it was considered as some tie upon his conduct. For greater security,
however, Gonzalo used the precaution of carrying the royal seal along
with him. Gonzalo Pizarro chose to go by sea; and on leaving Lima, he
appointed Lorenzo de Aldana as lieutenant-governor of that city, with a
garrison of eighty soldiers, to preserve tranquillity during his
absence. This small number was considered sufficient to prevent any
attempt towards a revolutionary movement, as most of the inhabitants of
Lima accompanied the expedition. Gonzalo embarked in March 1545, and
landed at the port of Santa, fifteen leagues south from Truxillo, at
which city he arrived on Palm Sunday. He remained at this place for some
time, waiting the junction of his troops, sending messages in various
directions to expedite their march. After some time, he marched from
Truxillo into the province of Collique, where the whole of his army
assembled. At this place he reviewed his army, which amounted to above
six hundred horse and foot. The troops under the viceroy were nearly as
numerous; but those under Gonzalo were much better armed, and better
supplied with every thing requisite for war, as well as being all
veteran soldiers, accustomed to war and discipline, and well acquainted
with all the difficult passes of the country. The troops of the viceroy
on the contrary, had for the most part come recently from Spain, were
quite unaccustomed to war, and ill armed; besides which their powder was
bad in quality.
Gonzalo used every effort to collect provisions and all kinds of
necessaries for his army, more especially as he had to pass through a
desert country which intervened between the province of Motupe[15] and
the city of San Miguel, a distance of twenty-two leagues without any
inhabitants, and entirely destitute of water or other means of
refreshment, consisting every where of burning sands without shelter
from the heat of the sun and almost under the equinoctial line. As this
march was necessarily attended with much inconvenience and difficulty,
Gonzalo used every proper precaution that his troops might be supplied
abundantly with water and other necessaries. For this purpose all the
neighbouring Indians were ordered to bring a prodigious quantity of jars
and other vessels calculated to contain water. The soldiers were ordered
to leave at Motupe all their clothes and baggage of which they were not
in immediate want, which were to be brought forward by the Indians.
Above all things, it was taken care that a sufficiency of water should
accompany the army, both for the troops, and for the horses and other
animals. Every thing being in readiness, Gonzalo sent forwards a party
of twenty-five horsemen by the ordinary road through the desert, that
they might be observed by the scouts belonging to the viceroy, and that
he might be led to believe the army came in that direction. He then took
a different route through the same desert with the army, marching as
expeditiously as possible, every soldier being ordered to carry his
provisions along with him on his horse. By these precautions, and the
rapidity of the march, the viceroy was not informed of the approach of
Gonzalo and his army, till they were very near San Miguel. Immediately
on learning their approach, he sounded the alarm, giving out that he
intended to meet and give battle to the insurgents; but as soon as his
army was drawn out from the city, he took a quite opposite course,
directing his march with all possible expedition towards the mountain of
Caxas.
[Footnote 15: Named Morrope in modern maps. The desert in the text is of
great extent, reaching from the river Leche to the Piura, a distance of
above eighty English miles.]
Gonzalo Pizarro got notice of the retreat of the viceroy about four
hours afterwards, in consequence of which he made no halt at San Miguel,
except to procure guides to direct him in the road which the viceroy had
taken. In the first night of this pursuit, the army of Gonzalo marched
eight Spanish leagues, or near thirty English miles, and several of the
royalists who had lagged behind the rest, together with the whole
baggage belonging to the retreating army fell into his hands. Gonzalo
hanged such of his prisoners as were most obnoxious to him, and
continued the pursuit of the flying royalists with the utmost diligence,
through difficult and almost impracticable roads, where no provisions
could be procured, always coming up with some of the hindmost of the
enemy. Gonzalo likewise sent on several Indians with letters to the
principal officers who served under the viceroy, urging them to put him
to death, and offering them their pardons for the past and to give them
high rewards. He continued the pursuit above fifty leagues or two
hundred miles, till at length the horses were no longer able to carry
their riders, and the men were incapable of proceeding, both from
excessive fatigue and by the failure of provisions. The insurgent army
at length arrived at Ayabaca[16], where the hot pursuit of the viceroy
was discontinued, and the troops of Gonzalo halted for rest and
refreshment. Besides the difficulty of overtaking the royalists, Gonzalo
had received assurances from some of the principal followers of the
viceroy that they would either put him to death, or deliver him up as a
prisoner; and, as this came afterwards to the knowledge of the viceroy,
he put several of these officers and gentlemen of his army to death.
After Gonzalo had supplied his army with such provisions as could be
furnished at Ayabaca, he resumed the pursuit, but with less rapidity
than before, and keeping his army always in compact order; yet at this
time some of his troops remained behind, partly owing to extreme
fatigue, and partly from discontent. Leaving the viceroy to continue
his retreat to Quito, and Gonzalo in pursuit, it is proper to mention
some events that occurred at this time in other parts of Peru.
[Footnote 16: Notwithstanding the distance mentioned in the text,
Ayabaca is only about 60 miles, or fifteen Spanish leagues in a straight
line N.N.E. from San Miguel.--E.]
In this march, Gonzalo did not think proper to carry along with his army
any of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy whom he had taken during
the pursuit, both because he could not confide in them, because he had
already a sufficient force in proportion to the enemy, and because
provisions were very difficult to be procured, as the viceroy had
stripped every place through which he passed as much as possible. For
this reason, Gonzalo Pizarro sent back all his prisoners to Truxillo,
Lima, or such other places as they thought proper, having in the first
place put to death such of their chiefs as he considered most strongly
attached to the viceroy. As these soldiers were dispersed over several
parts of the country, they began to declaim in favour of the viceroy and
against the tyrannical conduct of Gonzalo, and found many persons
abundantly disposed to listen to their harangues; both because what they
alleged was true in itself, and because most of the Spanish inhabitants
of Peru were much inclined to revolution and change of party, especially
the soldiery and those who were lazy and unoccupied. The real settlers
and principal inhabitants of the cities were quite of an opposite
description, being friends of peace and order, as most conducive to
their interest and happiness, and necessary to the preservation of their
properties, and being more exposed in time of civil war than even the
soldiers to be harassed and tormented in many ways, as the ruling party
was apt on the slightest pretexts to put them to death on purpose to
seize their effects, with which to gratify and reward the partizans of
their tyranny and injustice. These seditious discourses were so openly
indulged in, that they reached the knowledge of the lieutenants of
Gonzalo; who, each in his peculiar jurisdiction, punished the authors as
they deemed right. At Lima, to which most of these prisoners had gone,
Pedro Martin de Cecilia the provost marshal was a violent partizan of
Gonzalo, and caused several of these malecontents to be hanged. Lorenzo
de Aldana, who had been left by Gonzalo as lieutenant-governor of Lima,
was a prudent man, and conducted himself in a quite different manner,
being disinclined from acting with such violence as might occasion
displeasure to either party in the sequel; for which reason he used all
his influence to prevent putting any one to death, or from injuring any
person in any manner. Although he held his office from Gonzalo, he never
exerted himself zealously in his service, so that the partizans of that
usurper considered him as secretly gained by the other party, more
especially as he always behaved well to the known friends of the
viceroy. On this account, all these men flocked to Lima, where they
believed themselves in greater security than anywhere else. The
partizans of Gonzalo, on the other hand, made loud complaints against
the favourable behaviour of Aldana to the royalists; and in particular
one of the alcaldes of Lima, named Christopher de Burgos, spoke of it so
openly that Aldana thought it necessary to give him a public reprimand,
and even committed him to prison for some time. Several even went so far
as to communicate their suspicions of the fidelity of Aldana to Gonzalo
Pizarro by letters, and even persuaded him of the truth of their
allegations: But he refrained from manifesting his want of confidence in
the lieutenant-governor, considering it dangerous to deprive him of his
office while the army was at so great a distance, more especially as
Aldana had a respectable military force, and was much esteemed by the
citizens of Lima.
We have formerly mentioned that several inhabitants of the city of La
Plata in the province of Las Charcas, on receiving orders to that effect
from the viceroy, had set out from that city on purpose to offer him
their services against Gonzalo; but having learnt his imprisonment while
on their way to Lima, they returned to their habitations. Gonzalo
Pizarro was particularly displeased with these men, as he expected to
have been especially favoured by the inhabitants of his own peculiar
district, and sent therefore a person named Francisco de Almendras as
lieutenant-governor to La Plata, a coarse brutal fellow without feeling
or humanity, and one of the most cruel satellites of his tyrannical
usurpation; whom he instructed to be peculiarly watchful of the
behaviour of those who had shewn an intention of joining the viceroy,
and to make them feel on every opportunity how much he was dissatisfied
with their conduct on that occasion. In pursuance of his instructions,
Almendras deprived the principal persons among these loyalists of their
lands and Indians, and exacted heavy contributions from them towards
defraying the expences of the war. He likewise affronted and used them
ill on all occasions, and even on very frivolous pretences. One Don
Gomez de Luna, a principal person among the loyalists of La Plata,
happened one day to observe in conversation at his own house, that the
emperor Don Carlos must assuredly at length recover the command over
Peru. This loyal sentiment was reported to Almendras, who immediately
ordered De Luna to be arrested and thrown into the common prison. The
magistrates of the city went in a body to supplicate Almendras either to
liberate De Luna, or at least to confine him in a place more conformable
to his rank; and as Almendras refused to give a satisfactory answer to
their representation, one of the magistrates declared publicly, that, if
he would not liberate de Luna, they would do so in spite of him.
Almendras dissembled his sentiments at the time, but went next night to
the prison, whence he caused De Luna to be taken out to the public
square and beheaded.
The inhabitants of the city were exceedingly disgusted by this cruel act
of tyranny, which they considered as an outrage against the whole
community; and particularly one Diego Centeno was most sensibly
affected, as he and De Luna had been extremely intimate. At the
commencement of the troubles respecting the obnoxious regulations,
Centeno had attached himself to Gonzalo Pizarro, whom he had accompanied
to Cuzco, in the capacity of procurator from the province of Las
Charcas, being one of the principal persons of his party. Having noticed
the bad intentions of Pizarro, and that he did not limit his designs to
those objects which he at first proposed, Centeno abandoned the party of
Gonzalo and returned to his own house. He now determined to use his
utmost endeavours to revenge the cruel death of his friend De Luna, that
he might save himself and others from the tyrannous rule of Almendras,
and on purpose to restore the country to obedience to its legitimate
sovereign. With this view, he communicated his sentiments to some of the
principal settlers, among whom were Lopez de Mendoza, Alfonso Perez de
Esquivel, Alfonzo de Camargo, Fernando Nunnez de Segura, Lopez de
Mendiera, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and several others whom he believed to
have loyal intentions, all of whom he found disposed to second him in
executing the enterprize which he had in view. In the prosecution of
this purpose, they all assembled one Sunday morning, according to
custom, at the house of Almendras, under pretence of accompanying him
to church. When all were assembled, although Almendras had a
considerable guard, Ceuteno went up to him as if to converse on some
affair of moment, and stabbed him repeatedly with his dagger. The
conspirators then dragged him out to the public square and cut off his
head, declaring him a traitor, and proclaiming that they had done so for
the service of the king.
Considering that Almendras was universally detested, the conspirators
had not thought it necessary to use any precautions for conciliating the
people; yet all the inhabitants declared for the king, and took
immediate measures to support his authority and to defend themselves
against the resentment of Gonzalo and the insurgents. For this purpose,
they elected Centeno as commander in chief of the province; in which
capacity he appointed proper persons to be captains of cavalry and
infantry under his authority, and used every effort to inlist a body of
troops, which he paid out of his own funds, being one of the richest men
in the country; but in this he was assisted by the other inhabitants of
the province, who contributed towards the expence. Centeno was of an
honourable family, being descended from Hernan Centeno who had made
himself illustrious in the wars of Castillo. He was about thirty-five
years of age, of very agreeable manners, of a liberal disposition,
personally brave, of an excellent character and universally respected.
At this time he enjoyed a revenue exceeding 80,000 crowns; but about two
years afterwards, on the discovery of the famous mines of Potosi, he
became possessed of above 100,000 crowns of annual rent by means of his
Indians, as his estate lay very near these mines.
Having assembled a body of troops, Centeno used every effort to provide
them with arms and all other necessary equipments. He placed guards at
all the passes, to prevent any intelligence from being conveyed to the
enemy till his affairs were in proper order. He sent likewise Lopez de
Mendoza one of his captains, first to Porco and thence to Arequipa to
collect as many men as possible, and to endeavour to arrest Pedro do
Puentes the lieutenant of Gonzalo at Arequipa. But Puentes fled
immediately from Arequipa on receiving intelligence of the events which
had occurred at Las Charcas. Mendoza therefore took possession of
Arequipa without resistance; whence he reinforced himself with all the
men, arms, and horses, he could procure, and carried off all the money
he could find, with which and his reinforcement he returned to Centeno
at La Plata.
On the return of Mendoza, Centeno found himself at the head of two
hundred and fifty men well equipped for war, to whom he explained his
sentiments and views, and gave an account of the criminal usurpation of
Gonzalo Pizarro, in the following terms. "You know that Gonzalo, on
leaving Cuzco, pretended merely to present the humble remonstrances of
the colonists respecting the obnoxious regulations; and you have been
informed that, even at the outset, he put to death Gaspard de Roias,
Philip Gutierrez, and Arias Maldonado. You have learnt how he conspired
with the judges of the royal audience and other inhabitants of Lima, to
arrest and depose the viceroy, both of which were done accordingly.
After this, while at the very gates of Lima, and before his public entry
into that city, he sent in his lieutenant-general, who arrested many of
the most considerable and richest inhabitants of the country, under the
eyes of the judges, merely because these men had joined the viceroy, and
even hanged three of them without any form of trial, Pedro de Barco,
Martin de Florencia, and Juan Saavedra. He in the next place has broken
up the royal court of audience, sending off its judges to different
places, having in the first place obliged them to appoint him to the
government. He has since, as you well know, caused many others to be put
to death, merely on suspicion that they were favourable to the viceroy,
and intended to join his party. Not satisfied with all this, he has
seized all the treasure belonging to his majesty in the different
receipts of the colony, and has imposed excessive contributions on the
inhabitants, from whom he has exacted above 150,000 ducats by means of
taxes imposed at his own pleasure. Adding crime to crime, he has again
levied forces against the authority of his majesty, with which he has
marched against the viceroy, and has carried insubordination and
confusion into every part of the country; permitting and encouraging
many to hold public discourse contrary to the respect and obedience
which is due to his majesty. They were likewise aware, that Gonzalo had
token away the repartimientos, or allotments of lands and Indians from
many persons, and had converted them to his own emolument. Finally, he
laid before them the strong obligations by which they were all bound, as
faithful subjects, to exert their utmost endeavours in the service of
their sovereign, lest they should draw upon themselves the imputation of
being rebels and traitors." By these representations, and others which
it were tedious to repeat, he disposed his auditors to concur in his
loyal sentiments, and willingly to obey his orders. After this, Centeno
sent one of his captains with a detachment to Chicuito, a place
belonging particularly to the king, between Orcaza and Las Charcas, with
orders to guard the passes with the utmost vigilance, till he and the
royalists were in full readiness to execute their principal enterprize,
as will be related in the sequel.
Notwithstanding every precaution employed by Centeno to conceal his
operations and intentions, it was impossible to prevent intelligence
from spreading in various directions, more especially after the
expedition of Mendoza to Arequipa. Every thing he had already done, even
the number of his troops, and of the musquets and horses he had
collected, was fully known, by means of Indians and Spaniards who had
escaped from La Plata, in spite of the guards which had been set, to
watch the passes of the mountains. Alfonso de Toro, who acted as
lieutenant governor of Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, happened at this
time to be a hundred leagues to the northward of that city, keeping
guard in one of the passes of the mountains, as by letters from Gonzalo
the viceroy was reported to have gone into the mountainous country, and
was supposed to have directed his march by that road toward the south of
Peru. On receiving notice of the late revolution at La Plata, De Toro
returned in all diligence to Cuzco, where he levied forces to oppose
Centeno; and, having assembled the magistrates and principal inhabitants
of Cuzco, he informed them of what had occurred at Las Charcas, and as
there was a sufficient force in Cuzco to suppress the royalists, he
thought it incumbent on him to march to La Plata for that purpose. To
gain them over to his purpose, he represented that Centeno had revolted
without any just cause, and had usurped authority in Las Charcas for his
own private ends, under pretence of serving the king; whereas Gonzalo
Pizarro, being actual governor of the kingdom of Peru, ought to be
obeyed as such till his majesty sent orders to the contrary. That the
revolt of Centeno, being both criminal in itself and contrary to the
law, every one was bound to resist him, and to punish his temerity. He
recalled to their remembrance, that Gonzalo Pizarro was engaged in
serving the general interest of the colonists, to procure the revocation
of the obnoxious ordinances, in which common cause he had exposed his
fortune and personal safety to every hazard, as it was well known that
every inhabitant of Peru would be stripped of his property if the
regulations were put in force. That besides the general advantage
procured by Gonzalo in setting aside the obnoxious regulations, for
which all were infinitely indebted to him, it was obvious that he had
not in any respect conducted himself contrary to the royal orders, and
had not in any manner set himself against the authority of the
sovereign; since, on his arrival at Lima for the purpose of presenting
their remonstrances, the judges of the royal audience had already
arrested the viceroy and sent him out of the kingdom, of which these
judges had appointed Gonzalo interim governor; and that in marching in a
warlike manner against the viceroy, he had acted at the request and by
the orders of the royal audience; as was manifest by his being
accompanied by Cepeda, one of the royal judges and chairman of the
audience. He asserted that no person in Peru could take upon him to
determine whether the audience had acted right or otherwise in
conferring the government on Gonzalo; and that it was the duty of all to
support him in that office, till they received the ulterior orders of
the sovereign.
At the close of this discourse, every one acknowledged the justice of
what he had represented, and voluntarily offered to support Gonzalo with
their lives and fortunes; although in reality most of them did so more
from fear than good will, as they stood in great awe of De Toro, who had
hanged several persons in a summary manner, and had made himself
universally dreaded by his cruel and ferocious disposition and conduct,
so that no one dared to oppose or contradict him in any thing. After a
short deliberation, a set of resolutions were entered into, in which the
transactions of Centeno in Las Charcas were recited as seditious and
unlawful, and he was declared to have assassinated Francisco de
Almendras, the lieutenant governor, to have levied forces in rebellion
against the legitimate government, and to have passed the boundaries of
the province of Las Charcas in hostile manner; for all which reasons it
was just and proper to make war upon him, and to reduce him to
obedience. All this was done principally to satisfy or to amuse the
people, and to make them believe that the partizans of Gonzalo acted
reasonably and lawfully, as all those who signed these resolutions were
perfectly aware of the real state of affairs. In reality, although
matters were thus represented in the popular assemblages, in
justification of the measures of the insurgent party, or at least to
excuse their actions under specious pretences, those who took an active
part on the present occasion, used often to declare, both in the
presence and absence of Gonzalo, that the king would certainly give, or
ought to give him the government of Peru, as they were resolved not to
receive any other person in that capacity, such being the resolution of
Gonzalo in which they all concurred.
Alfonso de Toro now proceeded to levy an army, of which he declared
himself captain general and commander in chief, and appointed captains
and other officers to command under his authority. In all his
proceedings he carried himself with a high hand, employing force and
violence, instead of persuasion and good treatment. He protested
publickly and with many oaths, that he would hang up every one who did
not assist and contribute to the cause; and even had several persons
carried to the foot of the gallows, whose lives he was induced to spare
by dint of solicitations. He abused and maltreated others, using
everyone in the most outrageous manner who did not give way to him in
all things. By this violent procedure he completed his warlike
preparations at very small expence; insomuch that it appeared afterwards
by his accounts, that he had not expended above twenty thousand crowns
in this expedition, as he took away gratuitously all the horses that
were to be found in Cuzco, and constrained all the inhabitants who were
able to carry arms to accompany him in the expedition against Centeno.
By these means De Toro collected three hundred men, tolerably armed and
equipped, with which he marched from Cuzco to a place named Urcos, about
six leagues from that city, where he remained three weeks in anxious
expectation of intelligence from Las Charcas: But all the roads and
passes between and La Plata, were so well guarded by the Indians, who
were entirely disposed to favour Centeno, that he was unable to learn
any thing of the movements or intentions of the royalists in Las
Charcas, so that he was constrained to remain continually on the alert
lest he might have been surprized. Besides these military precautions,
he rigorously punished all who presumed to show the slightest
disinclination towards the interest of the Pizarrian faction, or to
express their sentiments in any respect in disapprobation of his own
designs; insomuch that all were constrained from dread of punishment to
appear heartily attached to the cause in which he was engaged.
After remaining three weeks encamped at Urcos, he determined to march in
search of Centeno, and advanced for that purpose to the village named
Del Rey. As the troops of Centeno happened to be a good deal scattered
at this time, he was under the necessity of retreating on the approach
of De Toro. These hostile chiefs being encamped at the distance of about
twelve leagues, entered into a negotiation to endeavour to form an
accommodation; but, as they were unable to agree upon any terms, De Toro
advanced for the purpose of attacking Centeno; who, on the other hand,
was unwilling to risk the chance of an engagement, owing to the
inferiority of his force, and because a defeat might have dispirited his
own party and have been of great advantage to the cause of the
insurgents. On this account he retired in proportion as De Toro
advanced, accompanied by a great number of large Peruvian sheep loaded
with provisions and ammunition, and carrying along with him all the
principal _curacas_ or native chiefs, to prevent De Toro from being able
to avail himself of the assistance of the Indians. In this manner
Centeno continued to retreat across a desert and uninhabited country of
forty leagues extent, till he arrived at a place named _Casabindo_,
through which Diego de Roias had formerly descended from the elevated
region of Peru into the eastern plain of the Rio de la Plata. Alfonso de
Toro continued the pursuit as far as the city of La Plata, which is an
hundred and eighty leagues to the south of Cuzca. Finding that place
abandoned and entirely stript of every thing which might contribute to
the subsistence of his troops, and being unable to procure provisions on
account of the absence of all the curacas or caciques, he was under the
necessity to discontinue his pursuit of Centeno, and even found himself
compelled to return towards Cuzco. In this retreat, De Toro took the
command of the advanced guard of fifty men, ordering the main body to
march at leisure, and left a rear-guard of thirty of his best mounted
cavalry under Alfonso de Mendoza, with orders to use every possible
means of procuring intelligence of the motions of Centeno; that, in case
of his following, the troops might be collected together in good order
to rejoin the van.
The departure of De Toro from La-Plata on his return to Cuzco was soon
communicated to Centeno by means of the Indians. He was astonished at
this sudden alteration of affairs; and, as he understood that De Toro
marched in great hast, without keeping his troops in close array, he
supposed that circumstance to have been occasioned by De Toro
entertaining suspicions of the fidelity of his followers, and that he
had found them ill-disposed towards the party of the Pizarrians. On
these considerations, Centeno resolved to pursue in his turn, in hope of
drawing some advantage to the cause in which he was engaged from this
measure, and even expecting that several of the followers of Toro might
come over to his side. He sent off therefore the captain Lope de Mendoza
with fifty light armed cavalry in pursuit of the enemy. Mendoza got in a
short time to Collao; and, although de Toro and most of his troops had
already passed beyond that place, he made prisoners of about fifty who
remained behind, whom at first he deprived of their horses and arms.
Soon afterwards, however, he returned these to his prisoners, and even
distributed some money among them, receiving their engagements upon oath
to join him when required; but he hanged a few of them who were
suspected of being particulary attached to De Toro. After this
successful exploit, Lope returned in great haste to La Plata, in hope of
being able to cut off Alfonzo de Mendoza and his small party, who still
occupied that place. But Alfonzo had received intelligence of what had
happened at Collao, and had already quitted La Plata in great haste,
taking a different road from that pursued by Lope, by which means he got
safe to Cuzco.
Centeno arrived soon afterwards at La Plata with the remainder of his
troops, where he assembled all the force under his command, and where he
made every possible preparation for continuing the war to advantage, and
in particular caused a number of musquets to be made. De Toro continued
his retreat to Cuzco, dreading much to be pursued, and lest Centeno
might have acquired possession of Cuzco, which he might easily have
accomplished in the present situation of affairs; but Centeno thought it
more prudent to remain at La Plata, where he augmented the number of his
troops and collected treasure which was found in great plenty in the
province of Las Charcas.
The events which had taken place in Las Charcas were soon known at
Lima; and as several of the soldiers in that city were attached to the
party of the viceroy, they spoke almost openly of going away to join
Centeno; and, from the small attention paid by Lorenzo de Aldana to
repress these men, he was even suspected of favouring the same cause.
Antonio de Ribera likewise, although the brother-in-law of Pizarro, was
strongly suspected of being secretly devoted to the royal interest, as
indeed his conduct in the sequel evinced; and several other persons of
consideration lay under suspicions of the same nature. All this gave
much uneasiness to the friends of Pizarro: Yet those persons at Lima who
wished well to the interests of his majesty, did not think it prudent at
this time to make any open attempt, being satisfied that it was better
to wait a more favourable opportunity, and that De Aldana would prepare
matters for that purpose, as he seemed clearly favourable to the same
cause. His abilities were universally acknowledged, and his good
intentions were not doubted, so that all were satisfied that he would
conduct matters with much prudence to a favourable issue.
At this time it became known at Lima that the viceroy had retreated with
a small body of troops into the province of Popayan; and that during his
retreat he had put to death several of the officers and other persons of
consideration in his army; among whom were Rodrigo de Ocampo, Jerom de
la Cerna, Gaspard Gil Olivarez and Gomez Estacio; some of these because
they were inclined to abandon him, and others for corresponding with
Gonzalo Pizarro, and conspiring to put the viceroy to death. On the
communication of this intelligence at Lima, it produced different
effects according to the different inclinations and views of the
inhabitants. It occasioned more reserve among those who were of loyal
dispositions; whereas the partizans of the Pizarrian tyranny considered
themselves more at liberty to avow their sentiments to Aldana. They went
therefore to him in a body, and represented that there were many persons
in Lima who were strongly suspected of being hostile to Gonzalo Pizarro,
and only waited a favourable opportunity to take up arms against him;
and that it was incumbent therefore on the lieutenant governor to punish
these men for the scandalous freedoms in which they had indulged, or at
least to banish them from the city. They offered to furnish sufficient
proof of these facts, and urged him to exert his authority on the
occasion. Aldana assured them that none of these things had ever come
to his knowledge; and that if he knew who those were against whom they
complained, he would take such measures as were necessary on the
occasion.
The partizans of Pizarro became at length so bold that they arrested
fifteen of those whom they most strongly suspected of attachment to the
deposed viceroy, among whom was Diego Lopez de Zuniga. Having thrown
these men into prison, the Pizarrians were inclined to have given them
the torture to extort confession, and afterwards to have procured their
condemnation by Pedro Martin the provost marshal of the city; so that
they were in imminent danger of being put to death, if Lorenzo de Aldana
had not exerted himself promptly and effectually to take them out of the
hands of the Pizarrians. For this purpose, he caused them all to be
brought to his own residence, on pretence that they would be there in
more safe custody, and provided them with every thing of which they
stood in need, even secretly furnishing them with a vessel in which they
embarked and saved themselves from their enemies. This transaction gave
much dissatisfaction to the friends of Pizarro, both on account of the
escape of the prisoners, and because Aldana refused to allow of any
formal investigation into the circumstances of their escape; on which
account the Pizarrians firmly believed that Aldana was in secret league
with the opposite party. They wrote therefore to Gonzalo Pizarro, giving
him an account of all these events, and urging him to give proper orders
on the occasion. But Gonzalo did not think it prudent at this time to
make any change in affairs at Lima, or to attempt any thing against
Aldana; because, as it has been reported, he was afraid of matters
taking an unfavourable issue while he was at so great a distance.
When Gonzalo Pizarro was informed of what had been done by Centeno in
the province of Las Charcas against his interest and authority, he
believed it necessary to use prompt measures for reducing that country
to subjection, and not to give his enemies time and opportunity for
strengthening themselves and increasing the number of their partizans;
as he flattered himself that he would become absolute master of the
whole kingdom of Peru, if he were able to get rid of Centeno. After
several consultations with the principal officers of his army, on the
measures necessary to be pursued on this emergency, in which Gonzalo
could not act in person as he had still to oppose the viceroy in the
north, it was determined to confide the care of an expedition against
Centeno to the lieutenant-general Carvajal. For this purpose all the
necessary orders and commissions were made out immediately in the name
of Gonzalo Pizarro, by which Carvajal was authorized to levy what men
and money he might deem necessary. This employment was very acceptable
to Carvajal, as he believed he might derive considerable profit to
himself in its execution; and he set out from Quito accompanied only by
twenty persons, in whom he had great confidence. The council of Gonzalo
Pizarro had other and secret motives for recommending the employment of
Carvajal on this occasion, besides those which they publickly avowed.
Some were desirous of acquiring by his absence a greater share in the
management of affairs; while others were anxious to send him to a
distance, from the terror inspired by his cruel and ferocious conduct,
and his passionate temper, owing to which he used often to put people to
death on the most trifling offences or the slightest suspicions. But all
the leaders in the army disguised their real sentiments on this
occasion, pretending that the importance of the affair required the
talents and experience of Carvajal to bring it to a successful issue.
Leaving Quito, Carvajal went, directly to San Miguel, where the
principal inhabitants went out to meet him, and conducted him with much
respect to the house which was prepared for his reception. On arriving
there, he desired six of the most considerable persons belonging to the
city to dismount and accompany him into the house, under pretence that
he had something of importance to communicate to them from the governor.
Having caused the doors to be shut, and posted centinels to prevent any
communication with the rest of the inhabitants, he represented to these
men, that Gonzalo was much incensed against them for having always taken
part with his enemies, and more especially on account of having received
and favoured the deposed viceroy, and of having readily supplied his
army with every thing of which they stood in need. On this account it
had been his first intention to have destroyed the city with fire and
sword, without sparing a single inhabitant. But, on reflecting that the
magistrates and principal inhabitants only were to blame, the people at
large having been constrained by force or fear, he was now determined to
punish only the most guilty and to pardon the rest. Yet, having certain
private reasons for dissembling for the present with some of the
principal persons of the place, he had selected the six who were now
present, as principal inhabitants, to punish them as they richly
deserved, that they might serve as a warning to all Peru. For this
reason, therefore, he desired them to confess their sins in preparation
for death, as he was resolved to have them all executed immediately.
They used every argument to exculpate themselves from the crimes kid to
their charge, but all they could say was without avail; and Carvajal
even caused one of them to be strangled, against whom he was
particularly incensed, as he had been principally instrumental in
constructing the royal seal which the viceroy employed in his
dispatches. In the mean time, a rumour of what was going forward at the
residence of Carvajal spread over the city, and came to the knowledge of
the wives of the prisoners. These ladies immediately implored the
priests and monks who dwelt in San Miguel to accompany them to the place
where their husbands were in so great danger. They all went there
accordingly, and got in by a private door which had not been noticed by
the people belonging to Carvajal, and which had consequently been
omitted to be guarded. Coming into the presence of Carvajal, the wives
of the prisoners threw themselves at his feet, and implored mercy for
their husbands. He pretended to be softened, and granted pardon to the
prisoners, so far as their lives; yet reserving to himself to punish
them in such other manner as he might see fit. Accordingly, he banished
them from the province, depriving them of their lands and Indians, and
condemned them in the payment of heavy fines towards defraying the
expences of the war.
From San Miguel Carvajal went to Truxillo, collecting every where on his
route all the soldiers, horses, arms, and money he could find. Carvajal
had resolved to have put one Melchior Verdugo to death, who dwelt in
Truxillo; but as Verdugo got intimation of this intention, he fled to
the province of Caxamarca, where his repartimiento of Indians was
situated. The bussiness on which Carvajal was engaged was of too great
importance to admit of pursuing Verdugo; wherefore, after having got
possession of as much money as possible under pretence of a loan, he
went on to Lima, always collecting all the soldiers he could procure. He
gave no money to his recruits, only supplying them with horses and arms,
which he took wherever they could be found. He kept all the money he
could find for his own use, every where pillaging the royal coffers and
public funds, and even searching for treasure among the ancient tombs.
After arriving at Lima, he completed his military preparations, and
departed for Cuzco by way of the mountain and the city of Guamanga, at
the head of two hundred men well equipped, and carrying with him a great
sum of money which he had collected during his march; and at Guamanga he
conducted himself in the same rapacious manner as in other places.
Seven or eight days after the departure of Carvajal from Lima, a
conspiracy was detected among those who were well affected to the royal
cause, in consequence of which fifteen of the principal persons of that
city were committed to prison. Among these were, Juan Velasquez, Vela
Nunnez nephew to the viceroy, Francisco Giron another gentlemen of his
household, and Francisco Rodriguez. By means of the torture, these
unhappy persons were made to confess that they had concerted with Pedro
Manxarres, an inhabitant of Las Charcas, to kill the lieutenant-governor
Aldana, the provost marshall Pedro Martin, and other friends and
partizans of Gonzalo Pizarro, after which they proposed to induce the
citizens of Lima to declare for his majesty, confidently expecting that
all those who now followed Carvajal by constraint would join their
party; and they intended finally to have gone off with all the strength
they could muster to join Centeno. Upon this forced confession, Giron
and one other of these prisoners were strangled. By the intercession of
several respectable persons the life of Juan Velasquez was spared, but
his right hand was cut off. All the rest of these prisoners were so
severely tortured that they continued lame for the rest of their lives.
Manxarres saved himself by flight, and continued to conceal himself
among the mountains for more than a year; but fell at last into the
hands of one of the officers in the interest of Gonzalo, who caused him
to be hanged.
As Pedro Martin, the provost-marshal, strongly suspected that some of
those who accompanied Carvajal had participated in this plot; he
endeavoured to discover this by torturing Francisco de Guzman, one of
the prisoners. Finding that Guzman made no confession on this head, he
interrogated him particularly respecting a soldier along with Carvajal
named Perucho de Aguira, and some of his friends, demanding to know
whether these men were in the secret. On purpose to free himself from
the torture, Guzman said they were. After this confession, Guzman was
formally condemned to become a monk in the convent belonging to the
order of mercy, in which he accordingly assumed the habit. After this,
Martin demanded from the registrar a certificate of the confession of
Guzman, by which Aguira and others were implicated in the plot, and
Martin immediately sent off this writing by an Indian messenger to
Carvajal who was then at Guamanga. On the receipt of this paper,
Carvajal ordered Aguira and five others to be hanged, without any
further proof or examination. A short time afterwards, the registrar
being sensible of the error he had committed in supplying the
certificate, sent off a full copy of the confession made by Guzman, in
which was an ample revocation of all he had said under torture,
declaring that he had falsely charged Aguira and the others, merely to
get free from torture. This was however of no avail, as it arrived too
late, Aguira and the others having been already executed, although they
asserted their innocence to the last moment of their lives, as was
certified by the confessors who attended them at their execution; but
Carvajal was inexorable.
Learning while at Guamanga, that Centeno had retired through the desert
to Casabindo as he was unable to cope with Toro, Carvajal was satisfied
that the affaire of the insurgent party were in a fair train in Las
Charcas, where his presence was not now needed, and determined therefore
to return to Lima. He was besides induced to take this step in
consequence of a difference which subsisted between Toro and himself,
occasioned by the charge of lieutenant general under Gonzalo having
originally belonged to Toro, of which he had been deprived in favour of
Carvajal. He feared therefore, lest Toro, on his victorious return from
Las Charcas, being at the head of a much stronger force, might renew
their former quarrel. Carvajal had likewise received letters from some
inhabitants of Lima, remarking the lukewarmness of Aldana to the cause
of Gonzalo Pizarro, and requesting his presence to place affairs at that
city on a more secure footing. He returned therefore to Lima; but
learning shortly afterwards the successful return of Centeno against De
Toro, he again collected his troops and prepared to march against
Centeno. With this view, he had his standards solemnly consecrated, not
forgetting to impose fresh exactions on the inhabitants of Lima. On this
occasion, he designated his army, _The happy army of Liberty, against
the Tyrant Centeno._
Before leaving Lima, he sent off messengers to Cuzco by way of the
mountain, but chose to march by the route of the plain or low country of
Peru to Arequipa, exacting money from the inhabitants wherever he
passed. At Arequipa he received letters from the magistrates of Cuzco
and De Toro, earnestly requesting his immediate presence in that city;
whence, as being the capital of the kingdom, it was proper that the army
should march against the rebels. They assured him of being there
provided with considerable reinforcements of men arms and horses, and
that all the principal persons of the city were ready to accompany him
on the expedition: adding, that being himself a citizen of Cuzco it
seemed reasonable he should honour that city by his presence. By these
and other considerations he was induced to march for Cuzco, though still
entertaining some distrust and even fear of Toro, who he was informed
had often spoken against him in his absence. When De Toro was informed
of the approach of Carvajal to Cuzco, he made every necessary
preparation for reinforcing the army, and providing for the intended
expedition against Centeno; yet could not conceal his dissatisfaction,
that he who had begun the war, and had already suffered great fatigues,
and even had gained material advantages, should be superseded by another
commander whom he must now obey, and more especially that it should be
Carvajal who was put over him, with whom he had been already engaged in
disputes. He dissembled however as much as possible, and concealed his
resentment, saying publickly that his only wish was for the fortunate
management of affairs, whoever might command. Yet with all his caution,
he could not so carefully conceal his sentiments, but that he
occasionally dropped expressions of resentment.
The discontent of De Toro was well known to the inhabitants of Cuzco,
yet they were in hopes that Carvajal would set every thing to rights on
his arrival. Carvajal having arrived in the neighbourhood of the city,
which he was to enter next day at the head of two hundred men, part
cavalry and part musqueteers, De Toro was very anxious to muster all
that were able to carry arms; and from this measure, and the precautions
he took that every one should be in the most perfect equipment, and the
troops steady in their ranks, it was suspected that he entertained some
evil design. De Toro was thus posted with his troops, as if in ambush,
in the way by which Carvajal had to march into the city. As these
circumstances were made known to Carvajal, he ordered his troops to
march in close array, and even ordered their arms to be loaded with
ball, prepared for whatever might happen. On entering the city, De Toro
and his troops were seen on one side, as if ready to dispute the
passage. Carvajal halted his men, and the two parties remained for some
time observing each other with mutual distrust. At length, as neither
side seemed inclined to commence hostilities, both parties broke their
ranks, and intermingled as friends.
Carvajal was exceedingly irritated against De Toro for his conduct on
this occasion, but dissembled till he had entered into Cuzco, where he
was received in the most honourable manner. A few days afterwards, he
caused four of the principal inhabitants to be arrested, and ordered
them to instant execution, without consulting De Toro, or even assigning
any reason for this cruel and arbitrary proceeding. Some of those whom
he put to death were among the most intimate friends of De Toro, who
deemed it prudent and necessary to be silent on the occasion. The
unexpected cruelty of Carvajal occasioned much astonishment and
consternation among the inhabitants of Cuzco, insomuch that none of them
dared to refuse accompanying him on the expedition, and he was enabled
to leave Cuzco at the head of three hundred well appointed soldiers with
which he marched by Collao in the way towards the province of Las
Charcas in search of Centeno. As the latter had a considerably stronger
force, it was believed by many that Carvajal would be unsuccessful in
this expedition, more especially as most of his followers acted more
from force than good will, because he allowed them no pay and treated
them with much severity. In his whole conduct and deportment Carvajal
acted in a brutal and passionate manner, evincing himself on all
occasions the enemy of good men; for he was a bad Christian, constantly
addicted to blasphemy, and of a cruel and tyrannical disposition,
insomuch that it was generally expected his own people would put him to
death to rid themselves of his tyrannous and oppressive conduct. Besides
all this, it was obvious to many, that right and justice were on the
side of Centeno, who was a man of honour and probity, and, being
exceedingly rich, had both the power and inclination to reward his
followers. It is necessary to quit Carvajal and his expedition for the
present, that we may relate the events which took place at Quito.
We have already mentioned that Gonzalo Pizarro pursued the viceroy from
San Miguel to Quito, a distance of 150 leagues or 600 miles, with much
perseverance and rapidity, insomuch that almost every day the light
armed men belonging to the two armies had opportunities of speaking with
each other. During the whole of that long march, neither party had an
opportunity to unsaddle their horses. Those belonging to the viceroy,
owing to the necessity they were under of escaping from a force so much
superior, were even more alert than their pursuers. When at any time
they stopped to take a short rest during the night, they slept on the
ground in their clothes, holding their horses by the halters, without
wasting time in fixing up piquets, or making any of the usual
preparations for accommodating themselves and horses during the night.
It is true that piquets are seldom used in the sands of Peru for the
horses, as it would be necessary to drive these very deep to take
sufficient hold; and as there are no trees to be met with in many parts
of that country for making piquets, necessity has introduced a
substitute in some measure equivalent: For this purpose each horseman
has a small bag, which he fills with sand and burries in a hole of
sufficient depth, having one end of the halter fixed to the bag, the
hole being afterwards filled up and pressed well down to prevent the bag
from being drawn up by the efforts of the horse. But on this urgent
occasion, the troops of the viceroy did not take time for this measure,
but held the halters in their hands, that they might be ready to mount
and set out the moment it was necessary by the approach of their
pursuers.
In this long march, both the pursuers and the pursued suffered
exceedingly from want of provisions; more especially the Pizarrians, as
the viceroy used the precaution of removing the curacas and Indians from
all the country through which he passed, that his enemy might find every
part of the country deserted and unprovided with any means of
subsistence. During this precipitate retreat, the viceroy carried along
with him eight or ten of the best horses he had been able to procure,
which were led by Indians for his own particular use; and when any of
these became so tired as to be unable to proceed, he ordered them to be
hamstrung, to prevent them from being useful to the enemy. While on this
march in pursuit of the viceroy, Gonzalo Pizarro was joined by Captain
Bachicao, who now returned from Tierra Firma with a reinforcement of
three hundred and fifty men and a large quantity of artillery, having
disembarked, from twenty vessels which he had procured, on a part of
the coast as near as possible to Quito, and had made his way in such a
manner across the mountains that he got to Quito rather before Gonzalo.
On the junction of Bachicao, Gonzalo found himself at the head of more
than eight hundred men, among whom were many of the principal people in
South America, both townsmen or burgesses, planters, and soldiers. Owing
to this large reinforcement, Gonzalo Pizarro found himself in such a
state of tranquil security at Quito as hardly any usurper or tyrant had
ever before enjoyed; as besides that this province abounded in
provisions of every kind, several rich mines of gold had been recently
discovered; and as most of the principal people of the province were
either now along with the viceroy, or had attached themselves to him
while at Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro appropriated all their Indians to
himself, employing them in the collection of gold. From the Indians
belonging to the treasurer, Rodrigo Nunnez de Bonilla, he procured about
800 marks [17] of gold in the course of eight months; besides that there
were other repartimientos of greater value, and that he appropriated all
the revenues and rights belonging to the crown, and even pillaged the
tombs of the ancient sovereigns of Quito in search of treasure.
[Footnote 17: Eight hundred marks of gold, or 6400 ounces, at L.4 an
ounce; are worth L.25,600: and at six for one, the value put upon
bullion in those days by the Historian of America, are now worth at
least L.153,600, perhaps a quarter of a million. As there were other
repartimientos of more value than those of the treasurer, besides others
not so valuable, it is not beyond bounds to suppose that Gonzalo may
have acquired as much treasure at Quito as was equal to a million of our
present money: A prodigious sum, considering that his army did not
exceed 800 men; being equal to L.1250 for each soldier.--E.]
After a short stay at Quito, Gonzalo learnt that the viceroy had halted
at the city of Parto, about forty leagues from thence, at the frontiers
of the government of Benalcazar. Resolving to follow him, Gonzalo pushed
on as he had done from San Miguel, and the light troops of the hostile
parties had some interference at a place called Rio Caliente. When the
viceroy was informed of the approach of Gonzalo, he hastily quitted
Parto and retired to the city of Popayan at a greater distance from
Quito, and was pursued by Gonzalo for twenty leagues beyond Parto. As
Gonzalo found that he would have to march through a desert country,
altogether destitute of provisions, he here discontinued the pursuit,
and returned to Quito. Perhaps this was the longest and hottest pursuit
ever made in war; as, counting from La Plata whence Gonzalo first set
out, to Parto where the pursuit was discontinued, the distance is not
less than 700 large Spanish leagues, or 2800 miles.
On his return to Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro was so puffed up with the
success which had hitherto attended him, that he frequently spoke of his
majesty with much disrespect; alleging that the king would be reduced to
the necessity of granting him the government of Peru, and even went so
far as to say, if this favour were denied him, he would throw off his
allegiance. For the most part indeed, he concealed these ambitious
sentiments, pretending that he was always ready to submit to the orders
of his majesty; but all his officers were satisfied that he meant to
assert an independent dominion, and publickly avowed these absurd and
criminal pretensions. On returning from Parto, he remained a long while
at Quito, continually feasting and rejoicing; he and his adherents
abandoning themselves to every degree of licence and debauchery,
particularly in regard to the sex. It is even asserted that Gonzalo
caused a citizen of Quito to be assassinated, whose wife he publickly
lived with, and that he hired a Hungarian soldier, named Vincente Pablo
to execute this infamous deed. This man was afterwards hanged at
Valladolid, in the year 1551, by a sentence of the royal council of the
Indies.
As Pizarro found himself in the command of a strong body of excellent
troops, which appeared entirely attached to his service, some of their
own accord and others by constraint, he persuaded himself that no one
could oppose him, or prevent him from enjoying his present elevation in
peace and tranquillity. He was even convinced that the emperor would be
obliged to treat him with cautious respect, and must find himself under
the necessity of entering into a compromise. It was at this time, when
Gonzalo considered himself as unresisted master of all Peru, that
Centeno revolted from his tyrannical usurpation in the province of Las
Charcas, and that he dispatched Carvajal for the reduction of that loyal
officer, as has been already mentioned.
Having continued a long time at Quito without receiving any intelligence
of the measures which were taken by the viceroy, Gonzalo became anxious
to learn what was become of him. Some alleged that he would return to
Spain by way of Carthagena, while others gave it as their opinion that
he would retire to Tierra Firma, to keep possession of the isthmus, to
assemble troops, arms, ammunition, and provisions, and to wait for
orders from his majesty; and a third opinion was that he would wait for
these orders in Popayan, where he now was. No one suspected that he
would be able to collect a sufficient number of troops in that place to
enable him to undertake any enterprise for recovering his authority in
Peru; yet it seemed advisable to Gonzalo and his officers to take
possession of the Tierra Firma, on purpose to occupy the only direct
passage between Spain and Peru. For this purpose, Gonzalo Pizarro
appointed Pedro Alfonzo De Hinojosa to command the fleet which Bachicao
had collected, giving him a detachment of two hundred and fifty men to
enable him to occupy the isthmus, and directed him while on his voyage
to Panama to coast along the province of Buenaventura and the mouth of
the river of San Juan.
Hinojosa set out immediately on this expedition, dispatching a single
vessel, commanded by Captain Rodrigo de Carvajal direct for Panama, with
letters from Gonzalo to some of the principal inhabitants of that city
urging them to favour his designs. In these letters, he pretended that
he was exceedingly displeased on hearing of the violence and rapacity
with which Bachicao had conducted himself towards the inhabitants of
Panama, in direct contradiction to his orders, which were to land the
Doctor Texada without doing injury to any one. He informed them that
Hinojosa was now on his way to their city, for the express purpose of
indemnifying all those who had been injured by Bachicao; and desired
them not to be under any apprehension of Hinojosa, although accompanied
by a considerable force, as it was necessary for him to be on his guard
against the viceroy and some of his officers, who were understood to be
then in the Tierra Firma levying soldiers for their master. On the
arrival of Rodrigo Carvajal at a place named Ancona about three leagues
from Panama, he learnt that two officers belonging to the viceroy, Juan
de Guzman and Juan Yllanez, were then in Panama, having been sent to
that place to procure recruits and to purchase arms, with which they
were to have gone to Popayan. They had already enrolled above an hundred
soldiers, and had procured a considerable quantity of arms, among which
were five or six small field-pieces; but, instead of going with these to
join the viceroy, they remained to defend Panama against Gonzalo
Pizarro, who they expected might send a force to occupy that important
station.
As Rodrigo Carvajal had only fifteen men along with him, he did not
think it prudent to land in person; but sent secretly by night one of
his soldiers to deliver the letters with which he was entrusted. The
soldier accordingly delivered them to the inhabitants for whom they were
addressed, who immediately communicated them to the magistrates and the
officers of the viceroy. The soldier was taken into custody, from whom
they learnt the coming of Hinojosa, and the orders with which he was
entrusted. Upon this intelligence, they armed the whole population of
Panama, and fitted out two brigantines which were sent off on purpose to
capture Rodrigo Carvajal; but, as his messenger did not return, Carvajal
suspected what had actually taken place, and set sail for the Pearl
Islands to wait the arrival of Hinojosa, by which means he escaped from
the brigantines. Pedro de Casaos was then governor of the Tierra Firma;
and to be in readiness to defend his province against Hinojosa, he went
immediately to Nombre de Dios, where he collected all the musquets and
other arms he could procure, arming all the inhabitants of that place
who were fit for service, whom he carried along with him to Panama,
making every preparation in his power for defence. The two captains
belonging to the viceroy, Guzman and Yllanez, likewise put their troops
in order for resistance, and at first there was some jealousy between
them and Casaos as to the supreme command; but it was at length agreed
that Casaos should command in chief, as governor of the province, while
they retained the immediate authority over their own men, and bore their
own standards. Differences had subsisted for some time between these
officers and the governor, because he had repressed some disorderly
conduct in which they had indulged, and had advised them to set off with
their men to the assistance of the viceroy for whom they were employed
to levy troops; while they were averse from that measure, and finding
themselves at the head of a respectable force, they made light of the
orders of Casaos, and refused to obey him: But the necessity they were
now under of providing for their mutual defence, occasioned them to
enter into an accommodation of their disputes.
After the dispatch of Carvajal to Panama, as already mentioned, Hinojosa
set sail with ten vessels, and continued along the coast to the north
till he arrived at Buenaventura, a small sea port at the mouth of the
river San Juan which forms the southern boundary of Popayan, the
government of Benalcazar. He proposed to learn at this place the
situation and intentions of the viceroy, and to have seized any vessels
that might be at this harbour, to prevent them from being employed by
the viceroy for returning to Peru. On arriving at Buenaventura, Hinojosa
sent some soldiers on shore, who brought off eight or ten of the
inhabitants, from whom he learnt that the viceroy remained at Popayan,
engaged in assembling troops and military stores for attempting to
return into Peru; and that finding Yllanez and Guzman delayed their
return from Panama, he had sent off his brother Vela Nunnez with several
corporals on their way to Panama, to expedite the transmission of such
reinforcements as could be procured, and had supplied him for that
purpose with all the money belonging to the king at Popayan. Hinojosa
was likewise informed that Vela Nunnez had the charge of a bastard son
of Gonzalo Pizarro of twelve years old, who was found by the viceroy at
Quito, and was now sent away to Panama, in the hope that the merchants
of Panama might ransom him at a high price to acquire the good will of
Gonzalo. The individual who communicated all this information added that
the viceroy had employed a number of Indians to cut down a quantity of
timber, which was to be conveyed to Buenaventura, on purpose to build a
small vessel for the accommodation of Vela Nunnez; who must now be
within a short distance of Buenaventura, and had sent this person before
to inquire if he might come in safety to that place.
On receiving this intelligence, Hinojosa landed two confidential
officers with a party of soldiers, giving them orders to take two
several routes into the interior, as pointed out by the informant, on
purpose to take Vela Nunnez. Accordingly, one of these officers came up
with Vela Nunnez, and the other got hold of Rodrigo Mexia and Saavedra
with the son of Gonzalo Pizarro [18]. Both of these parties carried
considerable sums of money, which was pillaged by the soldiers of
Hinojosa; and the prisoners were brought on board the vessels, where
great rejoicings were made for the happy success of this enterprize, by
which their acquisition of Panama must be facilitated, and because they
had done especial good service to Gonzalo by the liberation of his son.
[Footnote 18: By Garcilasso de la Vega, this son of Gonzalo Pizarro is
named Rodrigo Mexia; but Zarate could hardly be mistaken in giving that
name to one of his conductors.--E.].
Hinojosa now resumed his voyage, in the course of which he fell in with
Rodrigo de Carvajal, who gave him an account of the situation of affairs
at Panama, and recommended the propriety of using judicious measures
against that place, as it was provided for defence. Hinojosa accordingly
appeared before Panama with eleven ships and two hundred and fifty
soldiers. At this time there were more than five hundred men in Panama,
all tolerably well armed, who were drawn, out under the command of
Casaos to oppose the landing of the Pizarrians. But among these there
were many merchants and tradesmen, little adapted for war, who hardly
knew how to use their weapons, and many of whom were even unable to fire
off a musquet. Many among them had no intention of fighting or of
opposing the descent of the insurgents of Peru, whose arrival they were
disposed to consider as more advantageous than prejudicial. The
merchants expected to be able to sell their commodities, and the
tradesmen were in hope of procuring profitable employment, each
according to his occupation. Besides, the rich merchants had partners or
factors who resided in Peru, and had charge of their most valuable
effects; and were afraid, if they concurred in opposing Hinojosa, that
Gonzalo Pizarro might revenge himself by seizing their goods and
maltreating their partners and factors. Those who were principally
inclined to oppose the landing of Hinojosa, were Pedro Casaos the
governor, Guzman and Yllanez the captains belonging to the viceroy,
Arias de Azevedo, Juan Fernandez de Rebollido, Andrew de Arayza, Juan de
Zabala, Juan Vendrel, and some other considerable inhabitants of Panama;
some from principles of loyalty, others from fear of future evils, lest
Hinojosa might act with the same violence as had been done by Bachicao.
Finding himself resisted, Hinojosa landed with two hundred men about two
leagues from Panama, towards which place he marched close along the
shore, being, protected on one flank by a range of rocks from the attack
of cavalry, and on the other by the boats of his squadron armed with
some pieces of artillery. Fifty of his soldiers were left on board for
the defence of the ships, and orders were given to hang up Vela Nunnez
and the other prisoners whenever the enemy were seen to attack him.
Casaos marched with all his troops from Panama to meet Hinojosa, with
the determination of giving battle: But when the hostile parties were
almost within musquet shot and ready to engage, the whole priests and
monks of Panama interposed between in procession, having their
crucifixes veiled and every other demonstration of mourning, and
prevailed on both sides to agree to a truce for that day, that
endeavours might be used to bring about an accommodation. For this
purpose negotiators were appointed on both sides; Don Balthasar de
Castilia, son of the Conde de Gomera, was named by Hinojosa, and Don
Pedro de Cabrera on the part of Casaos, and hostages were mutually
interchanged.
The deputy of Hinojosa affected to be astonished at the opposition of
the governor and inhabitants of Panama, since he not only meant no harm
to any one, but had come expressly to repair the injuries which had
formerly been done by Bachicao, to purchase such provisions and clothing
as they wanted, and to repair their ships; declaring that their only
object was to oblige the deposed viceroy to return to Spain, pursuant to
the orders of the royal audience, as his continuance in the country
occasioned perpetual discord in Peru. But, as the viceroy was not there,
Hinojosa intended to make only a short stay in the place, having orders
from Gonzalo to offer no injury to any one unless attacked, in which
case he must defend himself as he best could. The opposite party alleged
that the presence of Hinojosa in warlike guise was sufficient to excite
suspicion; since, even allowing the government of Gonzalo in Peru to be
legitimate as they pretended, he had no jurisdiction in Panama, and had
no right to direct the proceedings of any one at that place. That
Bachicao had formerly come among them under pretence of peace, yet had
committed all those violences and injuries, which Hinojosa now pretended
he was come to repair. After a long conference, it was at length agreed
that Hinojosa should be permitted to take up his residence in Panama for
thirty days, accompanied by fifty soldiers to serve as a guard for his
personal safety; but that the fleet and all the other soldiers of his
party should repair to the Pearl Islands, where workmen and all
necessaries for the reparation of the ships could be procured; and that
at the expiry of these thirty days, Hinojosa and his armament were to
return to Peru.
On the conclusion of this convention, which was confirmed by mutual
oaths and the interchange of hostages, Hinojosa took up his residence in
Panama with a guard of fifty picked men, and hired a house in which he
kept open table for every one who pleased to visit him, all of whom he
allowed to divert themselves in play or otherwise as they pleased. By
this procedure, he gained over most of the soldiers of Yllanez in a few
days, and many other idle fellows joined themselves secretly to his
party. It was even said that all these men had previously engaged by
letter to have gone over to him if he and the governor had come to a
battle on the former occasion. Indeed the governor and other principal
persons of Panama had been chiefly induced to agree to the present
accommodation by distrust of their soldiers, who were all eager for an
opportunity of getting to Peru. By the above-mentioned means, Hinojosa
soon saw himself at the head of a considerable body of troops, while the
captains Yllanez and Guzman were almost deserted by all their men. As
they saw likewise that the convention was in other respects ill
observed, they secretly withdrew with fifteen men who yet remained, and
endeavoured to get to Carthagena. Yllanez was taken soon afterwards by
one of Hinojosas officers; on which he entered into the service of
Gonzalo Pizarro, and was afterwards engaged on that side in the
engagement at Nombre de Dios against Verdugo, to be afterwards related.
Hinojosa continued to reside in Panama, where no one dared to oppose
him. He increased the number of his troops from day to day, and kept
them under excellent discipline, without allowing them to do injury to
any of the inhabitants; neither did he intermeddle in any thing whatever
except what concerned his troops. At this time Don Pedro de Cabrera and
his son-in-law Hernan Mexia de Guzman, who had been banished from Peru
by the viceroy, resided in Panama; and these two gentlemen were sent by
Hinojosa, with a party of soldiers, to keep possession of the port of
Nombre de Dios, which was of great importance to his security, and
whence he might receive early intelligence from Spain and other places.
Melchior Verdugo, an inhabitant of the city of Truxillo, was one of the
richest men in Peru, being proprietor of the entire province of
Caxamarca. On the arrival of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela, Verdugo,
who was originally from the same city in Spain, engaged heartily in his
service, and continued in his suite at Lima, till the time when the
viceroy proposed to dismantle that city and retire to Truxillo. At that
period he commanded Verdugo to go before, that he might secure
possession of Truxillo, with orders to levy soldiers and provide arms;
and Verdugo accordingly embarked all his baggage and effects, intending
to have set sail on the very day when the viceroy was imprisoned. As all
the vessels at the port of Lima were then detained, Verdugo was unable
to proceed; and, as Verdugo was particularly obnoxious to Gonzalo and
his partizans, on account of his known attachment to the viceroy, he was
one of the twenty-five who were committed to prison by Carvajal on his
arrival at Lima, when De Baro and several others were hanged, as
formerly related. For a long while afterwards he was in continual danger
of being put to death; but at length Gonzalo granted him a pardon,
though he still entertained suspicions of his conduct, but had no
convenient opportunity of getting rid of him, till the departure of
Carvajal against Centeno, when it was proposed by the lieutenant-general
to have surprised him while at Truxillo, as formerly mentioned: But
having some suspicions of his intention, Verdugo saved himself by
flight, and concealed himself among his Indians in the province of
Caxamarca.
After Carvajal quitted Truxillo, Verdugo returned to that city; but as
he expected Gonzalo might soon become master of that place, and would
make him feel the effects of his displeasure, he resolved to abandon the
country, yet wished to do it in such a manner as might distress Gonzalo
as much as possible. While waiting a favourable opportunity for this, he
made every preparation in his power for his intended enterprize,
collecting as many men in his service as he possibly could, and employed
workmen secretly to construct musquets, iron chains, fetters, and
manacles. At this time a vessel arrived from Lima in the harbour of
Truxillo, on which Verdugo sent for the master and pilot, under pretence
of purchasing some of their commodities; and on their arrival at his
house he confined them in a deep dungeon which he had previously
prepared. After this, he returned to his chamber, causing his legs to be
swathed with bandages, under pretence of certain malignant warts or
ulcers to which he was subject, and sat down at one of his windows which
looked towards the public square in which the magistrates and principal
inhabitants used to assemble every day. When the magistrates came as
usual to the square, he requested them to come into his house, as he
wished to execute certain deeds in their presence, and the disorder in
his legs rendered him unable to go out. Immediately on entering, he
caused them to be carried into the dungeon, where they were deprived of
their badges of office and put in chains. Leaving them under the guard
of six musqueteers, he returned to the window of his chamber, whence he
gradually enticed about twenty of the principal citizens into his house,
all of whom he put in chains and fetters. He then went out into the city
accompanied by a guard of soldiers, and proclaimed the king with much
loyal solemnity, making prisoners of all who presumed to oppose him;
which were very few, as Gonzalo had carried off most of the inhabitants
on his expedition to Quito. Having thus made himself master of the city,
and returned to his house, he addressed his prisoners, whom he reviled
for having embraced the party of Gonzalo, and declared that he was
resolved to withdraw from under the usurpation of the tyrant to join the
viceroy, and meant to take along with him all the men and arms he was
able to procure. For this purpose, he demanded that all his prisoners
should contribute in proportion to their abilities, as it was quite
reasonable they should give assistance to the royal cause, having
frequently made large contributions to the usurper. He insisted
therefore that every one of them should instantly subscribe for such
sums as they were able to furnish, all of which were to be paid
immediately, as he was otherwise resolved to carry them all along with
him as prisoners. Every one of them accordingly agreed to advance such
sums of money as they were able to procure, which were all instantly
paid.
Having brought this contrivance to a favourable issue, Verdugo made an
agreement with the master and pilot of the vessel, and had every thing
that could be useful or necessary carried on board. He then carried all
his prisoners in irons in carts or waggons to the shore, and embarked
with about twenty soldiers, and a considerable sum of money, partly
exacted from the inhabitant, partly from the royal funds belonging to
the city, and partly, from his own extensive revenues. Leaving his
prisoners still in fetters on the carriages, to be liberated as they
best might, he set sail along the coast to the northwards. In the course
of his voyage he fell in with and captured a vessel belonging to
Bachicao, containing a great deal of valuable articles which that
officer had acquired by plunder in Tierra Firma, all of which Verdugo
divided among his soldiers. He at first inclined to have landed at
Buenaventura, on purpose to join the viceroy; but considering the small
amount of his force, and the danger of falling in with the fleet of
Gonzalo Pizarro, he directed his course for the province of Nicaragua,
where he landed and applied to the principal persons there for
assistance against the usurper. Finding small encouragement in that
quarter, he addressed himself to the royal audience, which was
established on the frontiers of Nicaragua, who promised him protection
and aid, and sent for that purpose one of their number, the oydor
Ramirez de Alarcon to Nicaragua, with orders to the inhabitants of that
city to hold themselves in readiness to march with their arms and
horses.
Intelligence was soon received at Panama of the exploit of Verdugo at
Truxillo, and his having gone to Nicaragua; and as Hinojosa suspected he
might increase his force in that province so as to be enabled to disturb
him in the possession of the Tierra Firma, he sent Alfonso Palamino with
two ships and an hundred and eighty musqueteers to endeavour to dislodge
Verdugo. Palamino easily took possession of the ship belonging to
Verdugo; but as the inhabitants of Grenada and Leon, the two principal
cities in the province of Nicaragua assembled in arms, under Verdugo and
the licentiate Ramirez, to oppose his landing, and were much superior in
number to his troops and provided with cavalry, he found himself unable
to land with any prospect of success. After waiting some time in vain,
he was obliged to sail back to Panama, taking several vessels along with
him which he had captured on the coast, and burning several others which
he could not carry away.
On the departure of Palomino, Verdugo levied about an hundred well armed
men, with whom he resolved to give as much interruption as possible to
the schemes of the insurgents in the Tierra Firma. With this view he
determined to make an attempt on Nombre de Dios, which he learnt was
occupied only by a small detachment, which had no suspicion of being
attacked. For this purpose, he fitted out three or four small vessels,
in which he embarked his troops on the lake of Nicaragua, whence he
descended into the gulf of Mexico by the river Chagre, which discharges
the waters of that lake into the Atlantic. Finding some trading vessels
at the mouth of that river, he received accurate information from their
commanders of the state of affairs in Nombre de Dios, the number of the
soldiers which occupied that place, and the different quarters in which
they were lodged. Taking some of these mariners along with him as
guides, he contrived to arrive at Nombre de Dios undiscovered about
midnight, and went immediately to the house of Juan de Zabala, in which
the captains Pedro de Cabrera and Hernan Mexia were quartered with some
soldiers; who, roused by the noise, put themselves in a state of
defence. Verdugo and his people set the house on fire, so that Mexia and
his soldiers, who defended the staircase, were constrained to rush from
the house to save themselves from the flames; and as the night was
exceedingly dark, they escaped unseen, and saved themselves in the woods
near Nombre de Dios, whence they escaped across the isthmus to Panama.
Hinojosa was much chagrined at this exploit, and determined on revenge;
but as he wished to give his conduct on the occasion some appearance of
justice, he directed some of the inhabitants of Nombre de Dios to enter
a regular accusation before the Doctor Ribera, the governor of that
place, giving an exaggerated account of the insolent invasion of his
government by Verdugo, who without any just pretence, had levied
contributions, imprisoned the magistrates, and invaded the town of
Nombre de Dios on his own private authority. They were likewise
instructed to request Ribera to march in person to chastise the
insolence of Verdugo, and Hinojosa offered to accompany him on this
expedition with his troops. Ribera, who appears to have been then
resident in Panama, agreed to all that was desired, and, accepted the
proffered military aid to drive Verdugo from his government; on which
Hinojosa and his officers swore to obey his orders as their commander on
this expedition, and the troops were put in motion to march across the
isthmus. On receiving notice of the approach of Hinojosa, Verdugo
disposed his troops to defend the place, and caused the inhabitants of
Nombre de Dios to take up arms, in addition to his own men. But as it
was obvious that the inhabitants shewed no inclination for fighting,
Verdugo suspected they might abandon him while engaged, and came
therefore to the resolution of abandoning the town, and took post on the
shore near his small barks. He waited for Hinojosa in that situation,
having some boats in his rear, which he had seized to enable him to
secure his retreat in case of necessity. Immediately on his arrival,
Hinojosa attacked Verdugo, and several persons were killed at the first
brunt. As the inhabitants of Nombre de Dios who were along with Verdugo,
observed their governor acting as commander of the adverse party, they
withdrew on one side from the engagement into an adjoining wood; by
which the soldiers belonging to Verdugo were thrown into disorder, and
they were forced to take to their boats and retreat on board their
barks.
After this repulse, Verdugo took possession of several ships that lay at
anchor near Nombre de Dios, the largest of which he armed with some
pieces of artillery and endeavoured to cannonade the town. But finding
that he could do very little injury to the place, which was situated in
a bottom, and as he was in want of provisions, and most of his soldiers
had been left on shore, he retired with his small vessels and the ship
he had seized to Carthagena, to await a more favourable opportunity of
annoying the insurgents. Having restored Nombre de Dios to order, Ribera
and Hinojosa left a sufficient garrison in the place, under the command
of Don Pedro de Cabrera and Hernan Mexia, and returned to Panama, where
they proposed to wait for such orders as might be sent from Spain
respecting the troubles in Peru.
On arriving at Popayan, as formerly related, the viceroy collected all
the iron which could be procured in the province, erected forges, and
procured workmen, so that in a short time he got two hundred musquets
constructed, besides other arms both offensive and defensive, and
provided every other species of warlike stores. Learning that the
governor, Benalcazar, had detached a brave and experienced officer,
named Juan Cabrera, to reduce some refractory Indians, with an hundred
and fifty soldiers; the viceroy wrote a letter to Cabrera, in which he
gave a detailed account of the insurrection and usurpation of Gonzalo
Pizarro, and of his own determination to restore the kingdom of Peru to
allegiance whenever he could collect a sufficient number of troops for
that purpose. He earnestly intreated therefore, that Cabrera would
immediately join him at Popayan with all his men, that they might
commence their march together for Quito, to punish the rebellious
usurper. To induce compliance, he represented in strong colours to
Cabrera, the great and signal service which he had in his power to
perform for the sovereign on this occasion; which likewise would be far
more advantageous to his own personal interests, than any which could
accrue from the expedition in which he was now engaged; as, on the
defeat of Pizarro, he would be entitled to partake in the distribution
of the lands belonging to Gonzalo and his partizans, and he might
depend on being gratified with ample possessions for himself and his
followers in the best districts of Peru. Farther to encourage Cabrera,
the viceroy informed him of the events which had lately occurred in the
south of Peru, where Centeno had erected the royal standard at the head
of a respectable force; so that the present conjuncture was extremely
favourable for an attack on Gonzalo, who could hardly resist when
pressed from both extremities of the kingdom at once; and besides, that
the inhabitants of Peru were now quite weary of the tyrannical violence
and extortion of Gonzalo, and would doubtless revolt against him on the
first favourable opportunity. As an additional inducement to Cabrera to
join him, the viceroy sent him an order by which he was authorized to
take from the royal coffers at Carthagena, Encelme, Cali, Antiochia, and
other places, to the extent of 30,000 pesos for the pay and equipment of
his troops; and as Cabrera acted under the orders of Benalcazar, he
procured letters to him from that governor by which he was commanded
immediately to obey the requisition of the viceroy. On receiving these
dispatches, Cabrera immediately secured the funds which he was
authorized to take, which he divided among his men, and set out with all
possible expedition to join the viceroy at Popayan with an hundred well
appointed soldiers. The viceroy had likewise sent orders for
reinforcements from the new kingdom of Grenada, the province of
Carthagena, and other places, so that his troops daily increased; and
having learnt the capture of his brother Vela Nunnez, and the loss of
Yllanez and his troops, he had no expectation of procuring any
additional reinforcements.
At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was very anxious to devise some stratagem
for inveigling the viceroy into his hands, as he considered his
usurpation unsafe so long as that officer remained alive and at the head
of a military force. With this view, that the viceroy might return into
Peru where he might have it in his power to bring him to action, Gonzalo
gave out that he intended to proceed to Las Charcas at the southern
extremity of Peru, to repress the disorders occasioned by Centeno,
leaving Captain Pedro de Puelles at Quito with three hundred men to
oppose the viceroy. He proceeded even ostensibly to take such measures
as were proper for executing this design; selecting such troops as were
to accompany himself to the south, and those who were to remain at
Quito; even distributing money to both divisions, and set off on his
march for the south after a general muster and review of his army.
Gonzalo contrived that intelligence of these proceedings should be
conveyed to the viceroy, by means of a spy in the employment of that
officer, who had betrayed his trust, and had even communicated to
Gonzalo the cypher which he used in corresponding with his employer.
Gonzalo made this person send intelligence to the viceroy of these
pretended motions; and Puelles wrote likewise to some friends in
Popayan, as if privately to inform them that he was left in the command
at Quito with three hundred men, with which he believed himself able to
resist all the force the viceroy might be able to bring against him; and
these letters were sent purposely in such a manner that they might fall
into the hands of the viceroy. Gonzalo likewise took care to spread
these reports among the Indians who were present at the review, and who,
having seen Gonzalo set off on his march to the south, were perfectly
acquainted with the number of troops which accompanied him on the march,
and of those which remained under Puelles at Quito. To give the greater
appearance of truth to these reports, Gonzalo actually set out on his
march; but halted at two or three days journey from Quito, under
pretence of falling sick.
On receiving intelligence of these circumstances, which he implicitly
believed, the viceroy determined to march from Popayan to Quito,
satisfied that he should be easily able to overpower the small force
left there under Puelles, who had no means of being reinforced. He
accordingly began his march, during which he was unable to procure any
intelligence whatever respecting Gonzalo and his troops, so carefully
were all the passes guarded to prevent either Christians or Indians from
conveying advices on the road towards Popayan. While, on the contrary,
Gonzalo procured regular notice of every step taken by the viceroy, by
means of the Indians called _Cagnares_, a cunning and intelligent race.
Accordingly, when the viceroy was arrived within a few days march of
Quito, Gonzalo returned thither with his troops to join Puelles, and
they marched together to meet the viceroy, who was then at Oravalo about
twelve leagues from Quito. Although the viceroy was at the head of eight
hundred men, and his force increased daily on his approach to Quito,
Gonzalo confided in the valour and experience of his troops, among
which were many of the principal persons in Peru, his soldiers being
inured to war, accustomed to hardships and fatigue, and full of
confidence in themselves from the many victories they had gained.
Gonzalo did every thing in his power to satisfy his troops of the
justice of the cause in which he and they were engaged; representing to
them that Peru had been conquered by him and his brothers; recalling to
their remembrance the cruelties which had been exercised by the viceroy,
particularly in putting to death the commissary Yllan Suarez and several
of his own captains. In the next place, he gave an exaggerated picture
of the tyrannical conduct of the viceroy during the whole period of his
government, owing to which he had been deposed by the royal audience,
and sent out of the country to give an account to the king of his
conduct: Instead of which, he now endeavoured to disturb the colony by
sowing dissensions and encouraging insurrections, and had even levied an
army in other provinces, with which he intended to reduce the country
under his tyrannous rule, and to ruin all its inhabitants. After a long
speech, by which he endeavoured to animate his troops with resentment
against the viceroy, they all declared their readiness to march against
him and bring him to battle. Some were actuated by interested motives,
to prevent the enforcement of the obnoxious regulations; others by a
desire of avenging private injuries; and others again by the fear of
punishment for having taken up arms. But it is not to be concealed, that
the majority acted from dread of the severity of Gonzalo and his
officers, who had already put several persons to death, merely for
having shewn some degree of coldness or disinclination towards the cause
of the insurgents.
On reviewing and mustering his force, Gonzalo found himself at the head
of 130 well mounted cavalry, 200 musqueteers, and 350 armed with pikes,
or near 700 in all, with abundance of excellent gun-powder[19]. Learning
that the viceroy had encamped on the banks of the river about two
leagues from Quito, Gonzalo advanced to meet him. Juan de Acosta and
Juan Velez de Guevara were his captains of musqueteers, Hernando
Bachicao commanded the pikemen, and the horse were led by Pedro de
Puelles and Gomez de Alvarado. On this occasion there was no person
appointed to the office of major-general, the duties of which Gonzalo
chose to execute in person. He detached seventy of his cavalry to occupy
a ford of the river, by which he meant to cross over towards the camp
of the viceroy, over whom he expected to gain an easy victory. It was
now Saturday the 15th of January 1546, and the two armies remained all
night so near each other that the advanced posts were able to converse,
each calling the other rebels and traitors, those on each side
pretending that they only were loyal subjects to the king.
[Footnote 19: According to Garcilasso, the army of Gonzalo on this
occasion amounted to 700 men, 200 of whom were armed with firelocks, 350
with pikes, and 150 were cavalry. In the History of America, II. 375,
the force under the viceroy is only stated at 400; but both in Zarate
and Garcilasso the royalists are mentioned as 800 strong.--E.]
At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was accompanied by the licentiate Benedict
Suarez de Carvajal brother to the commissary Yllan Suarez de Carvajal
who had formerly been put to death at Lima in presence of the viceroy.
At that former period Benedict was on his journey from Cuzco to Lima,
intending to have joined the viceroy against Gonzalo, and had arrived
within twenty leagues of Lima when he learnt the murder of his brother,
after which he dared not to trust himself in that city until the viceroy
had been deposed and sent on board ship. He was afterwards made prisoner
by Gonzalo, who was even on the point of putting him to death; but on
setting out for Quito, Gonzalo took him into favour. Carvajal now
followed him with good will against the viceroy, upon whom he was eager
to take signal vengeance for the unmerited death of his brother; and was
even followed on this occasion by about thirty of his friends and
relations, who formed a separate company under his immediate command.
The viceroy had arrived at a village called Tuza, about twenty leagues
from Quito, when he learnt that Gonzalo Pizarro was returned to that
city, and was now at the head of about seven hundred men. Believing
himself however in sufficient force to attempt the recovery of his
authority in Peru, the viceroy communicated this intelligence to his
principal officers, whom he commanded to have every thing in readiness
for battle. On his arrival at the river within two leagues of Quito, and
in presence of the enemy who occupied the slope of a hill on the other
side, he determined to endeavour to get into their rear, for which
purpose he advanced with his troops by a road in a different direction
from that on which the insurgents were posted, expecting to derive great
advantages from this measure, as the whole infantry of Gonzalo, which
formed his principal force, were posted on the slope of the hill
directly in front, and his rear-guard of cavalry could have no
suspicion of being liable to attack. The viceroy accordingly began his
march on the night of the 15th January, leaving his camp standing with
all his Indians and dogs, and with fires burning in many places, to
deceive the enemy into a belief that he still remained in the camp.
Marching therefore in perfect silence by the road which had been pointed
out to him for gaining the rear of the insurgents, he expected to have
attained his object before day: But as the road, had not been frequented
for a long time, he encountered so many obstructions and difficulties,
in consequence of the road being broken up in many places, that when day
broke he was still a league from the enemy, by which all hope or
opportunity of surprizing them was entirely lost. In this dilemma, he
came to the resolution of marching straight upon Quito, in which there
were very few to oppose him, and which was in no situation to give any
resistance. He was in hopes of finding several loyal subjects in that
place, who might have contrived to elude following the usurper to the
field, and might now join his army, and he expected to find some arms
and military stores left there by Gonzalo. On arriving at Quito, the
soldiers of the viceroy learnt that Gonzalo was present with all his
troops, which circumstance had hitherto been carefully concealed from
their knowledge.
In the morning of the 16th, the scouts of Gonzalo were surprised to hear
so little noise in the camp of the viceroy; and having cautiously
advanced, they learnt from the Indian followers of the royalist army in
what manner the viceroy had passed the insurgents during the night. The
scouts therefore made haste to apprize Gonzalo of this event, who learnt
soon afterwards by messengers from Quito that the viceroy had taken
possession of that city. Gonzalo therefore immediately marched for
Quito, determined to give battle to the viceroy without delay; and
although the viceroy was perfectly aware of the advantages possessed by
Pizarro in the superior discipline and equipment of his troops, he
courageously resolved to run the risk of battle, and even to expose
himself personally to all its dangers. In this determination, he boldly
marched from the city of Quito directly towards the enemy, as if assured
of gaining a victory. To Don Alfonzo de Montemayor, who commanded his
first company with the royal standard, he assigned the office of
lieutenant-general, commanding every one to obey him in that capacity.
Cepeda and Bazan led the cavalry, and Ahumada carried the great
standard. Sancho Sanchez de Avila, Hernandez Giron, Pedro Heredia, and
Rodrigo Nunnez de Bonilla were captains of infantry, over which Juan de
Cabrera commanded as major-general. The viceroy was earnestly requested
by all his officers not to engage in the front of battle as he intended,
but to take post in the rear with fifteen horsemen, whence he might send
succours to wherever they might be required; yet, when the engagement
was about to commence, the viceroy rode up to the vanguard, and took his
place beside the lieutenant-general, Don Alfonzo, in front of the royal
standard. On this occasion the viceroy was mounted on a grey horse,
dressed in an upper garment of white muslin, with large slashes, shewing
an under vest of crimson satin fringed with gold. Just before beginning
the engagement, he addressed his troops to the following effect: "I do
not pretend, my loyal friends, to encourage you by my words and example,
as I rather look for an example of bravery from your courageous efforts,
and am fully convinced you will do your duty as brave and faithful
subjects of our gracious sovereign. Knowing therefore your inviolable
fidelity to the king our common master, I have only to say that we are
engaged in the cause of God." These last words he repeated several
times, exclaiming, "It is the cause of God! It is the cause of God!"
After this short exhortation, the viceroy with Don Alfonzo and Bazan
advanced to the charge, being opposed on the other side by the
licentiate Carvajal. Gonzalo Pizarro had likewise intended to have taken
post in the front of battle, but his officers insisted upon his
remaining in the rear with eight or ten horsemen. In the first charge
the cavalry shivered their lances, after which they continued to fight
obstinately with swords, battle-axes and war-clubs or maces. In this
part of the battle the cavalry of the viceroy were much galled by a line
of musqueteers of the adverse army which plied them in flank. While
fighting bravely, the viceroy beat down one of the insurgents named
Montalva; but immediately afterwards received so severe a blow on the
head with a battle-axe from Ferdinand de Torres, that he fell stunned
from his horse. Indeed, both he and his horse had been so excessively
fatigued by the difficult march of the preceding night, in which they
had neither been able to take food or rest, that they were both easily
overthrown. While this was passing with the cavalry of the van, the
infantry on both sides advanced to engage, setting up such loud shouts,
that one would have believed them much more numerous than they were in
reality. Juan de Cabrera was slain at the very commencement of this part
of the battle. Sancho de Avilla, advanced boldly at the head of his
company to attack the enemy, brandishing a two-handed sword, which he
employed with so much strength and address that he soon broke through
and defeated half of the company by which he was opposed. But as the
soldiers of Pizarro were more numerous in this part of the field than
those who followed Avilla, he was surrounded on all sides, and he and
most of his men slain. Until the death of the viceroy was known, the
battle was very bravely contested by his infantry; but as soon as the
knowledge of that unfortunate event had spread through their ranks, they
lost heart and relaxed in their efforts, and were soon entirely defeated
with considerable slaughter. At this time, the licentiate Carvajal
observed Pedro de Puelles about to end the life of the unfortunate
viceroy, already insensible and almost dead in consequence of the blow
he had received from De Torres and a wound from a musquet ball: Carvajal
immediately dismounted and cut off his head, saying, "That his only
object in joining the party of Gonzalo was to take vengeance for the
death of his brother."
When the victory was completely decided, Gonzalo Pizarro ordered a
retreat to be sounded to recal his troops who were engaged in pursuit of
the enemy. In this battle, the royalists lost about two hundred men,
while only seven were slain on the side of the victors. Pizarro ordered
the slain to be buried on the field of battle, and caused the bodies of
the viceroy and Sancho de Avilla to be carried to Quito, where they were
buried with much solemn pomp, attending himself at the funeral and in
mourning[20]. He soon afterwards ordered ten or twelve of the principal
royalists to be hanged, who had taken shelter in the churches of Quito,
or had concealed themselves in other places. The oydor Alvarez,
Benalcazar governor of Popayan, and Don Alfonzo de Montemayor, were
wounded and made prisoners in the battle. Gonzalo intended to have
ordered Don Alfonzo to be beheaded; but as he had many friends among the
insurgents who interceded for his life, and who assured Gonzalo that he
could not possibly recover from his wounds, he was spared. Some time
afterwards, Gomez de Alvarado sent notice to Benalcazar that it was
intended to administer poison to these three prisoners in the dressings
applied to their wounds or in their food; and accordingly he and Don
Alfonzo took great precautions to avoid this treachery. As the oydor
Alvarez was lodged in the same house with his brother judge Cepeda, he
had not in his power to use similar precautions, and died soon after;
and every one believed that he was poisoned in some almond soup.
[Footnote 20: This authentic circumstance by no means agrees with the
assertion in the History of America, II. 376, that the head of the
viceroy was affixed on the public gibbet in Quito. From the text of
Zarate, this battle appears to have been fought on the 16th January
1546. In the History of America, it is dated on the 18th; but the
difference is quite immaterial.--E.]
Finding that he could not get secretly rid of Don Alfonzo as he wished,
and having no hope of gaining him over to his party, Pizarro resolved to
banish him into Chili, above a thousand leagues from Quito, and to send
to the same place Rodrigo de Bonilla the treasurer of Quito, and seven
or eight other persons of importance, who had always faithfully
accompanied the viceroy under every change of fortune. Gonzalo did not
put these men to death, as several of his own partizans interceded for
their lives; and he did not deem it prudent to keep them near his
person, or to permit them to remain in Peru. These exiles were
accordingly sent off for Chili, under the charge of Antonio de Ulloa
with a party of soldiers. After a march of more than four hundred
leagues, mostly on foot, although their wounds were not entirely healed,
these prisoners determined to make an effort to recover their liberty,
or to lose their lives in the attempt. They accordingly rose against
Ulloa and his men with so much courage and resolution that they
succeeded in making him and most of his men prisoners. Being near a
sea-port, they contrived by great address to gain possession of a
vessel, in which were several soldiers and others of the insurgent party
whom they overpowered; and leaving all their prisoners, they embarked
without either sailors or pilot, and though none of them were in the
least acquainted with navigation, they had the good fortune to reach New
Spain.
Not satisfied with wreaking his vengeance on those of his enemies who
had fallen into his hands in consequence of the victory of Quito,
Gonzalo sent Guevara to the city of Parto to apprehend some of his
enemies who resided in that place, one of whom only was put to death,
and all the rest sent into exile. He pardoned Benalcazar, who promised
faithfully to become attached to his party, and sent him back to his
government of Popayan, with part of the troops he had brought from
thence in the service of the viceroy. He likewise assembled all the
fugitive troops of the viceroy, to whom he in the first place urged the
many causes of displeasure which he had for their past conduct, yet
pardoned them as he knew they had either been misled or forced to act
against him, and promised, if they served him faithfully in the sequel,
that he would treat them as well as those who had been on his side from
the beginning, and would reward them equally when the country was
restored to peace. He sent off messengers in every direction, to
announce the victory he had obtained, and to encourage his partizans, so
that his usurpation seemed established in greater security than ever.
Captain Alarcon was sent to Panama, to communicate the intelligence to
Hinojosa, with orders to bring back along with him Vela Nunnez and the
others who had been made prisoners in that quarter.
SECTION V.
_Continuation of the Usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, to the arrival of
Gasca in Peru with full powers to restore the Colony to order._
At this period, some of Gonzalo's adherents advised him to send his
fleet to scour the coasts of Nicaragua and New Spain, on purpose to take
or burn all the vessels which might be found in these parts, by which he
would effectually secure himself from any attack by sea. By this means,
they alleged, when the dispatches and orders from his majesty should
arrive in the Tierra Firma, finding no means of sending these into Peru,
the ministers of the crown would be under the necessity of granting him
favourable terms of accommodation almost equal to his wishes. Pizarro
however had great confidence in the fidelity and attachment of Hinojosa
and those who were with him, believing that he might trust implicitly to
their vigilance, and refused to follow the measures proposed, as tending
to evince too much weakness and want of confidence in the goodness of
the cause in which he was engaged. He was besides so puffed up by the
victory which he had gained over the viceroy, that he believed himself
able to resist any power which could now be brought against him.
Alarcon went accordingly to Panama, whence he brought back to Peru the
prisoners who had been taken at that place by Hinojosa, and was
accompanied on his return by the son of Gonzalo. When near Puerto Viejo
on his voyage back, Alarcon ordered Saavedra and Lerma, two of his chief
prisoners, to be hanged on account of some words they were said to have
spoken against the insurgents. He was disposed to have put Rodrigo
Mexia, another of these prisoners, to death at the same time; but the
son of Gonzalo pleaded strongly to save his life, by representing how
kindly he had been used by Mexia while in his custody. Vela Nunnez was
conducted to Quito, where he was pardoned by Gonzalo, yet admonished to
behave very carefully for the future, as the slightest suspicion would
be fatal. Cepeda, one of the oydors of the royal audience, always
continued to accompany Gonzalo, so that Ortiz de Zarate, the only judge
who remained in Lima was unable to act in the absence of all the other
judges. Indeed he was now less feared, ever since Gonzalo Pizarro had
almost by force procured a marriage between one of the daughters of that
judge and his brother Blas Soto[21]. Still however this judge retained
every proper sentiment of loyalty to the king, although constrained by
the exigency of the times to conceal his principles, and to seem in some
measure reconciled to the usurper.
[Footnote 21: Of this brother of the Pizarro family, no other notice
occurs in Zarate.--E.]
While these transactions were going on in the north of Peru, the
lieutenant-general Carvajal continued his operations in the south
against Centeno. As formerly related, he departed from Cuzeo with three
hundred men, well provided with horses, musquets and other arms,
marching by way of the Collao for the province of Paria, in which
Centeno then was with about two hundred and fifty men, determined to
await the arrival of the enemy and to run the chance of battle. When
Carvajal was come within about two leagues of that place, Centeno
retired a short space to the other side of the city, taking post on the
side of a river in what appeared to him strong ground, and Carvajal took
possession of the _tambo_ of Paria, about a league from the camp of
Centeno. Next day, Centeno sent fifteen well mounted musqueteers to bid
defiance to Carvajal, and to challenge him to battle. On arriving within
a stones throw of the tambo, they required a conference with Carvajal,
to whom they delivered the following message: "That Centeno was ready to
give battle in the cause of his majesty; but if Carvajal, who had grown
old in the royal service, would return to his duty and abandon the
service of the usurper, Centeno and all his followers would be happy to
serve under his command." To this message Carvajal only returned abusive
language, and the two parties mutually reproached each other as rebels
and traitors. After some time spent in this manner, the fifteen
royalists discharged their musquets and returned to Centeno, to whom
they gave an account of the number and disposition of the enemy. This
occurrence took place on Holy Friday in the year 1546.
Immediately after this defiance, Carvajal put his troops in motion to
attack the royalists, but Centeno thought proper to retire to a more
advantageous post, not deeming it prudent to run the risk of a pitched
battle, and meaning rather to harass the enemy by means of skirmishes
and night attacks. He was likewise in hopes that a good many of those
who followed Carvajal might come over to his side as opportunity
offered, as he understood many of them were much discontented with the
harsh and brutal behaviour of the lieutenant-general, whom they served
from fear and constraint, not from attachment. Besides, Centeno was
unwilling to run the risk of battle, as Carvajal though inferior in
cavalry to the royalist party was greatly superior in point of fire
arms. In fact this resolution of retreating was much against the
inclination of Centeno, who wished to have given battle to Carvajal; but
as all the inhabitants of La Plata on his side opposed that measure, he
was obliged to conform to their wishes, yet always determined to give
battle on the first favourable opportunity. Centeno accordingly
retreated fifteen leagues that day, and was followed by Carvajal with
great diligence, insomuch that the hostile parties encamped at night
very near each other, on which occasion Carvajal confided the guard of
his camp to such of his followers as he could most surely depend upon.
Towards midnight, Centeno detached eighty horsemen to assault the camp
of the insurgents, which they did accordingly with much spirit, making
several discharges of their fire arms, but without any favourable
impression; as Carvajal drew up his troops in order of battle, and kept
them all night in their ranks, strictly forbidding any one to quit their
post on any pretence, lest some might desert over to the enemy. At break
of day, Centeno decamped and resumed his march, and was followed by
Carvajal with equal diligence always very near. In this second day of
the retreat the two parties marched ten leagues, or near forty miles;
and towards evening Camijal came up with one of the soldiers belonging
to Centeno, who had lagged behind owing to extreme fatigue. Carvajal
ordered him immediately to be hanged, swearing that he would treat every
one of the enemy who fell into his hands in the same manner.
Centeno continued always to retreat, and Carvajal to pursue close in his
rear, both parties using the utmost possible diligence, insomuch that
they every day marched twelve or fifteen long leagues, almost always
within sight of each other. After some days, Centeno made a countermarch
upon Paria by taking a different road, and even directed his march,
towards the Collao, always followed by Carvajal. At Hayohayo[22]
Carvajal came up with twelve soldiers belonging to Centeno, who had
fallen behind, all of whom he ordered to be hanged. In consequence of
these continued rapid marches, several of the soldiers of both sides
used daily to lag behind from excessive fatigue, all of whom endeavoured
to hide themselves as well as they could to avoid being made prisoners.
Finding his force daily diminishing, Centeno complained loudly of his
officers and followers for having prevented him from fighting; and as he
found the whole country through which he now marched attached to the
enemy, he determined to direct his march towards the coast intending to
escape if possible by sea. For this purpose he took the direction of
Arequipa, and sent off one of his officers named Ribadeneyra to
endeavour to procure a ship somewhere on the coast, which he was to
bring to Arequipa, that it might be in readiness to embark the whole
remnant of the retreating party immediately on their arrival[23].
Ribadeneyra fell in with a ship on the coast which was ready to sail for
Chili, of which he easily took possession, and found it well adapted for
his purpose.
[Footnote 22: The Callao is a district at the north end of the great
lake of Titicaca. Paria and Hayohayo are two towns on the east side of
the Rio Desaguadero, which flows from the south into the lake of
Titicaca.--E.]
[Footnote 23: Arequipa is not less than twenty-five miles from the
nearest coast, at which place there is a bay or port named La
Guata.--E.]
"In the course of this pursuit, it happened, one day that Centeno had to
pass a deep dell or narrow valley between two mountains, as often
happens in that country, the descent to which was about a league from
the top to a stream of water in the bottom, yet the hills were so
precipitous and close together that their tops hardly exceeded a musquet
shot. As Carvajal was well acquainted with this pass, he was confident
of catching his enemy at this place as in a trap; believing that while
Centeno was descending to the bottom, he should be able to gain the top
of the hill, whence he might greatly annoy Centeno and his men while
clambering up the opposite hill. Centeno was however fully aware of his
danger, and was accordingly very careful to provide against the mischief
which he foresaw might occur. He therefore placed six of his best
mounted cavalry in ambush near the top of the first mountain, with
directions to assail the rear of Carvajal's troops after the van and
main body were past, so as to make a diversion and oblige Carvajal to
return to succour his people, by which he and his men would be enabled,
to get beyond the pass in safety. The ambush accordingly remained
concealed until Carvajal and the best part of his troops were gone past;
after which they sallied forth, and fell with great resolution on the
rear which was marching on in disorder, consisting of a mixed multitude
of Indians, Negroes, and straggling Spaniards, with horses mules and
other beasts of burden, all in confusion and disorder, among whom they
did great execution. Although he heard the noise occasioned by this
unexpected assault, Carvajal continued his march for some time,
believing it only a false alarm. The six horsemen therefore continued
their assault almost unopposed, carrying all before them, and doing
incredible mischief. Among the rest they overthrew a loaded mule which
carried several quintals of gun-powder, which they blew up with so
violent a noise that Carvajal was convinced of the serious nature of the
assault, and found it necessary to desist from the pursuit of Centeno,
and to return for the protection of his rear. When the six horsemen
belonging to Centeno observed the approach of the troops of Carvajal,
they immediately fled by cross ways and bye paths, under the guidance of
some friendly Indians, and rejoined Centeno six or seven days
afterwards. By this successful stratagem Centeno was enabled to escape
across the dangerous pass, and even gained considerably in the retreat,
as Carvajal was obliged to remain on the top of the first mountain all
the rest of that day and the following night. Carvajal was much
displeased at being thus foiled by one so much less experienced than he
in the art of war, and observed to his officers, that during forty years
service in the wars of Italy, where he had seen many fine retreats,
accomplished by the king of France, by Antonio de Leyva, Count Pedro de
Navarro, Mark Antony Colona, and other famous captains, he had never
seen one so excellently contrived as this by Centeno[24]."
[Footnote 24: This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is inserted
from Garcilasso de la Vega in the text, as too long for a note.--E.]
Centeno arrived soon afterwards at Arequipa, and in less than two days
Carvajal arrived there in pursuit. As the vessel procured by Ribadeneyra
was not come to that part of the coast, and Centeno had not even
received notice of its capture, he determined to dismiss his followers,
now reduced to eighty men, that they might endeavour to escape
separately, being utterly unable to make head against the enemy who was
fast approaching. Centeno, accompanied only by two friends, withdrew,
into the mountains, where he remained concealed in a cave till the
arrival of the licentiate Gasca, being all the time supplied with
provisions by a friendly cacique. On arriving at the coast of Arequipa,
Carvajal was informed that Centeno and his people were dispersed; and
hearing that Lope de Mendoza was at no great distance with eight or ten
of the royalists, he detached one of his officers with twenty mounted
musqueteers in pursuit. Mendoza however fled with so much diligence,
that although followed for more than eighty leagues, his pursuers were
unable to overtake him, and were at last obliged to return. Mendoza
continued his retreat beyond the ridge of the Andes, into the eastern
plain of the Rio Plata, where we must leave him for the present to
continue the narrative of events in Peru.
Soon after the arrival of Carvajal in Arequipa, the ship which, had been
seized by Ribadeneyra appeared on the coast, and Carvajal was informed
by some of the soldiers of Centeno who remained at Arequipa of the
intention of this vessel, and of the signal which had been agreed, upon
between Centeno and Ribadeneyra. Wishing to gain possession of the
vessel, Carvajal concealed twenty musqueteers near the coast, and made
the appointed signal. Ribadeneyra at first believed that the signal was
made by order of Centeno and sent the boat on shore; but having some
suspicions of the actual state of affairs, he directed the people in the
boat to be extremely cautious against surprize before venturing on
shore. They accordingly, refused to land, unless Centeno himself made
his appearance; and as this of course could not be complied with, they
returned to the ship, with which Ribadeneyra immediately set sail for
Nicaragua. As no part of the late force under Centeno remained in the
field, Carvajal resolved to take up his residence for some time in the
city of La Plata, as he was informed that Centeno and his friends had
concealed a large quantity of treasure at that place, and that he might
both endeavour to discover that deposit, and might draw as large a sum
as possible from the rich mines in that neighbourhood. Carvajal was
willing to communicate to Gonzalo a portion of the wealth he expected to
acquire in that district, for defraying the expences of the war; but he
proposed especially to enrich himself on this occasion, being
exceedingly covetous, as has been already remarked. He accordingly went
to La Plata, which submitted without resistance, and remained there for
a considerable time amassing wealth, till obliged to take the field
against Mendoza.
Lope de Mendoza, as already mentioned, made his escape from Arequipa
with a small number of followers, and was pursued for a long way. He for
some time followed the line of the coast, and after he had eluded the
pursuit of the party sent after him by Carvajal, he and his companions
resolved so endeavour to penetrate into the government of Diego de Roias
on the Rio Plata, as all the country of Peru had universally submitted
to the domination of Gonzalo. For this purpose Mendoza followed the same
route which Centeno had formerly taken when retreating from Alfonso de
Toro; both because he thought his enemies would not pursue him by that
road and because the Indians belonging to Centeno and himself dwelt in
that part of the country, and he expected to procure provisions and
other assistance from them. While travelling across these deserts,
Mendoza met with Gabriel Bermudez, who had accompanied Diego de Roias on
his expedition into the country on the Rio Plata. From this person
Mendoza was informed of the events which had occurred to the expedition
under De Roias, of which the following is an abstract:
Diego de Roias, Philip Gutierrez and Pedro de Heredia, who went upon
this expedition, had to fight their way among hostile Indians, in the
course of which De Roias was slain. After his death, violent disputes
arose between Francisco de Mendoza who succeeded in the command and the
other officers engaged in the expedition, in the course of which
Gutierrez was cashiered and banished. They continued after this to
prosecute their discoveries all the way to the Rio Plata, receiving
information that great riches were to be found in some districts in the
neighbourhood, in which there were certain Spaniards who had penetrated
into the country by ascending the Rio Plata from the Atlantic, and had
formed establishments in the interior. In prosecuting the exploration,
of that great river, they had fallen in with some forts which were built
by Sebastian Gabota; and reported many other surprizing and wonderful
things which they had seen in that country. In the course of their
proceedings, Francisco de Mendoza was assassinated by Pedro Heredia,
owing to which violent disputes had taken place among them, by which and
the smallness of their force they had been rendered unable to proceed in
conquering the country, so that at length they had come to the
resolution of returning into Peru, that his majesty or the viceroy of
that kingdom might nominate a new commander. They were likewise
persuaded, when the riches of the country in which they had been came to
be known, that they would be able to procure a considerable accession of
new adventurers, so as to enable them to atchieve the conquest.
In the course of their expedition they asserted that they had penetrated
six hundred leagues to the eastwards of La Plata, through a champaign
country of very easy access, and tolerably abounding in provisions and
water. Bermudez added, that within a very few days they had learnt, from
some Indians who occasionally traded into the province of Las Charcas,
of the revolt which had taken place in Peru, but had been unable to
procure information respecting the causes of this insurrection or as to
who were chiefly engaged in it; for which reason he had been sent on
before to inquire into these circumstances, and had received orders from
the captains and other principal persons in the expedition, to offer
their services to the party that acted for the royal interests, in which
cause they might be of material importance, as they had a considerable
number of excellent horses and plenty of arms. After the conclusion of
this narrative, Mendoza gave Bermudez an account of all the late events
in Peru; on which, in, virtue of the commission with which he had been
entrusted, Bermudez promised in the name of all his companions to march
against the lieutenant-general.
Lope Mendoza and Bermudez went after this to meet the troops which were
returning from the Rio Plata, which were at no great distance. When they
were informed of the situation of affairs in Peru, they received Lope
with every demonstration of respect, and confirmed the offers of
assistance which Bermudez had already made in their name, declaring
their resolution to devote themselves heartily to the service of the
king. Lope de Mendoza gave them hearty commendations for their loyalty,
and represented to them how honourable and praiseworthy it was to exert
their utmost endeavours in the cause of their lawful sovereign; assuring
them that they might all depend upon being amply provided for, when the
country was restored to obedience. Lope de Mendoza was unanimously
received as their chief, and conducted them to the village of Pocona,
about forty leagues to the north-east of La Plata; whence he sent some
confidential persons to certain secret places where he and Centeno had
hidden above a thousand marks of silver under ground. On recovering this
treasure, he proposed to divide it among those persons who had so nobly
offered to follow his orders; but most of them refused his preferred
bounty, either because they were already sufficiently rich, or because
hitherto the soldiers who had been engaged in the wars of Peru had been
unused to any regular pay, and only accepted money to answer their
immediate wants, and to provide themselves with horses and arms. Even
the lowest soldier, in those days expected, when the enterprizes of
their leaders succeeded, to be rewarded for his services in repartitions
or advantageous establishments in the country, by which they flattered
themselves to acquire riches, so great was the reputation of the
richness of Peru. By means of these men from the Rio Plata, Lope Mendoza
found himself unexpectedly at the head of an hundred and fifty well
mounted cavalry; all excellently armed and equipped for service. It was
a great misfortune to the royal cause, that Centeno was now concealed,
instead of having retreated into the interior along with Mendoza as he
had done formerly; as if he had now been at the head of the royalists,
with this important reinforcement, affairs might have taken a better
turn than they actually did.
While Carvajal was on his way from Arequipa for the city of La Plata, he
received intelligence of the success of Gonzalo Pizarro at Quito, and
that all Peru was entirely reduced under his command. He resolved
therefore to repair to La Plata, as formerly mentioned, intending to
regulate the affairs of the province of Las Charcas, and to collect
treasure. On his arrival however at Paria on his way to La Plata he
received intelligence of the arrival of the troops from the Rio Plata
and of their junction with Lope Mendoza. Being informed at the same time
that these unexpected opponents were by no means united among
themselves, and that they marched very carelessly in separate and
unconnected detachments, most of which refused to acknowledge any one as
their commander, he determined to set out against them with the utmost
diligence, that he might fall upon them in their present divided state.
Being rejoined by the detachment which had pursued Lope Mendoza, and
having put his men in order for a fresh expedition, Carvajal set out
from La Plata and marched towards the enemy with the utmost possible
speed, encouraging his troops by the assurance of an easy and bloodless
victory, even asserting that he had received letters from the principal
officers among the enemy in which they offered their services to him, so
that they would only have the trouble of marching, without any danger of
fighting.
During this march Carvajal was joined by thirty men in addition to his
former force, so that he was now at the head of two hundred and fifty
men. At length he came in sight of Pocona, which is eighty leagues from
Paria, about four o'clock of an afternoon, and made his appearance in
good order, on the top of a rising ground within view of Lope de
Mendoza, who was then making a distribution of money among such of his
new companions as were willing to accept his bounty: Mendoza had already
got some intimation of the approach of Carvajal; and as his own force
consisted entirely of cavalry, most of whom were persons of some
consideration, remarkably well mounted and armed, he drew up his men in
good order in a plain at some distance from the village, in which he
left the baggage and his money; saying, that he trusted through their
bravery to be soon able to recover both, and even to increase their
store by that belonging to their enemies. Carvajal immediately descended
from the hill he had first taken possession of, and took post in the
place which Mendoza had just quitted, which was an inclosare of
considerable extent surrounded with walls, in which there were openings
in several places. Carvajal chose this as a convenient post for the
night, in which the enemy would not be able to attack with their
cavalry. On learning that Lope de Mendoza and his men had left their
baggage in the town of Pocona, the troops of Carvajal immediately
quitted their ranks to go in search of plunder, insomuch that Carvajal
was left in his camp with hardly eight men. If Mendoza had availed
himself of this opportunity to attack Carvajal, he might have gained an
easy victory, and might have boasted of having left his baggage exposed
to plunder as a stratagem of war, which on similar occasions had often
been the cause of signal victories. On purpose to recall his troops to
their duty, Carvajal ordered a false alarm to be sounded, which
occasioned the return of the greater part of his men; but so strong was
their avidity for spoil that most part of the night was spent before
they all returned to the camp.
At this time there was a secret conspiracy entered into by many of
Carvajal's followers, with the intention of putting him to death out of
revenge for his harsh and tyrannical conduct towards them, and one Pedro
de Avendano, his secretary, in whom he reposed entire confidence was the
principal ringleader of the conspirators. To facilitate the execution of
this enterprize, Avendano, sent a message by a clever fellow of an
Indian to give Mendoza notice of the intentions of the conspirators, and
to request he would make an attack upon Carvajal's camp in the course of
the night, in the confusion attendant upon which he and the other
conspirators might have an opportunity of executing their intended plot.
Mendoza had previously determined upon withdrawing about four or five
leagues from Pocona, to a level plain in which his cavalry would be able
to act with much advantage. But on receiving the message of Avendano, he
ordered his men to hold themselves in readiness to attack the camp of
Carvajal at the going down of the moon, preferring the obscurity of
night in order to avoid the danger of the more numerous firearms of the
enemy. At that time he advanced in good order towards the enemy, sending
some scouts in advance, who made prisoner of one of Carvajal's soldiers.
After interrogating this man, they advanced to the openings of the wall
which surrounded the camp, which they found guarded by some musqueteers
and pikemen. Mendoza made a brisk attack, but was bravely resisted by
the enemy, and so great was the confusion and noise that it was
impossible to enter upon any parley, as no one could be heard by reason
of the continual firing and the shouts of the combatants.
Immediately on the alarm, Carvajal used his utmost efforts to get his
troops into order and to animate and encourage them to exert themselves
against the enemy. At this period, Avendano pointed out Carvajal to a
musqueteer who was one of the conspirators, and encouraged him to take a
steady aim at the lieutenant-general; but owing to the darkness, the
shot missed of its intended effect; and only wounded him in one of his
thighs. Finding himself wounded, and being satisfied it had been done by
one of his own people, Carvajal deemed it prudent to conceal the
circumstance for the present; and retired along with Avendano, of whose
fidelity he had no suspicion, on purpose to disguise himself in an old
brown coat-and a shabby hat, that he might not be conspicuous, after
which he returned to animate his men to defend the camp. Avendano again
pointed him out to another conspirator, who fired a second time at
Carvajal, but entirely missed his aim. In the meantime the assailants
frequently called out to know if Carvajal were dead; but receiving no
answer, and finding that all the avenues to the camp were bravely
defended, Lope de Mendoza drew off his men. In this night engagement
about fourteen were slain on both sides, and several wounded. Carvajal
got his wound secretly dressed, so that none of his people knew that
such a thing had happened.
After the cessation of the engagement, one Placentia deserted from
Carvajal's camp, and informed Mendoza that all the baggage belonging to
Carvajal and his troops had been left at a place which he described
about five or six leagues from Pocona, among which was a large quantity
of gold and silver, several horses, and some musquets and powder. On
this information, Meodoza set off immediately with his troops for that
place, guided by the deserter; and marching diligently all the remainder
of the night, he arrived quite unexpectedly at the place where Carvajal
had secured his baggage; but as the night was exceedingly dark, above
seventy of his men lost their way and fell behind. Yet, with such of his
people as had kept up with him, Mendoza took possession of the whole
without any resistance. After this, being sensible that he was not in
sufficient force to cope with Carvajal, Mendoza resolved to retreat by
way of the desert in which Centeno had formerly taken shelter, which he
did accordingly with about fifty men, all the rest of his troops having
fallen behind during the night, as already mentioned. In the prosecution
of this plan of retreat, Mendoza and his people reached a certain river
about two leagues and a half from Pocona, where they halted to take some
rest and refreshment after the excessive fatigues of the past night.
Carvajal was soon apprised of the capture of his baggage and the route
which Mendoza had taken, and immediately set off in pursuit with about
fifty of his best mounted troops; and, using every possible diligence,
he came to the place where Mendoza had halted, about noon of the next
day, and immediately attacked the royalists, some of whom were asleep,
while others were taking food. Thus unexpectedly assailed, and believing
that Carvajal was followed by his whole force, the royalists made a
feeble resistance, and very soon took to flight, dispersing themselves
in every direction. Lope de Mendoza and Pedro de Heredia, with a good
many others, were made prisoners and Carvajal immediately ordered these
two chiefs, and six or seven other principal persons among the royalists
to be beheaded.
On this occasion Carvajal recovered the whole of his own baggage, and
got possession of all that had belonged to the enemy, with all of which
and the prisoners he had made, he returned to Pocona, engaging to do no
injury to those who had escaped from the soldiers in the late attack,
and even restored their horses arms and baggage to his prisoners, most
of whom he sent off to join Gonzalo Pizarro. On leaving Pocona, he took
Alfonso de Camargo and Luis Pardamo along with him, who had formerly
fled along with Mendoza, and whose lives he now spared, as they gave him
information respecting a considerable treasure which Centeno had
concealed under ground near Paria, and where in fact he discovered above
50,000 crowns. After this, he went with his troops to the city of La
Plata, where he proposed to reside for some time. At this place he
appointed persons in whom he could confide to the offices of judges and
magistrates, and dispatched intelligence of the success of his arms over
the whole kingdom of Peru. He remained for some time at La Plata, where
he collected treasure from all the surrounding country, under pretence
of supplying Gonzalo Pizarro, but in reality he retained much the larger
share for himself.
Having thus succeeded, in all his enterprizes and established his
authority in the south of Peru on such firm foundations that no
opposition remained in the whole country, fortune seemed to determine to
exalt him to the summit of his desires by the discovery of the richest
mines which had ever been known. Some Indians who belonged to Juan de
Villareal, an inhabitant of La Plata, happening to pass over a very high
isolated mountain in the middle of a plain, about eighteen leagues from
that city, named Potosi, noticed by some indications that it contained
mines of silver. They accordingly took away some specimens of the ore
for trial, from which they found that the mineral was exceedingly rich
in pure silver; insomuch that the poorest of the ore produced eighty
marks of pure silver from the quintal of native mineral[25], being a
more abundant production than any that ever had been heard of before.
When this discovery became known in the city of La Plata, the
magistrates went to the mountain of Potosi, which they divided among the
inhabitants of their city, setting up boundary marks to distinguish the
allotments or each person in those places which appeared eligible for
workings. So great was the resort to these new mines, that in a short
time there were above seven thousand _Yanaconas_, or Indian labourers,
established in the neighbourhood, who were employed by their Christian
masters in the various operations of these mines. These men laboured
with so much industry, that each Indian, by agreement, furnished two
marks or sixteen ounces of silver weekly to their respective masters;
and so rich was the mine, that they were able to do this and to retain
an equal quantity to themselves[26]. Such is the nature of the ore
extracted from the mineral veins of this mountain, that it cannot be
reduced in the ordinary manner by means of bellows, as is customary in
other places. It is here smelted in certain small furnaces, called
_guairas_ by the Indians, which are supplied with a mixed fuel of
charcoal and sheeps dung, and are blown up by the wind only, without the
use of any mechanical contrivance.
[Footnote 25: This produce is most extraordinarily large, being equal to
_four_ parts of pure silver from _ten_ of ore, or 640 ounces of silver
from the quintal or 1600 ounces of ore. At the present time, the silver
mines in Mexico, which are the most productive of any that have ever
been known, are remarkable for the poverty of the mineral they contain.
A quintal or 1600 ounces of ore affording only at an average 3 or 4
ounces of pure silver. The profit therefore of these must depend upon
the abundance of ore, and the facility with which it is procured and
smelted.--E.]
[Footnote 26: The gross amount of this production of silver, on the data
in the text, is 11,648,000 ounces yearly; worth, at 5s. 6d. per ounce,
L. 3,203,200 sterling; and, estimating silver in those days, at six
times its present efficacy, worth L. 19,219,200 of modern value. In the
present day before the revolutionary troubles, Humboldt estimates the
entire production of gold and silver from Spanish and Portuguese America
at L. 9,787,500; only about three times the quantity said to have been
at first extracted from Potosi alone, and only about half the effective
value.--E.]
These rich mines are known by the name of Potosi, which is that of the
district, or province in which the mountain is situated. Owing to the
easy labour and great profit experienced by the Indians at these mines,
when any of the Yanaconas was once established at this place it was
found almost impossible to induce them to leave it or to work elsewhere;
and indeed, they were here so entirely concealed from all dangers, and
so much exempted from their usual severe drudgery and the unwholesome
vapours they had been subjected to in other mines, that they preferred
working at Potosi to any other situation. So great was the concourse of
inhabitants to Potosi, and the consequent demand for provisions, _that
the sack of maize was sold for twenty crowns, the sack of wheat for
forty, and a small bag of _coca_ for thirty dollars; and these articles
rose afterwards to a higher price. Owing to the astonishing
productiveness of these new mines, all the others in that part of Peru
were speedily abandoned. Even those of Porco, whence Ferdinand Pizarro
had formerly procured great riches, were left unwrought. All the
Yanaconas who had been employed in searching for gold in the province of
Carabaya, and in the auriferous rivers in different parts of southern
Peru, flocked to Potosi, where they were able to make vastly more profit
by their labour than in any other place. From various indications, those
who are most experienced in mining believe that Potosi will always
continue productive and cannot be easily exhausted[27].
[Footnote 27: It has however become very much exhausted, and has been in
a great measure abandoned. The mines of Lauricocha, in a different part
of Peru, are now in greater estimation. But those of Guanaxuato and
Zacatecas in Mexico, notwithstanding the poverty of their ore, have been
long the most productive of the American mines.--E.]
Carvajal did not fail to take advantage of this favourable discovery,
and immediately set about the acquisition of treasure for himself by
every means which his present uncontroulable power afforded. In the
first place, he appropriated to his own use all the Yanaconas, or Indian
labourers in the mines, which had belonged, to such of the inhabitants
as had opposed him, or to those who had died or fled from the province.
He likewise appropriated to his own use above 10,000 Peruvian sheep,
belonging to the Yanaconas of the crown or to individuals, which were
employed in transporting provisions for the miners. By these means, he
amassed in a short time near 200,000 crowns, all of which he retained to
his own use. His soldiers were so much dissatisfied with his conduct, as
he gave them no share of his exactions, that they plotted together
against him. Luis Pardamo, Alfonso de Comargo, Diego de Balsameda, and
Diego de Luxan, with thirty others, who had entered into this
conspiracy, had determined to put him to death about a month after his
arrival in La Plata from his expedition against Mendoza; but, owing to
some obstacles, they had been induced to deter the execution of their
enterprize to a future period. By some unknown means the circumstances
of this plot came to the knowledge of Carvajal, who put to death the
before-mentioned leaders of the conspiracy, and ten or twelve others,
and banished all the rest. By these merciless executions, in which he
indulged on all occasions, Carvajal inspired so much terror that no one
dared in future to make any similar attempt; as he not only punished in
the severest manner all who evinced any intention of revolt, but put
people to death on the slightest suspicion. Owing to this the loyal
servants of his majesty may assuredly be exculpated from the blame which
has been imputed to them, for not putting Carvajal to death: In reality,
there were many persons sufficiently anxious to have done so, on purpose
to escape from the cruel tyranny under which they groaned in secret; and
four or five conspiracies were entered into for the purpose, which were
all discovered, and occasioned the destruction of at least fifty
individuals. By these means every one was terrified from attempting any
thing against him, more especially as he gave high rewards to all who
communicated any intelligence of the kind, so that all were forced to
temporize and to wait in anxious hope of some favourable opportunity to
deliver them from his cruel tyranny. Carvajal continued to remain at La
Plata, frequently publishing accounts of the successes of Gonzalo
Pizarro, to whom he often sent large remittances; derived from his own
resources, from the royal fifths which he appropriated, and from the
confiscated estates of those whom he put to death, all of which he
seized upon, under pretence of supplying funds for prosecuting the war.
From the 18th of January 1546, the day on which he defeated the viceroy,
Gonzalo Pizarro continued to reside at Quito till the middle of July of
that year, accompanied by a force of about five hundred men, occupied in
almost continual feastings and revelry. Various reasons were assigned
for his long residence in that place; some alleging that it was on
purpose to be more at hand for receiving early intelligence from Spain;
while others attribute it to the great profits he derived from the gold
mines which had been recently discovered in that neighbourhood; and
others again alleged that he was detained by attachment to the lady
formerly mentioned, whose husband he had procured to be assassinated by
Vincente Pablo. That woman was delivered, after the death of her
husband, of a child which was put to death by her father; for which
inhuman action he was ordered to be hanged by Pedro de Puelles.
During his residence in Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro sent off several
detachments of soldiers to different places, giving commissions and
instructions to their commanders in his own name as governor of Peru.
Among these, the lieutenant Benalcazar was sent back to his former
government; having been pardoned and even taken into favour by Gonzalo.
A reinforcement was also sent to Pedro de Valdivia who commanded in
Chili, under the command of Captain Ulloa, whom he had sent to ask
assistance to enable him to continue and maintain his conquests in that
country. Other officers and soldiers were sent to other parts, which are
unnecessary to be particularized. At length Gonzalo determined to leave
Quito, and to establish his residence in Lima; and it has been alleged
that he was principally induced to take this step from suspicion of the
fidelity of Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieutenant at Lima, who was so much
beloved by all the inhabitants of that city as to be almost in condition
to have revolted to the royal cause. Gonzalo is said likewise to have
been somewhat suspicious of his lieutenant-general Carvajal, being
afraid lest he might be so puffed up by the many victories he had
gained, and by his immense distance, as to be induced to set up for
himself. He accordingly left Quito under the command of Pedro de
Puelles, whom he appointed his lieutenant and captain-general in that
province, with a force of three hundred men, having great confidence in
his attachment ever since he had succoured him when in straits on his
march from Cuzco to Lima, and when his army was on the point of
abandoning him. He reposed so entirely on Puelles, that he believed, if
the king were to send any force against him by the route of the province
in which Benalcazar commanded, that Puelles would prevent them from
being able to penetrate into Peru.
While on his progress from Quito towards Lima, Gonzalo assumed in
everything the deportment and authority of governor of Peru, and was
treated in every respect as such by all the inhabitants of the country.
He seemed to believe that his authority was so well and firmly
established that he had nothing to fear from the attempts of his
enemies, and that even the king would be obliged to grant him any terms
he might require. All his officers soldiers and dependents obeyed and
respected him entirely, as if satisfied that they were always to be
subject to his authority, and to depend upon him alone for advancement
and reward. In the exercise of his usurped authority, he made many
grants or repartitions of lands and Indians, all of them for long
periods, which every one considered as secure of being continued. He and
his principal officers pretended that they frequently received letters
from some of the highest of the nobles in Spain, praising his conduct
and approving of every thing he had done, which these pretended letters
justified on account of the infringements which had been made on the
rights and privileges of the colonists. In these letters likewise, the
pretended Spanish grandees were made to engage their favour and credit
at court to support his interest and authority with the sovereign. The
well informed among the followers of Gonzalo Pizarro saw clearly that
these letters were mere fabrications to impose upon the vulgar, and had
no foundation whatever in truth.
On his arrival at the city of San Miguel, Gonzalo learned that there
were a considerable number of Indians in that neighbourhood who had not
been reduced under subjection; for which reason he gave orders to
establish a military post in the province of _Garrochamba[28]_, the
command of which he conferred on Captain Mercadillo, with a force of an
hundred and thirty men, and gave him instructions for completing the
conquest of that district, and for dividing the lands and Indians into
repartitions like the rest of the country. At this time likewise, he
detached Captain Porcel with sixty soldiers to complete the conquest of
the Bracamoros. In these proceedings, he wished it to be believed that
his sole object was for the advantage of the colony; but his real
purpose was to keep his troops on foot and in employ, in case of needing
them at a future period for his own defence in support of his
usurpation. Before leaving Quito, Gonzalo sent off the licentiate
Carvajal by sea with a party of soldiers, in the ships which Juan Alonzo
Palomino had brought from Nicaragua after his pursuit of Verdugo.
Carvajal was ordered to proceed along the coast towards Lima, and to
settle all the maritime towns in his way in good order.
[Footnote 28: No such province or district is now found in the maps of
Peru; but it appears to have been on the confines between the northern
part of Peru Proper and the southern extremity of Quito, where
Valladolid now stands.--E.]
The licentiate Carvajal after executing the before-mentioned orders,
came to Truxillo to meet Gonzalo Pizarro, whence they went together to
Lima, accompanied by a force of two hundred men. On approaching Lima,
there was a diversity of opinions among the followers of Pizarro,
respecting the ceremonies with which he should be received into the
capital of Peru. Some of his officers were desirous that the magistracy
should come out to meet him with a canopy, under which he should make
his entry after the manner usually practised with kings. Some even
proposed that a breach should be made in the walls, and some of the
houses of the city thrown down, so as to make a new entrance on purpose
in memory of his victory over the viceroy, as used to be done anciently
in Rome for the reception of triumphant generals. In this, as in all
other important affairs, Gonzalo was guided by the advice of the
licentiate Carvajal, and entered the city on horseback, preceded by all
his captains on foot leading their horses by the bridles. On this
occasion he was accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, the bishops of
Cuzco and Quito, and the bishop of Bogota, who had come into Peru by way
of Carthagena on purpose to receive consecration. He was likewise
accompanied by Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieutenant-governor of Lima, and
by all the magistrates and inhabitants of the city; no one daring to
remain at home lest they might be suspected of disaffection. The streets
were all ornamented with green herbs and flowers; all the bells of the
churches and monasteries were kept ringing; and the cavalcade was
preceded by a numerous band of trumpets kettle-drums and other warlike
instruments of music. In this pompous manner, Pizarro was conducted in
the first place to the great church, and thence to his own residence.
From this time, Gonzalo Pizarro conducted himself with much more pride
and haughtiness than formerly, conceiving high ideas of his own
importance from these public ceremonials of respect, as usually happens
to men of feeble minds on any sudden elevation. He had a guard for his
person of eighty halberdiers, besides several horsemen, who acompanied
him wherever he went. No person whatever was permitted to be seated in
his presence; and there were very few persons whom he designed to honour
so far as to return their salute. By these haughty manners, and still
more by his frequent disobliging and even abusive manner of speaking, he
displeased every one and became universally disliked. It must likewise
be mentioned, that the soldiery, to whom he owed everything, became
exceedingly discontented with him, as he gave them no pay. All this had
a powerful influence on his downfall in the sequel; though for the
present every one concealed their real sentiments, waiting for a more
favourable opportunity.
* * * * *
"Following Garcilasso de la Vega and other authors, the Historian of
America[29] alleges that Gonzalo Pizarro was urged by several of his
adherents, and in particular by Carvajal, to assume the sovereignty of
Peru; to attach the Spaniards to his interest by liberal grants of lands
and Indians, and by the creation of titles of nobility similar to those
in Europe; to establish military orders of knighthood, with privileges
distinctions and pensions, resembling those in Spain, as gratifications
to the officers in his service; and to gain the whole body of natives to
his service, by marrying the Coya, or Peruvian princess next in relation
to the reigning Inca. Thus at the head of the ancient inhabitants of the
country and of the colonists, he might set the power of Spain at
defiance, and could easily repel any force that might be sent from Spain
to such a distance. These counsellors who urged Pizarro to adopt this
plan, insisted that he had already gone too far to expect pardon from
the emperor; and endeavoured to convince him that all the founders of
great monarchies had risen by their personal merit and their own valour,
without any pretensions to ancient lineage or valid rights of
sovereignty; and that, besides, his family had a strong title to the
dominion of Peru, founded on the rights of discovery and conquest. But
the inferior talents of Gonzalo circumscribed his ambition within more
narrow bounds, and confined his views to the obtaining a confirmation of
the authority which he now possessed from the emperor; for which purpose
he sent an officer of distinction to Spain, to give such a
representation of his conduct and the state of the country, as might
induce the court, from inclination or necessity, to continue him as
governor of Peru for life. Although Garcilasso de la Vega gives full
warrant for this account of the proposals of the insurgents, Zarate, who
was then resident in a public character in Peru, makes no mention of any
such plan having been agitated, which could hardly have happened
without his knowledge: It is probable therefore that these additional
circumstances were invented by the enemies of Gonzalo after his fall, on
purpose to blacken his memory by the imputation of even deeper crimes
than those he was actually guilty of."--E.
[Footnote 29: History of America, II. 378.]
SECTION VI.
_History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the Death of Gonzalo
Pizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity._
While these things were transacting in Peru, the emperor Charles V. was
residing in Germany, where he had gone on purpose to overthrow the party
of the Lutherans and others who had separated from the church of Rome.
The emperor was desirous to receive an account of the disturbances in
that distant and valuable colony from Diego Alvarez Cueto, the
brother-in-law of the late viceroy, and Francisco Maldonado the
messenger of Gonzalo Pizarro, both of whom went into Germany for that
purpose. At this time, however, though acquainted with the revolt of
Peru, the imprisonment of the viceroy, and the usurpation of the
government by Pizarro, the court necessarily remained ignorant of the
death of the viceroy. Frequent deliberations were held for devising
proper remedies to restore tranquillity to Peru; but the matter lay over
for some considerable time, in consequence of the absence of the emperor
from Spain, and because he was at this time frequently attacked by
illness. At length it was determined to send over into Peru the
licentiate Pedro de la Gasca, at that time a counsellor of inquisition.
The prudent and intelligent character of this man was already well
known, from the skill and success with which he had already conducted
several affairs of consequence with which he had been entrusted, and
particularly by the excellent dispositions and preparations which he had
made, only a few years before, to defend the kingdom of Valencia against
an expected invasion of the Turks and Moors, and in various matters
respecting the new converts in that kingdom, which he took the
management of while occupied in some of the affairs of the holy office
on which he had been sent thither by the emperor.
The title granted to Gasca on occasion of going into Peru, was only that
of president of the royal court of audience. But, by his commision, he
was invested with full powers in every thing respecting the government
of the country; to pacify the troubles and restore peace; and to pardon
as he might see proper all crimes, whether committed before his arrival
or during his residence in the country. Along with Gasca, the
licentiates Ganas and Renteria went out to Peru, as judges or oydors of
the supreme tribunal or royal court of audience. Gasca was likewise
furnished with full powers to raise troops in case of necessity, and to
do every thing that the exigency of affairs might require, without
waiting for orders or instructions from Spain. His powers and orders
however were kept secret, as it was wished to attempt the restoration of
order by gentle means; for which reason nothing was spoken of but pardon
and indemnity, and he was desired to endeavour to restore the colony to
peace and tranquillity by means of clemency if possible.
Gasca embarked from Spain in the month of May 1546, on purpose to quell
the formidable rebellion which had long subsisted in Peru, without
either money or troops, and merely accompanied by such servants and
officers of his household as were requisite to support the dignity of
his office as president of the high court of audience. On arriving at St
Martha, he received information of the defeat of Melchior Verdugo,
formerly mentioned, and that Verdugo waited for him at Carthagena with
the small remnant of his men who had escaped on that occasion. Knowing
that Hinojosa and his people were exceedingly irritated against Verdugo,
Gasca resolved to go by way of Nombre de Dios, to prevent the insurgents
from entertaining any suspicions of his pacific intentions, as he
believed they would prevent him from having any access into the country
if he held any intercourse with Verdugo, and still more if he were
joined by that obnoxious person. Gasca cast anchor in the harbour of
Nombre de Dios on the 27th of July 1546, where Hernan Mexia had been
posted by Hinojosa with an hundred and eighty men, to protect that place
and neighbourhood against Melchior Verdugo. The president sent on shore
Alfonzo de Alvarado, who had accompanied him from Spain, to notify his
arrival and the purposes of his mission to Mexia. After some conference,
they separated without communicating their real sentiments to each
other, as both were suspicious and kept up much reserve. On the return
of Alvarado to the ship, Mexia sent to request the president to
disembark, which he did accordingly. On this occasion Mexia went to meet
him, in a barge attended by twenty musqueteers, leaving the rest of his
troops drawn up on the beach. Mexia immediately left his own barge, and
accompanied the president in his boat to the shore, where he caused him
to be received with every mark of respect, under a salute from the
troops.
After landing, the president, in a private conference, gave Mexia an
account of the object of his voyage to Peru; on which Mexia expressed
his determined resolution to yield implicit obedience to the royal
orders, and to devote his services accordingly to the president. He
declared, that he had long and anxiously waited the arrival of some
person possessing authority to put an end to the troubles; and that,
fortunately, circumstances were now extremely favourable for this
purpose, without any one to oppose, as he was now the sole commander of
most of the troops belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro in that neighbourhood,
the greater part of which were now in Nombre de Dios. Mexia said farther
that, Hinojosa and the other captains having gone to Panama, he found
himself at liberty to declare himself openly for his majesty, if that
were judged proper by the president; and that they might then go in
company to Panama, where they would easily become masters of the fleet
in that port, by means which he explained; and that he was likewise
convinced that, when Hinojosa and the other captains were informed of
the powers and intentions of the president, they would receive him with
all submission. The president thanked Mexia for his good intentions,
observing that it was necessary to use lenient measures on this
occasion, as his majesty was very desirous to restore the country to
peace and good order, without having recourse to warlike measures, if it
could possibly be accomplished. As it was obvious to every one, that the
chief cause of the disturbances was owing to the inflexible rigour of
the late viceroy, he wished, therefore, that it might be known by all,
that his majesty wished to remedy all grievances in the most gracious
manner; and he trusted, therefore, when it was publickly known that all
might expect safety and pardon by returning to their duty, that all the
colonists would evince their respectful loyalty by tendering their
services, rather than continue in rebellion against the sovereign. The
president concluded by declaring his resolution to refrain from any
endeavour to use force, till all the colonists were apprized of his
intentions as now expressed.
Mexia assured the president, that he was ready to obey his orders in
all things; yet considered it proper for him to observe, that although
he was now able to command the soldiers then at Nombre de Dios; matters
might assume a very different aspect on proceeding to Panama, where the
soldiers would be under the orders of Hinojosa. The president expressed
his determination, however, to proceed in his enterprize, to which Mexia
consented; and they mutually agreed to keep their intentions secret till
affairs should take a favourable turn, as will be seen in the sequel.
When Hinojosa, who acted as general under Pizarro in the Tierra Firma,
learnt the reception which the president had met with from Mexia, he was
much dissatisfied, both because he was ignorant of the orders and
instructions under which the president acted, and because Mexia had not
communicated his intentions. Hinojosa wrote therefore to Mexia in a
harsh and peremptory manner, reflecting bitterly on his conduct, and, at
the same time, some friends of Mexia, who were then resident in Panama,
wrote to dissuade him from coming to that place, as Hinojosa was much
irritated against him for the friendly reception he had given to the
president. Notwithstanding this, it was agreed upon in a conference
between the president and Mexia, that the latter should go immediately
to Panama to confer with Hinojosa, lest the minds of the soldiery should
take any adverse turn by delay. Despising the dangers with which he was
threatened, and the suspicions that had been endeavoured to be instilled
into his mind, Mexia set out for Panama, confiding in the friendship
which subsisted between him and Hinojosa, and in his knowledge of the
character and dispositions of that officer. In an interview with
Hinojosa, he fully explained the reasons of his conduct in receiving the
president; adding, that whatever party they might choose ultimately to
favour, all that had hitherto been done could do no harm. Hinojosa was
entirely satisfied with this explanation, and allowed Mexia to return to
Nombre de Dios.
After the return of Mexia, the president went across the isthmus to
Panama, where he held separate conferences with Hinojosa and the
different captains, which he conducted with so much prudence and
secrecy, that he gained them all over to the royal cause, without any of
them having any communication with the others on the subject, so that he
was soon in condition to speak with them publickly on the objects of
his mission, having brought them all over to his sentiments and engaged
them to second his intentions. By supplying the soldiers with every
thing of which they were in need, he brought them all easily into his
measures, believing that the most effectual means of succeeding in his
mission, was by acting gently and in a conciliating manner with every
one: yet in all this he acted without meanness or servility, constantly
preserving the dignity becoming his rank and authority. In all his
negociations, the president was ably and faithfully seconded by his
major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado, who was exceedingly serviceable on
every occasion, both in consequence of having many friends among the
officers, and because those even who were not among the number were much
influenced by his authority and character. At first Hinojosa hesitated
about declaring for the president, and even notified his arrival to
Gonzalo Pizarro. Some of the captains and other principal persons at
Panama had likewise written to Gonzalo, even before the arrival of the
president at Panama, giving it as their advice that he ought not to be
allowed to enter Peru; but in the sequel these persons changed their
opinion by the persuasion of Gasca. During his residence at Panama, the
president contrived to manage so judiciously with Hinojosa, whom he
frequently visited, that he procured his consent to send Pedro Hernandez
Paniagua, a gentleman who had accompanied him from Spain, with letters
to Gonzalo Pizarro apprizing him of his arrival in Tierra Firma, and the
object of his mission. Among these letters was one from the king, to the
following effect:
THE KING, TO GONZALO PIZARRO.
"Gonzalo Pizarro, from your letters and the information of other
persons, we have been informed of the commotions and disorders which
have arisen in all the provinces of Peru, since the arrival of the
viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela and the judges of the royal audience. We are
convinced that these troubles have been produced by endeavouring to
establish and enforce, in their utmost rigour, the new laws and
regulations which we had judged proper for the government of that
country, and for insuring good treatment to the native inhabitants. We
are satisfied that you, and those who have acted along with you during
these troubles, have not been actuated by any disinclination to your
obedience and loyalty towards us, but merely in opposition to the
extreme rigour and inexorable obstinacy of the viceroy, who refused to
listen to the supplications and remonstrances which were made to him on
the new regulations."
"Being well informed in regard to all these affairs, and having heard
every thing that Francisco Maldonado had in charge to say on the subject
from you and the inhabitants of these provinces, we have thought proper
to send over as our president the licentiate De la Gasca, a member of
our council of the holy inquisition, to whom we have given full power
and authority to do every thing that he may deem proper and necessary
for restoring tranquillity and good order in the country, to replace its
affairs on a proper footing, and to introduce such regulations as may
tend to the good of our service and the glory of God, and the advantage
of the country and its inhabitants, both such as are our natural
subjects and the original inhabitants. For this reason we will and
command, and expressly desire, that you may be punctually obedient to
every thing which the said Gasca shall order you in our name, in the
same manner as if his commands were from ourselves; and that you give
him every assistance in your power in every thing which he may require,
and which may be necessary for executing the orders which we have given
him, according as he may inform you, or shall require in our name,
conform to the confidence we repose in your fidelity. On our part, we
assure you that we entertain a just estimation of the services which you
and your brother the marquis have done, and that we shall reward the
same in time and place convenient to his children and brothers by
effective marks of our good will. Given at Venlo, this sixteenth of
February in the year of grace one thousand five hundred and forty-six."
I THE KING. _By order of his Majesty,_ FRANCISCO DE ERASO.
Along with this letter from the emperor, the president wrote to Gonzalo
Pizarro, dated on the 26th of September 1546 from Panama, and addressed
to the illustrious senior Gonzalo Pizarro, in the city of Lima, of which
the following is the substance.
"I have delayed sending the letter of his imperial majesty, which
accompanies this present communication, till now, in the hope of being
able to set out for Peru immediately after my arrival in this country,
and because it appeared more conformable to the respect and obedience
which I owe to his majesty to have delivered his royal letter in person
than to allow it to be preceded by any writing from myself. Finding,
however, that my voyage is necessarily delayed, and being informed that
you have called a meeting of the colonists at Lima to consult upon the
past transactions, and on what may be proper in the present situation of
affairs, I have thought it improper any longer to delay sending his
majestys letter, together with this from myself which I transmit by
Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, a person of honour and merit, who professes to
be your friend and servant."
"After the most mature and careful deliberations respecting all that has
occurred in Peru, since the arrival of the late viceroy in that country,
his majesty is satisfied that the commotions have not been excited by a
spirit of rebellion and disobedience in the Spanish inhabitants, but
through the inflexible rigour with which the viceroy endeavoured to
enforce the regulations, in spite of the supplications of the colonists
and their appeal to his majesty, by which they were justified in
defending themselves against so great severity, at least until they
should learn the royal will on the subject in answer to their
remonstrances. All this appears from the letter which you addressed to
his majesty, in which you declared that the principal reason which had
induced you to accept the situation of governor of Peru, was that it had
been given to you by the royal audience, in the name and under the seal
of his majesty; by the acceptance of which employment you were enabled
to do good service to the royal interests, which might otherwise have
suffered much prejudice; and as you have declared these to be your
motives for assuming the government, until his majesty might think
proper to issue his commands, which you were ready to obey like a good
and loyal subject."
"Therefore, his majesty, having seen and duly considered all these
things, and heard the opinions of his councillors thereupon, has sent me
for the express purpose of restoring peace, tranquillity, and good order
to the country, by the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, with
full power to extend his royal pardon for all that has already
occurred, and to take the opinion and advice of the colonists upon those
measures that may be most proper and advantageous for the royal service,
the glory of God, the good of the country, and the benefit of its
inhabitants. In respect to such Spaniards as cannot be provided in the
country with repartitions of lands and Indians, I have orders to employ
them in new discoveries, where they may acquire honour and riches, as
has already been done by so many other persons. I earnestly entreat you
therefore, as a Christian, and a wise and prudent gentleman of honour,
to reflect seriously on all these things. As you have hitherto always
evinced much affection and attachment to the welfare of the country and
its inhabitants, you certainly have great reason of thankfulness to the
Almighty, that in so important and delicate an affair, neither his
majesty nor his councillors have been disposed to consider your past
conduct in the light of revolt and rebellion against the legitimate
authority of the sovereign, but have rather been pleased to view it in
the light of a just and necessary defence of your own rights, and those
of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, until the decision of his majesty
upon your supplications and remonstrances might be made manifest.
Therefore, since his majesty has been graciously pleased to grant to you
and the other colonists all that you required by your supplications, by
abrogating the obnoxious regulations, it is incumbent upon you, as an
obedient and loyal subject, to evince a respectful and prompt obedience
to the royal orders[30]."
[Footnote 30: In translating this letter the substance has been
materially compressed; omitting much loose and declamatory
argumentation, with several instances of the irresistible power of the
emperor, to convince Pizarro of the absolute necessity of submission.
Among other arguments, Gasca quotes with approbation an instance of a
Spaniard who had assassinated his brother in the midst of the German
Lutherans for deserting the religion of his country; and threatens him
with the vengeance of his brother Ferdinand if he should persist in
rebellion against his sovereign.--E.]
"I have represented all these things to you, that you may not flatter
yourself by a false confidence of being able to resist the power of his
majesty, who is able if it should so please him to employ irresistible
force in repressing the commotions and disorders of Peru, instead of
those measures of clemency, which it has pleased God that he should now
resort to; and that if reduced to the necessity of using force, it will
be necessary for his majesty to take care not to ruin the country by
sending too great a number of troops, instead of being under any
difficulty as to sending a sufficient power to overcome all possibility
of resistance. You ought likewise to reflect that matters will
necessarily take a quite different turn than they have hitherto done.
Hitherto your followers have been influenced by their own self-interest,
not only considering the late viceroy as your enemy and your cause as
good, but all of them looked upon him as their personal enemy, who
wished to deprive them of their properties, and to put to death every
one who opposed his designs. Under these circumstances your followers
were necessarily impelled to adhere to your party in the defence of
their own lives and properties. But as both are now secured, by the
revocation of the obnoxious regulations, and the amnesty granted by his
majesty, the Spanish inhabitants of Peru have now their legitimate
sovereign as their friend and protector, to whom we all owe the most
entire loyalty and obedience. I entreat you to reflect seriously on
these things, and to consider that, in the present situation of affairs,
and the turn which they must assuredly take in the sequel, you cannot
count upon the adherence of any one, if you unfortunately choose to
follow wrong measures. By contributing your assistance to put an end to
the commotions which have distracted the kingdom of Peru, the whole
inhabitants of that country will remain indebted to your exertions for
the maintenance of their rights and privileges, in having opposed the
execution of the obnoxious regulations, and having procured a favourable
attention to their supplications and remonstrances; insomuch that his
majesty has been pleased to send me with an express commission to listen
to and redress all grievances. Should you unfortunately resolve upon
refusing submission to the royal authority, you will obliterate all the
merit you derive from your past conduct; as by endeavouring to continue
the troubles and commotions, you will shew yourself actuated by motives
of personal interest and ambition, instead of any regard for the good of
the public. Instead of serving the interests of the Spanish inhabitants
of Peru, you will become the cause of infinite injury to all, and will
be considered as the enemy of the kingdom, by perpetuating the troubles,
and occasioning the destruction of the lives and fortunes of your
friends and adherents. You ought likewise to consider that, by
continuing the war, you will render it necessary to bring over a
numerous army into Peru, so that you will become accountable to God and
man for all the miseries and disorders which may follow, and for the
entire ruin of the country and its inhabitants, by which you will incur
the hatred of all the principal colonists, merchants, and other rich
persons."
"To conclude, I pray God to take you and all your followers under his
most holy protection, and that he may inspire you with proper sentiments
on this occasion, for the good service of his majesty, the eternal
welfare of your souls, and the preservation of your lives, honours, and
estates; and I remain; illustrious Sir, yours, &c.
PEDRO DE LA GASCA."
Gonzalo had only been a few days in Lima on his return from Quito, when
he received letters from Hinojosa informing him of the arrival of the
president. He was much disturbed by this intelligence, which he
immediately communicated to the captains and other principal persons of
his party, and with whom he consulted upon the steps necessary to be
taken in this conjuncture of affairs. Some were of opinion that it was
necessary to get rid of the president, either openly or by secret
assassination; while others recommended that he should be invited into
Peru, where it would be easy to oblige him to agree to all their
demands; or where at least they could draw their negociations with him
to a great length, by insisting on convening an assembly of deputies and
procurators from all the cities of the kingdom at Lima, to deliberate on
the subject of his reception, and to determine whether he should be
received or not; and, as Peru was of vast extent, it would be easy to
put off the meeting of that assembly for two years, during which period
the president might be kept in the isle of Puna under a confidential
guard, by which he might be prevented from writing to Spain that the
country was in rebellion; more especially as they could keep him in
continual suspense, by representing that the general assembly could not
meet sooner on account of the vast distance of some of the cities. Even
the most moderate were for obliging the president to return into Spain.
In this council of the leaders of the insurrection, it was likewise
proposed to send deputies from all parts of Peru to his majesty, to
explain the state of the colony, and the events which had occurred; and
particularly to exculpate their conduct in regard to the battle of Quito
in which the viceroy was slain, by throwing the whole blame upon him as
the aggressor. It was likewise proposed that these deputies should
humbly implore his majesty to invest Gonzalo Pizarro in the government
of Peru, for which especial purpose they should be so instructed and
empowered by all the cities. They were also to be instructed, during
their residence at Panama on their way into Spain, carefully to learn
what were the powers and instructions of the president; and to endeavour
to prevail upon him to delay proceeding to Peru, until they had informed
his majesty of the true state of the kingdom, that ulterior orders might
be issued in consequence. It was proposed at the same time, if the
president persisted in coming into the country, to take him into
custody. Some even proposed to put him to death during the journey,
while others proposed to have him poisoned at Panama and likewise to put
Alonzo de Alvarado to death. Many other proposals of a similar nature
and tendency are said to have been made at this time; but as all these
transactions took place in the secret meetings of the chief of the
insurgents, it is difficult or impossible to ascertain the precise
nature of their deliberations. It was besides resolved, that the
messengers who were to be sent to the president should be charged to
deliver him letters from the principal inhabitants of Lima, strongly
urging him to refrain from coming into Peru, even in terms of insolence
and implied threatening.
After long deliberations respecting the persons who should be sent into
Spain to lay their representations before the emperor, Don Jerom de
Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Lorenzo de Aldana, Friar Thomas de San
Martino provincial of the Dominicans, and Gomez de Solis were chosen for
that purpose. The provincial was much suspected by the insurgents of
being inimical to their party, by several expressions of his opinion,
both in his sermons and in private conversations: Yet they thought
proper to employ him and the others in this commission, although they
were almost equally suspicious of the rest; both to give weight to their
representations through the respectability of their messengers, and
because no other persons of any consequence in the country dared to
appear before his majesty on this occasion, being afraid of punishment
for the share they had taken in the past commotions. They considered
likewise, if these deputies should declare against them while in Spain,
as they actually suspected, that it was better to have them out of the
country; as, if matters should assume an unfavourable aspect for Gonzalo
and his adherents, these persons might have done them much injury by
remaining, as they were much respected in Peru, both on account of their
rank and character. Gomez de Solis, who was major domo to Gonzalo
Pizarro, was the only one of these commisioners in whom he reposed
confidence; though indeed some alleged that he was only intended to
proceed to Panama with a supply of money and provisions for Hinojosa and
his troops, while others believed he was to have accompanied the other
deputies into Spain. Besides these persons, the bishop of St Martha was
likewise requested to accompany the deputation; and they were all
supplied with the necessary funds for the expences of their voyage.
Lorenzo de Aldana set off by sea for Panama in all haste, while the
other deputies were making preparations for their voyage, being
commissioned by Gonzalo to send him intelligence as quickly as possible
as to the true state of affairs in the Tierra Firma. As Lorenzo set out
from the port of Lima in October 1546, Gonzalo confidently expected to
receive dispatches from him from Panama by the ensuing Christmas, or
early in January 1547; and for this purpose, he appointed a set of
couriers to remain in waiting all along the coast of Peru to the
northward of Lima, to be in readiness to forward the dispatches as
quickly as possible. The two bishops and the provincial embarked a few
days after Aldana, and all of them arrived safely at Panama.
Vela Nunnez, the brother of the late viceroy, who had long remained a
prisoner at large, being allowed to go out on hunting parties, and to
ride about unarmed, yet under strict injunctions to take care of his
conduct, was drawn about this time into a private engagement with a
soldier named Juan de la Torre, by means of which he lost his life. De
la Torre was one of those who had deserted from the viceroy to Gonzalo,
along with Gonzalo Diaz and others, when on the expedition against Pedro
de Puelles and the inhabitants of Guanuco. He had afterwards the good
fortune to discover a concealed treasure of gold and silver in the
valley of Hica, which had been consecrated by the Indians to their
idols, and which was said to have contained to the value of 60,000
crowns in the precious metals, besides a great quantity of emeralds and
turquoises. De la Torre placed all this treasure in the hands of the
father guardian of the Franciscans; to whom he one day revealed in
confession that he wished to return into Spain, that he might enjoy his
riches in quiet; but, having followed the party of Gonzalo, and
consequently incurred the displeasure of his majesty, he wished to be
able to perform some acceptable service to the king before his
departure, on purpose to merit pardon for his past offences. For this
purpose, he intended to embark with his treasure from the port of Lima
for Nicaragua, where he proposed to enlist a party of soldiers, and to
fit out one or two vessels with which to cruize for some time along the
coast of Peru against Gonzalo and his confederates, by landing, and
pillaging in such places as were unprovided with troops: But, as he had
not sufficient knowledge or experience for conducting such an
enterprize, he wished to find a person properly qualified to act as
commander on this occasion, and had a strong desire to induce Vela
Nunnez to undertake the direction of the enterprize, as a gentleman
experienced in war, and who was besides in a great measure bound to seek
an opportunity of being revenged upon Gonzalo for the death of his
brother the viceroy and many others of his friends and relations. With
this view, therefore, it was his intention to place himself and his
treasure at the disposal of Vela Nunnez, whom he wished to consult on
this subject with some adherents of the late viceroy who dwelt in Lima,
that these persons might likewise be induced to join in the enterprize.
De la Torre, therefore, requested the father guardian to converse on the
subject with Vela Nunnez.
At first Vela Nunnez was on his guard, lest it might be a false
confidence devised for his ruin. But De la Torre satisfied his doubts in
presence of the father guardian, by a solemn oath on a consecrated
altar, and Vela Nunnez agreed to take charge of the enterprize,
immediately using his endeavours to engage the adherents of the late
viceroy in the plot. It is not known how this affair came to be
divulged, which it certainly was to Gonzalo, who immediately caused Vela
Nunnez to be arrested and brought to trial as a traitor and rebel
against the king, and had him publickly beheaded. Vela Nunnez was a
brave and honourable gentleman, much esteemed by all, and was
exceedingly regretted by the whole inhabitants of Peru.[31]
[Footnote 31: From the sequel, it would appear that Juan de la Torre
escaped entirely on this occasion; at least a person of exactly the same
name appears afterwards as an officer in the service of Gonzalo.--E]
About this time likewise, Alfonzo de Toro, who was lieutenant-governor
of Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, was assassinated by his own
father-in-law, in consequence of some dispute. Gonzalo was much grieved
by the death of this person, from whom he expected to have derived
important services in the approaching crisis. He appointed Alfonzo de
Hinojosa to succeed as lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, who had in fact
been elected to the vacant charge by the magistrates of that city. Under
his administration some tumults were excited in Cuzco by Lope Sanchez de
Valenzuela and Diego Perez Bezerra; but by the exertions of Hinojosa and
Pedro de Villacastin the tumults were happily quelled; Valenzuela and
Bezerra were put to death as the ringleaders, and some others who had
been particularly active on the occasion were banished.
It is well known that Lorenzo de Aldana, who has been already mentioned
as dispatched by Gonzalo to Panama, carried several letters from Gonzalo
and the other leaders of the insurrection which were couched in very
disrespectful terms: But Aldana, anxious to prevent the present troubles
from becoming even more serious than they were, prudently destroyed
these letters, so that they were not delivered. On his arrival at
Panama, he went to lodge with Hinojosa, with whom he was extremely
intimate, there being likewise some relationship between them. He went
likewise without delay to pay his respects to the president; but at this
first visit they both confined themselves to conversation on general
topics, so that Aldana did not reveal his sentiments for some days,
wishing, like a prudent person, to learn in the first place what were
the sentiments and intentions of the officers who then resided at
Panama. When he found that they were disposed to act for the service of
his majesty, he revealed his real sentiments to the president, offering
his best services in any manner that might be most conducive to the
royal interest. From the confidence which was reposed in Aldana, it was
at length resolved to treat openly with Hinojosa, with whom hitherto the
president and Mexia had acted with much reserve. Accordingly, Mexia
represented to him, that the affairs of Peru were now in such a
situation that it was requisite to restore them to order, which might
easily be done by agreeing to offer the services of all the faithful
subjects of his majesty resident in Panama to the president; and if the
present favourable opportunity for this purpose were neglected, another
might not occur for a long time. Hinojosa replied, that he was entirely
disposed to serve the president, to whom, he had already declared, if
his majesty were not disposed to grant the demands of Gonzalo, he was
ready in all things to yield obedience to the commands of the
sovereign, being resolved to give no just cause of reproach as a
rebellious subject.
In reality Hinojosa, although an excellent soldier and experienced in
every thing relative to warlike affairs was exceedingly ignorant in
political matters. He had always believed that every thing which had
been done by the insurgents was founded in justice, and that the authors
of the supplications and remonstrances had a right to use their utmost
efforts to succeed in procuring all that they had demanded; having even
been so assured by several learned men. Yet in all the past
transactions, he had conducted his own actions with much prudent
reserve, so as not to go beyond the original and avowed purposes of the
remonstrants, having never put any one to death or confiscated the
wealth of any of the royalists, as had been done by the other insurgent
commanders. On perceiving the erroneous sentiments by which he was
deluded, Mexia strongly represented to him, that, as the pleasure of his
majesty had been clearly expressed, by means of the commission and
instructions given to the president, there was no room now to wait for
any new declaration of the royal will. That all the officers and
soldiers in the Tierra Firma Were resolved to obey the president, and
that Hinojosa must determine without delay on the part he chose to
embrace as a loyal subject, without allowing himself to be misled by
these ridiculous sentiments of pretended men of learning. Hinojosa
requested to be allowed one day to consider what answer he should give
to these representations; and accordingly the very next day he
determined to follow the advice of his friend Mexia, whom he accompanied
to the president, and engaged to obey him in all things conformable to
the royal orders. After this, all the captains of the troops and other
principal persons in Panama were convened; who all pledged their
obedience to the president, engaging to keep the matter a profound
secret till farther orders. Yet the soldiers began to suspect the real
situation of affairs, as they noticed that the president gave orders on
every affair of importance that occurred, and that all their officers
visited him very frequently, and always behaved to him in public as
their superior.
As president considered that any farther delay might be prejudicial to
the royal cause, he resolved to dispatch Aldana with the command of
about three hundred men in three or four vessels, with orders to proceed
to the port of Lima, to assemble at that place all who were well
affected to his majesty. By this measure, he wished to prevent Gonzalo
from having time to learn the actual situation of matters in the Tierra
Firma, and from placing his own affairs in perfect order; and was in
hopes likewise by these means to prevent him from putting several of the
principal loyalists to death, as had been often threatened by the
insurgents. Accordingly, four vessels were fitted out with all
expedition, of which the command was given to Aldana, having under his
orders the captains Mexia, Palomino, and Yllanez. On this occasion, in a
general review of the troops, all the colours were publickly resigned
into the hands of the president; who immediately restored them to the
respective officers, in his majestys name, and reappointed Hinojosa as
general of the army. After this, the three hundred men above mentioned
were embarked under Aldana, pay and equipments, being advanced to such
of the soldiers as were in need. Aldana immediately set sail on his
expedition, being accompanied by the provincial of the Dominicans, a
person of merit and influence, whose authority and example were expected
to confirm those who might be indetermined to follow the party which he
espoused. Aidaria carried along with him several copies of the amnesty
and of the royal orders for restoring peace and order to Peru; and was
expressly enjoined not to land on any part of the coast if possible,
till he got to the port of Lima, that he might endeavour to surprise
Gonzalo.
About this time, the archbishop of Lima and Gomez de Solis arrived at
Panama; both of whom expressed their satisfaction on learning the turn
which affairs had taken at that place, and openly declared themselves
for the royal party, offering their best services to the president. At
this, time likewise, the president sent Don Juan de Mendoza to Mexico,
with letters for the viceroy of that kingdom, Don Antonio de Mendoza,
requiring the aid of all the soldiers that could be spared from that
country. Don Balthazar de Castille was sent at the same time to
Guatimala and Nicaragua on a similar mission; and other persons were
dispatched to San Domingo, to procure every possible assistance for
prosecuting the war in Peru, if that measure should ultimately be
necessary.
It has been already mentioned that Pedro Hernandez Paniagua was
dispatched by the president with letters for Gonzalo Pizarro. Paniagua
arrived at Tumbez about the middle of January 1547, whence he went to
San Miguel, where Villalobos then commanded for Gonzalo. Paniagua was
immediately arrested by Villalobos, who took from him his dispatches and
forwarded them with all speed to Gonzalo at Lima, by means of Diego de
Mora the commandant of Truxillo. On learning the arrest of Paniagua,
Gonzalo sent a confidential person to conduct him to Lima, with strict
orders not to permit any person to converse with him by the way. On his
arrival at Lima, Gonzalo, in presence of all his confederate officers,
restored to Paniagua his credentials and dispatches, desiring him to
declare every thing that had been confided to him by his employer, and
assuring him of entire personal safety in regard to every thing
connected with his commission: But, if he should presume to converse
either publickly or privately with any other person on any subject
connected with the president, he might rest assured of losing his head.
Accordingly, Paniagua boldly explained the subject of his mission. When
he had withdrawn from the council of officers, some were for putting him
to death, alleging that he had previously communicated his sentiments to
some confidential persons. Gonzalo Pizarro did not communicate to his
officers either of the two letters formerly mentioned, which were
addressed to himself, by the king and the president. In this
consultation, it was the universal opinion of the insurgent leaders,
that they ought on no account to admit the president into Peru; many of
the officers, in expressing their sentiments on this occasion, spoke of
the president in a very abusive manner, and even mentioned his majesty
with very little respect, at which Gonzalo seemed well pleased.
At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro wrote to his lieutenant-general Carvajal,
who still remained in La Plata, directing him to come immediately to
Lima, and bring thither along with him all the treasure he could
procure, and all the musquets and other arms that were in that place.
These orders did not proceed from any idea that these were necessary for
defence, as the transactions at Panama were still unknown in Peru; but
on account of the many complaints which had been made of the continual
murders and confiscations which were perpetrated by Carvajal. Some
alleged that he was summoned to the capital to receive deserved
punishment for his cruel and tyrannical conduct; while others said it
was on purpose to strip him of more than 150,000 crowns which he had
amassed by pillage. At this time Lima was so entirely occupied with
suspicions, that no one dared to confide in any other, or to speak a
single word respecting the present state of affairs; as the slightest
misplaced word, or the most trifling pretext or suspicion, was
sufficient to place the life of any one in imminent danger. Gonzalo took
the greatest possible precautions for his safety, of which the following
is a remarkable instance. He had noticed on many occasions that the
oydor Zarate was by no means attached to his interests, although his
daughter was married to the brother of Pizarro: And though Zarate was
sick, it was confidently asserted that Gonzalo procured him to be
poisoned, by means of certain powders which he sent him under pretence
of a remedy. In the sequel this rumour was confirmed by the testimony of
several persons who were in the service of Pizarro at the time. Whether
Pizarro were really guilty of this crime or innocent, it is a certain
fact that he expressed much satisfaction on learning the death of
Zarate.
In the mean time, Paniagua procured permission, through the
intermediation of the licentiate Carvajal, to return to Panama, though
contrary to the opinion of the other insurgent officers, who were clear
for detaining him; and he may assuredly be reckoned fortunate in having
got away from Lima before intelligence arrived there that the fleet and
army at Panama had submitted to the president. Although this
circumstance had not reached the knowledge of the insurgents, it began
to be vehemently suspected, in consequence of receiving no reports from
that place for so long a time; insomuch that Gonzalo sent off orders to
Pedro de Puelles, who commanded in Quito, and all his other captains, to
keep themselves vigilantly on their guard, and to hold all their troops
in continual readiness for taking the field.
At this period the lieutenant-general Carvajal arrived at Lima from Las
Charcas accompanied by an hundred and fifty soldiers, and bringing with
him three hundred musquets and treasure to the value of more than
800,000 crowns. He was received at Lima with extraordinary pomp, Gonzalo
going out to meet him with all the inhabitants of the city, accompanied
with bands of music and every demonstration of rejoicing. Just at this
time intelligence was received from Puerto Viejo, that four ships had
been seen near the coast, as if reconnoitering, which had stood out
again to sea without coming to anchor or sending on shore for water or
provisions, as was usual with ships navigating in these seas. This was
looked upon as a sign of hostile intentions. It was a considerable time
after this, before Gonzalo was entirely certified of the intention of
these four ships, which in fact were those under Aldana, both because
they were exceedingly cautious of coming near the land, and because
Diego de Mora, his lieutenant at Truxillo, detained certain letters
which had been sent through his hands on the subject. Yet their
suspicious appearance on the coast gave great uneasiness to Gonzalo, and
occasioned him to take every means of precaution for his security;
ordering continual watch to be kept up day and night, both by the
soldiers and the inhabitants, all of whom appeared to do so with much
care and satisfaction. Some time after the appearance of the ships off
Puerto Viego, they arrived at the harbour of Malabrigo, five or six
leagues to the northwards of Truxillo, and Diego de Mora learnt their
arrival by the same messenger who was charged with the news of their
appearance at Puerto Viejo. As he was quite ignorant of the persons who
were embarked in these ships, and of their intentions, he went on board
a vessel in the harbour of Truxillo, accompanied by several inhabitants
of that city, intending to seek for these four vessels wherever they
might happen to be, and carried along with him a considerable supply of
provisions and warlike stores. He considered it quite safe to board
these strange vessels; as, if they belonged to the partisans of Gonzalo,
it was easy for him to allege that he came in quest of news, and to
supply them with refreshments; whereas if they should be of the royal
party, so much the better, as he was resolved to join them with all his
followers. He fortunately came up with Aldana on the very day in which
he left the harbour of Truxillo; and, having entered into mutual
explanations, joined company to the reciprocal satisfaction of both,
supplying Aldana with such refreshments as were needed for his ships.
Next night, Aldana and De Mora with all the ships came to anchor in the
harbour of Truxillo, where it was not deemed proper to land the troops;
but it was agreed that De Mora and all the inhabitants of Truxillo
should retire into the province of Caxamarca, in which place they could
remain in safety till their assistance might be required, and where they
might endeavour to assemble all that were favourable to the royal cause.
At the same time messengers were dispatched with letters and orders from
the president in the kings name, to Chachapoyas, Guanuco, and Quito, and
to the frontier posts commanded by Mercadillo and Porcel, inviting all
who were inclined to serve his majesty to declare themselves.
Intelligence of these proceedings at Truxillo were speedily carried to
Gonzalo by a monk of the order of Mercy, who had always favoured the
Pizarrian faction; but who could only relate the departure of De Mora
and the inhabitants of Truxillo, without being able to give any distinct
account of their intercourse and agreement with those on board the
fleet. Accordingly, Gonzalo concluded, from the information brought by
the monk, that De Mora and the inhabitants of Truxillo had gone off for
Panama to join the president. Gonzalo therefore sent off the licentiate
Garcias de Leon, who had always accompanied him hitherto, with the
commission of lieutenant-governor of Truxillo, accompanied by fifteen or
twenty soldiers, to whom he gave grants of the lands and Indians which
had belonged to the citizens of Truxillo who had gone off with De Mora.
Along with De Leon, Gonzalo sent the superior of the order of Mercy,
with orders to embark the wives of all the inhabitants of Truxillo who
had gone off, and to carry them to their husbands at Panama, whither he
supposed they were gone; and he sent at the same time proper persons to
be married to the widows who remained in Truxillo, commanding that such
of these widows as refused compliance should be deported along with the
married women to Panama. Various and specious pretexts were alleged for
this procedure; but the true reason was, that Gonzalo wished to be
entire master of the country, and to dispose at his pleasure of the
lands, Indians, houses, and properties of all who had fled from his
usurped power.
As Garcias de Leon was sent on this expedition by sea, he fell in, a few
days after his departure, with the four ships commanded by Aldana, and
joined himself to them with all his followers, embracing the party of
his majesty. On this occasion, the superior of the order of Mercy was
sent by land to Lima, with directions to inform Gonzalo of what had
happened, and the purpose of these four ships making their appearance on
the coast. He was likewise desired to communicate the intelligence to
several of the loyal inhabitants of Lima; and to tell them, if they were
at any time able to go to the port belonging to that city, they would
find boats ready to carry them on board the ships. On receiving this
news, Gonzalo sent orders to the superior to keep out of the way, and on
no account to have intercourse with any person whatever, either
publickly or privately, as he valued his life. Gonzalo complained
loudly against Aldana for deserting him; saying that if he had followed
the advice of his principal officers, he would have put him to death
long before.
When the arrival and intention of the fleet was certainly known and
understood, by which it appeared necessary to prepare for war, Gonzalo
began immediately to put every thing in proper order, and to assemble
his troops; having hitherto believed himself in perfect security against
any hostile attack. He appointed the licentiates Carvajal and Cepeda to
be captains of cavalry, as persons in whose attachment he could confide,
considering the weighty obligations they had received from him. Juan de
Acosta, Juan Velez de Guevara, and Juan de la Torre were made captains
of musqueteers; and Ferdinand Bachicao, Martin de Robles, and Martin de
Almendras captains of pikemen. Francisco de Carvajal, who had hitherto
enjoyed that office, was nominated lieutenant-general, having an hundred
of the musqueteers he had brought with him from Las Charcas appointed
for his guard. It was proclaimed by beat of drum, that all the
inhabitants of Lima, and all strangers residing there, of whatever
quality or condition, were to enrol themselves among the troops under
pain of death; and money was issued to the several captains for the pay
and equipment of their companies. The two captains of horse received
50,000 crowns, with which they were each ordered to levy and equip fifty
horsemen; besides which, several merchants and others, very unfit for
warfare, enrolled themselves. It was well known that these men were
quite unfit for being soldiers; but they were constrained to enlist on
purpose to exact money from them for their discharge, which in fact they
purchased by furnishing horses, arms, and money to such as were in want.
Martin de Robles received 25,000 crowns with which he was to enlist and
equip a company of 130 pikemen. Ferdinand Bachicao had 20,000 to raise
120 pikemen; and Juan d'Acosta a similar sum for an equal number. Martin
de Almendras had 12,000 crowns to raise 45 pikemen; and Juan de la Torre
12,000, to levy 50 musqueteers, who were to form the ordinary guard of
Gonzalo. Antonio Altamirano, one of the principal inhabitants of Cuzco
was appointed to carry the grand standard, with a troop of 80 horse; and
he received 12,000 crowns for some particular purpose, as his men had no
need of pay or equipments, being all chosen from among the rich
inhabitants of the country.
On this occasion the several captains had standards or colours painted
according to their respective fancies, the grand standard alone carrying
the royal arms. Among these, Bachicao had the letters G.P. or the cypher
of Gonzalo Pizarro, interlaced upon his colours, surmounted by a royal
crown. Every thing being in order, posts were assigned to each officer,
of which they were to take especial care by day and night. Gonzalo
Pizarro made liberal donations to several soldiers who were unfit for
service, as well as to those who took the field; giving them, besides
what they were entitled to for their equipment, considerable sums
according to their respective merits and occasions. In a general review,
he mustered a thousand men, as well armed and equipped and furnished
with all necessaries, as any that had been seen in the most prosperous
campaigns in the Italian war. Besides their arms, which were all
excellent, most of the soldiers were clothed in silken hose and
doublets, and many had theirs of cloth of gold, or embroidery of gold
silver or silk, with gold embroidery on their hats, their ammunition
pouches, and the covers of their musquets. The army was well supplied
with excellent powder; and Gonzalo gave orders that every soldier should
have either a horse or a mule to ride upon during a march. In the
equipment of this army, Gonzalo expended above half a million of crowns.
Besides these preparations, Gonzalo sent Martin Silveira to the city of
La Plata, to bring from thence all the men and money that could be
procured in that quarter. Antonio de Robles was sent to Cuzco, to
conduct to Lima all the troops that were there under the charge of
Alfonzo de Hinojosa, the lieutenant-governor of that city. He wrote to
Lucas Martinez, his lieutenant at Arequipa, desiring him to join him
immediately with all the soldiers he could raise. He sent orders to
Pedro de Puelles, his lieutenant at Quito, to join him as soon as
possible with all the troops from that province; and likewise ordered
Mercadillo and Percel to abandon the passes of which they had the
charge, bringing all their men along with them to Lima, and sent similar
orders to Saavedra the lieutenant-governor of Guamanga. By these means
Gonzalo exerted himself to the uttermost to collect a respectable force;
and he particularly enjoined all his officers not to leave behind them
any horses or arms, or any other conveniencies for those who remained to
enable them to join the president. He endeavoured to justify his present
conduct, by representing that Aldana, whom he had sent to give an
account to the king of all that had occurred in Peru, had leagued with
the president, and now employed against himself and the colony those
vessels which had been confided to his charge, and which had cost more
than 80,000 crowns in their equipment. He alleged that the president,
who had been sent expressly by his majesty to restore peace and
tranquillity to the kingdom, had raised troops of his own authority, and
now proposed to come in arms into Peru, to punish all who had taken part
in the late commotions, so that all were equally interested in opposing
him. That no one ought therefore to reckon upon the pardon and amnesty
with which the president was said to be entrusted, and which it was
reported he was to extend to all who joined him; but rather that this
ought to be considered as a fraudulent contrivance to divide and ruin
the colonists. Even admitting the truth of the reported amnesty; it
could only refer to the original opposition to the obnoxious regulations
and tyrannical conduct of the viceroy, and could have no reference to
those who were engaged in the battle of Quito, and the consequent death
of the viceroy; as these transactions could only be known in Spain after
the departure of the president, and nothing respecting them could
therefore be included in his instructions and powers. Therefore, until
his majesty were fully informed of the whole series of events, and had
issued new orders on the subject, it became necessary to prevent the
president from coming into Peru, more especially as Gonzalo Pizarro was
informed by letters from Spain, that the president was not authorized by
his majesty to deprive Gonzalo of the government, but merely to preside
in the royal court of audience. He pretended to be perfectly assured of
this circumstance, by letters from Francisco Maldonado, whom he had sent
to the king, and that the president had even in some measure
acknowledged this in the letter which was brought from him by Paniagua.
He alleged farther, that the captains in his own employment, who had
been sent into the Tierra Firma for the defence of Peru, having revolted
to the president, had now persuaded him to change his tone and to invade
Peru by force of arms; at which procedure his majesty would be assuredly
much displeased, when informed. By these and other arguments of a
similar nature, Gonzalo endeavoured to demonstrate that the president
was highly to blame in detaining those persons whom he, Gonzalo, had
sent to Spain, and that it was justifiable on these grounds to oppose
him by force of arms.
Gonzalo, by the advice of his lieutenant-general and other confidential
officers, took additional measures to justify their conduct, and to
satisfy the soldiers and inhabitants in the goodness of their cause. In
an assembly of all the men learned in the law who were then in Lima,
they arraigned the president as having acted criminally, in taking
possession of the ships belonging to the colony, and by invading the
country in a warlike manner, contrary to the tenor of the commission and
instructions he had received from the king; endeavouring at the same
time to convince the assembly, that it was just and proper to proceed
judicially against the president, and those captains and others who
adhered to him and abetted him in these proceedings, and that they ought
to be proceeded against in a formal manner, by legal process. The
persons composing this assembly of men of learning, dared not to
contradict Gonzalo on this occasion or to oppose his will in any
respect: A process was accordingly instituted in due form, informations
taken and recorded, and judgment pronounced in the following tenor:
"Considering the crimes established by the judicial informations given
against the licentiate De la Gasca and those captains who adhere to him;
they are found guilty and deserving of condemnation; wherefore, the said
licentiate De la Gasca is hereby adjudged to be beheaded, and the
captains Aldana and Hinojosa to be quartered." The other captains and
officers serving under the president, were at the same time condemned to
various punishments, according to the measure of guilt which Gonzalo and
the leaders of his faction were pleased to charge against them; and the
sentences were ordered to be signed in due form by the oydor Cepeda, and
other men of letters at Lima.
Among these persons of the law who were desired to sign on the present
occasion, was a licentiate from Valladolid named Polo Hondegardo, who
had the boldness to wait upon Gonzalo, and to represent to him, that the
promulgation of such a sentence was by no means advisable or politic; as
it might possibly happen hereafter that those officers who were now in
the service of the president might incline to revert to his party, which
they would not dare to do when once this cruel sentence was pronounced
against them. He represented farther, that it was necessary to keep in
mind the sacred character of the president as a priest; in consequence
of which circumstance all who might sign a sentence of death against
him would incur the pains and penalties of the greater excommunication.
By this remonstrance, these strong measures were arrested in their
progress, and the intended sentence was not promulgated.
About this time, intelligence was brought to Pizarro, that the squadron
under Lorenzo de Aldana had quitted the port of Truxillo and was
approaching along the coast towards Lima. On this intelligence, Gonzalo
sent off Juan d'Acosta with fifty mounted musqueteers, with orders to
keep in view of the ships, to prevent the royalists from being able to
land for provisions or water. On arriving at Truxillo, Acosta only
ventured to remain one day at that place, being afraid that Diego de
Mora might bring a superior force against him from Caxamarca. He learnt
likewise, that the royalists squadron had gone to the port of Santa, to
which place he accordingly marched. Aldana got notice of his coming from
some Spanish inhabitants of that place, and laid an ambuscade for him,
consisting of an hundred and fifty musqueteers, in a place overgrown
with tall reeds on the side of the road by which Acosta had to march in
his way to Santa. Acosta had certainly fallen into the snare, if he had
not fortunately made prisoners of some spies who had been sent on shore
from the squadron, whom he was about to have hanged, when they prevailed
on him to save their lives by giving him notice of the ambushment, and
by farther informing him that he might make prisoners of some sailors
who were taking in fresh water for the ships, by quitting the common
road and going nearer the shore. He accordingly took that road and made
the sailors prisoners, whom he sent to Gonzalo at Lima. Those belonging
to Aldana, who were in ambush, learnt this transaction; but, being all
on foot, and the insurgent party all horsemen, they could not attempt to
rescue the prisoners from Acosta, as that part of the country consisted
of very deep sands. Acosta returned to the port of Guavera, where he
waited fresh orders from Lima.
Gonzalo treated the prisoners sent to him by Acosta with much kindness,
supplying them with clothes and arms, and gave them their choice of any
of the companies of his troops in which they might think proper to
serve. From these men, he received exact information of all the late
events which had occurred at Panama, of the succours which the president
expected to receive from different parts of America, and of the force
which accompanied Aldana on the present expedition. They informed him
likewise that Aldana had set on shore Pedro de Ulloa, a Dominican friar,
disguised in a secular habit, who had orders to distribute copies of the
amnesty in every direction. In consequence of this information, he was
sought for and soon found; and Gonzalo had him confined in a dungeon
near the fish-ponds in his garden, which was infested with toads and
vipers, where he remained till he recovered his liberty on the arrival
of the fleet some time afterwards.
About this time, it was determined to dispatch the licentiate Carvajal
with three hundred mounted musqueteers, together with the detachment
under Juan d'Acosta, to scour the coast to the northwards, and to attack
Diego de Mora who had withdrawn into the province of Caxamarca. When
every thing was in readiness for this expedition, the lieutenant-general
Carvajal went one morning early to Gonzalo, and represented to him, that
it was by no means safe to entrust so important a command to the
licentiate, as a person in whom they could not repose implicit
confidence. That although he had hitherto attached himself to their
party, it was obviously for the sole purpose of being revenged of the
late viceroy; and, as that purpose was now accomplished, it did not
appear that his fidelity could be depended upon. It was proper to
recollect, he added, that all the brothers of the licentiate were
greatly attached to his majesty, particularly the bishop of Lugo who
enjoyed several high employments; so that it was not to be imagined the
licentiate would act cordially in the interest of a party which was
diametrically opposed to that in which all his nearest relations were
engaged. Besides all which, this person had formerly been made a
prisoner by themselves, without any just foundation, and had even been
so nearly punished capitally, that he had been ordered to make his
testament and to confess himself in preparation for death, which
injurious treatment he could not be supposed to have forgotten. Gonzalo
was so much convinced by these arguments, that he countermanded the
order given to the licentiate Carvajal, and sent off Juan d'Acosta on
the expedition to Caxamarca, with a force of two hundred and eighty men.
D'Acosta accordingly set out on this intended service, taking the road
for Truxillo; but on arriving at Baranza, about twenty four leagues from
Lima, he halted at that place for reasons which will appear in the
sequel.
At this period, the Captain Saavedra, who was lieutenant-governor of
Guanuco for Gonzalo, received letters from Aldana urging him to quit the
insurgent party and to declare for his majesty. He accordingly
determined to do so; and under pretence of obeying the orders he had
received from Gonzalo of joining his army at Lima, along with Hernando
Alonzo, he assembled all the soldiers he could procure in that province,
with whose assistance he fortified the city of Guanuco, and informed
them of his resolution to exert his best endeavours in the service of
the king. All his soldiers agreed to follow his example, except three or
four who fled and informed Gonzalo of the defection of their governor.
Saavedra retired immediately to Caxamarca, with forty horsemen, where he
joined Diego de Mora and those who had withdrawn along with him from
Truxillo, where both declared themselves for the royalist party. On
learning the defection of Saavedra and the principal inhabitants of
Guanuco, Gonzalo sent an officer to that place at the head of thirty
soldiers; with orders to pillage and destroy the city: But the Indians
of the neighbourhood, having armed themselves and taken possession of
the place by the orders of their masters, made so resolute a defence
that the insurgent detachment was beaten off, and constrained to return
to Lima, being unable to procure any other plunder except some mares
cattle and other animals belonging to the settlers.
On the arrival of Antonio de Robles at Cuzco, whom Gonzalo had sent to
take the command in that city and province, Alfonso de Hinojosa, who had
hitherto been lieutenant-governor there, resigned the command of the
city and troops, but as was believed with much dissatisfaction. De
Robles immediately collected as much money as he could procure, and
enlisted all the soldiers that were to be found in that neighbourhood,
with whom he marched to Xaquixaguana, about four leagues from Cuzco. At
that place he learned that Diego Centeno; who had concealed himself for
more than a year in a cave among the mountains, had recently left his
concealment, on learning the arrival of the president, and had collected
several of his former partisans, who had hidden themselves from the fury
of Gonzalo in various parts of the woods and mountains. By this time
Centeno had collected about forty men, mostly on foot, though some of
them still had the horses with which they had made their escape.
Although these men were neither so well armed or equipped as they could
have wished, Centeno resolved to make an attempt upon Cuzco, shewing as
much confidence as if he had been at the head of five hundred well armed
troops. His principal followers were Luis de Ribera, Alfonso Perez de
Esquival, Diego Alvarez, Francisco Negral, Pedro Ortiz de Zarate, and
Friar Dominic Ruiz, commonly called Father Viscayno. With this small
band of followers, Centeno drew nigh to Cuzco, being doubtless invited
to that step by some of the principal inhabitants, for the purpose of
freeing them from the tyranny of De Robles, a young man of low origin
and little ability. It was even said that Alfonso de Hinojosa, from
resentment against Gonzalo for superseding him in the government, had
sent privately to offer his assistance to Centeno. Both of these reports
are highly probable; as otherwise it would have been a most inexcusable
rashness in Centeno, to call it no worse, to have presumed upon
attacking Cuzco with the small number of men he had collected; as,
besides the inhabitants of the city, there were more than five hundred
soldiers there and in the environs, while he had only forty ill armed
men, most of whom had swords or daggers fastened to poles, instead of
pikes or lances.
On learning the approach of Centeno, De Robles returned to Cuzco, where
he made such preparations as seemed necessary; and, on hearing that
Centeno was within a days march, he took the field with three hundred
men, sending forwards Francisco de Aguira to procure intelligence. This
person was brother to one Peruchio de Aguira who had formerly been put
to death by the lieutenant-general Carvajal, and was consequently a
secret enemy to the insurgent party. Instead therefore of executing the
commission confided to him by De Robles, he went immediately to join
Centeno, whom he informed of every thing that was going on at Cuzco and
of the state of affairs in that city. In the night before the festival
of Corpus Christi of the year 1547, Centeno advanced toward the city of
Cuzco, by a different road from that in which De Robles and his troops
were posted; and, having turned one of his flanks, made an unexpected
assault with great resolution, as resolved to conquer or die. Completely
surprised and thrown into confusion, the troops of De Robles were unable
to get into any order for defence, and even in several instances turned
their arms against each other, insomuch that a good many of them were
slain by their own comrades. On this occasion Centeno used the
following stratagem, which succeeded admirably: Having taken off the
saddles and bridles from the horses belonging to his small band of
followers, he ordered them to be driven by his attendant Indians along
the road which led to the front of the enemies camp, to call off their
attention from his real attack on their flank and rear. By this means,
as the horses were urged on by the Indians behind, they threw the troops
of De Robles into confusion, and enabled Centeno to penetrate into the
camp unperceived and unopposed, where he and his men exerted themselves
so courageously that the insurgents were completely defeated and put to
flight.
[Illustration: Map: VICEROYALTY OF PERU]
By this successful exploit Centeno acquired great honour; it having been
seldom seen that so small a number had defeated so disproportioned a
force of infinitely better armed troops. It has been reported that, on
this occasion, some men belonging to Alfonso de Hinojosa were the first
to fly, in consequence of secret orders for that purpose: But these men
never acknowledged the truth of this allegation, as disgraceful to
themselves; and Centeno denied the story, as detracting from the glory
of his victory.
After the derout of De Robles, Centeno took possession of Cuzco, where
he was immediately elected captain-general of that city and province for
his majesty. Next day, he caused Antonio de Robles to be beheaded, and
distributed 100,000 crowns, which he found in that city belonging to
Gonzalo, among his followers. He in the next place took measures for
raising a respectable force; appointing Pedro de Rios and Juan de
Vargas, the brother of Garcilasso de la Vega, captains of infantry, and
Francisco Negral captain of Cavalry; Luis de Ribera being named
major-general. Having armed and equipped about four hundred men, he set
out for La Plata, with the intention of persuading Alfonso de Mendoza,
who commanded at that place for Gonzalo, to declare for the king, or
otherwise to take possession of that place by force.
About this time, Lucas Martin, who had been sent by Gonzalo to conduct
the troops of Arequipa to Lima, set out from Arequipa with 130 men for
that purpose; but when he had proceeded about four leagues on his march,
his people mutinied and made him prisoner, electing Jerom de Villegas
as their commander, and immediately marched off to join Centeno, who
was then in the Collao waiting the issue of some negotiations in which
he had employed Pedro Gonzalo de Zarate, schoolmaster at Cuzco. While in
the Collao, Centeno was informed that Juan de Silveira, the Serjeant
major of the army of the insurgents, had been sent by Gonzalo to conduct
the troops of that province to Lima, and had made prisoners of five or
six of the royalists whom he met with on his march. Silveira had
collected about three hundred men on this occasion, and we shall relate
what befel them in the sequel.
On learning the success of Centeno at Cuzco and the death of De Robles,
and being likewise informed that the people of San Miguel had declared
for his majesty, and that the captains Mercadillo and Porcel had joined
Diego de Mora at Caxamarca; Gonzalo Pizarro saw that he had now only to
depend on the force which was along with himself at Lima, and those
under Pedro de Puelles, on whose fidelity he reposed entire confidence.
In this predicament, he determined to alter the destination of Juan
d'Acosta and to send him against Centeno with a respectable force,
resolving to follow d'Acosta in person with all his army if necessary,
then amounting to nine hundred men, among whom were many of the
principal inhabitants of Peru. In forming this new resolution, his
object was in the first place to reduce all the upper or mountainous
provinces to subjection, and afterwards to make war on every other part
of the country which had withdrawn from his authority. It has likewise
been conjectured, that Gonzalo proposed to himself, in case of any
reverse, to endeavour to make some new discovery and conquest, towards
the Rio Plata, or Chili, or in some other place to the south and east of
Peru. He certainly never avowed this intention openly, nor is it alleged
that he communicated it to any of his confidents, as this would have
indicated a want of confidence in his cause; so that this idea rests
only on conjecture. In consequence of this new plan, Gonzalo recalled
D'Acosta to Lima with all his troops, to the great mortification of that
person and his followers; insomuch that seven or eight of them deserted,
choosing Jerome de Soria as their commander. Many others would certainly
have followed this example, if it had not been for the severe
precautions exercised by D'Acosta on the occasion, who put to death
Lorenza Mexia, son-in-law to the Conde de Gomera, and another soldier,
whom he suspected of intending to desert. He likewise arrested several
others who were suspected of similar intentions, whom he carried
prisoners to Lima.
A few days before the arrival of D'Acosta at Lima, Gonzalo took some
suspicion of the fidelity of Antonio Altamarino, his standard bearer,
who appeared to conduct himself with a degree of coldness in the present
emergency; and, without any direct proof or even any strong suspicious
circumstances being alleged against him, he caused him to be arrested
and put in irons as a criminal, had him strangled in prison during the
night, and ordered his dead body to be suspended upon the public gibbet.
Altamarino was one of the richest colonists in Peru, and Gonzalo, having
confiscated all his wealth, distributed it among his most attached
followers. After this, he gave the charge of the royal standard to Don
Antonio de Ribera, who had just joined with thirty men from Guamanga,
whence also he had brought some arms and cattle which he had taken from
the inhabitants of that place. At this time Gonzalo found his affairs
much embarrassed and growing every day worse, insomuch that he could
only count upon the force which accompanied him in Lima; whereas a short
time before he seemed absolute master of the whole kingdom of Peru. He
was in great fear, if the new royal orders, the general amnesty, and the
revocation of the obnoxious regulations, all of which had been brought
out from Spain by the president, should come to the knowledge of his
remaining followers, that they would all abandon him. In this state of
uncertainty and dread, he assembled all the principal inhabitants and
citizens of Lima at his house, to whom he represented, "That he had
brought himself into a very embarrassing and even dangerous situation by
his exertions in their service, during which he had endured much labour
and danger in the wars he had carried on for their benefit, and for the
protection of their property and rights, for all which they were
indebted to the genius and valour of his brother the marquis. That, in
the present situation of affairs, the whole colonists ought to consider
their honour and interests as identified with his own, the conduct of
both being sufficiently justified in sending deputies to inform the king
of all that had occurred during the troubles and commotions. That the
president had arrested these deputies at Panama, had seduced his
officers, and had taken possession of his ships. That the president
certainly had done all these things to advance his own private interest;
as, if he had received orders from his majesty to make war against the
kingdom, he would assuredly have given intelligence of this circumstance
through Paniagua. That not satisfied with these outrages, the president
now invaded the government to which he, Gonzalo, had been lawfully
appointed, and disseminated numerous libels against him throughout the
kingdom, as was well known to them all. That consequently, he was
determined to use his utmost efforts to oppose the president, who
treated him as an enemy without any legitimate cause. That the general
interests of all the colonists and his own were obviously identified;
as, should the president carry matters to extremity as every thing
seemed to indicate, they would all be brought to a severe account for
the consequences of the late wars and disorders, and would be held
responsible for the murders and plunders which had been perpetrated
during their continuance. He requested them therefore to reflect
maturely on all these things; and, as he had hitherto exerted his utmost
efforts in defence of their rights, it still remained not only to
continue to defend the same, but even to preserve their lives and
honours. For these purposes, therefore, he had now assembled them, and
to lay before them a clear state of the present situation of affairs;
and he requested of them to declare freely and openly their undisguised
sentiments; engaging, on the faith and honour of a gentleman and a
knight, which he was ready to confirm by a solemn oath, that he would
not injure any one in person or estate for the opinion or advice they
might now give; but should leave every one at full liberty to declare
for either party in the present troubles, and even to retire wherever
they might judge proper. Therefore, he expected that all who were
disposed to adhere to him on the present occasion should declare
themselves without reserve, as he would demand of them to confirm their
promise by a written and signed engagement. He advised them accordingly
to look well to their promises when once made; as if any one should
violate the same, or should appear lukewarm or feeble in their efforts
in the approaching crisis, he would immediately order them to be put to
death even upon very slight circumstances of suspicion."
Every person in the assembly answered unhesitatingly, that they were
ready to obey his orders in every thing to the utmost of their power and
abilities, and to devote their lives and fortunes in his cause. Some
even went so far in their pretended attachment, as to say that they
would willingly risk their eternal salvation in his service. Many of
them emulously strove to find out arguments for justifying the war
which was now about to commence, and to enhance the obligations which
the whole country lay under to Gonzalo for undertaking the management of
the enterprize. Some even carried their base and scandalous flattery to
such a pitch of extravagance, to conciliate the tyrant, that it were
improper to contaminate our pages with a repetition of their words.
After they had all expressed their attachment to the cause, Gonzalo drew
out a paper in which the proposed engagement was already engrossed at
full length; at the bottom of which he caused the licentiate Cepeda to
write a solemn promise of executing all which that paper contained, and
to obey Gonzalo in every thing he should command; after which, he made
Cepeda sign that promise, and take a solemn oath to observe all its
conditions. After Cepeda, all who were present in the assembly were made
to sign and swear to the engagement in a similar manner.
After the conclusion of this affair, Juan d'Acosta was ordered to
prepare for marching to Cuzco by way of the mountain, at the head of
three hundred men. Paez de Sotomayor was appointed his major-general on
this expedition, Martin d'Olmos captain of cavalry, Diego de Gumiel
captain of musqueteers, Martin de Almendras captain of pikemen, and
Martin de Alarzon standard-bearer. The whole of this detachment being
well provided with arms and all necessary equipments, left Lima taking
the mountain road for Cuzco, on purpose to recover that important city
from Centeno. At the same time Gonzalo received notice that the squadron
commanded by Lorenzo de Aldana had been seen at the distance of about
fifteen leagues from the port of Lima. It was determined therefore in a
council of war, to encamp the whole insurgent army between Lima and the
sea; as it was feared, if the ships got possession of the port, it might
occasion great confusion and disturbance in the city, especially as in
that case the necessary orders would have to be hastily issued and
executed; by which means the malcontents might have an opportunity of
withdrawing during the battle, and might even escape on board the ships
to join the enemy; while, at the same time, there would be no leisure to
watch the behaviour of the wavering, and to compel them to join the
army. Orders were issued accordingly for the army to take the field, and
it was publickly proclaimed throughout the city, that every one fit to
carry arms, of every age and condition, was to join the troops, on pain
of death. Pizarro gave notice that he would behead every person who
acted contrary to these orders; and, while he marched in person at the
head of the troops, he should leave the lieutenant-general in charge of
the city, to execute rigorous punishment on all who lagged behind. All
the inhabitants were so confounded and terrified by these threats, that
no one dared to converse with another, and none had the courage either
to fly or to determine what was best to be done in this emergency. Some
however contrived to conceal themselves in places overgrown with tall
reeds, or in caves, and many concealed their valuable effects under
ground.
On the day preceding that which had been fixed upon by Gonzalo for
marching from Lima, news was brought that three ships had entered the
port of Lima, which occasioned universal consternation. The alarm was
sounded, and Gonzalo marched out with all the men who could be collected
on a sudden, taking up his encampment about midway between the city and
the port, at the distance of about a league or four miles from each,
that he might at the same time make head against his enemies if they
attempted to land, and might prevent the inhabitants of Lima from having
any communication with the vessels. He was at the same time unwilling to
abandon the city, and wished to know exactly the intentions of Aldana,
before going to a greater distance, and if possible to gain possession
of the vessels by some contrivance or negociation, having no means of
preventing them from gaining possession of the port, as one of his own
captains, contrary to the opinion of the other officers, had lately sunk
five vessels in the harbour. On this occasion Gonzalo mustered five
hundred and fifty men, cavalry and infantry included; and, after
encamping in the situation already mentioned, he placed eight horsemen
in ambush close to the sea, with orders to prevent any person landing
from the vessels to deliver or to receive letters, or to converse with
any one. Next day, Gonzalo sent Juan Hernandez, an inhabitant of Lima,
in a boat on board the ships, with orders to say in his name, if Aldana
chose to send any of his people on shore to explain the object of his
coming into Peru, that Hernandez would remain on board as an hostage for
the safety of his messenger. Hernandez was conducted on board the
admiral where Aldana retained him as proposed, and sent on shore the
captain Penna to wait upon Gonzalo.
Penna was not conducted to camp till night, that he might have no
opportunity of conversing with any one; and on being introduced to
Gonzalo in his tent, he delivered to him a writing, containing the
orders and instructions which the president had received from his
majesty, the general amnesty granted by his majesty to all the colonists
of Peru, and the revocation of the obnoxious regulations. He then
expatiated, as instructed by Aldana, on the universal and great
advantages which would accrue to all by giving a prompt and entire
obedience to the commands of his majesty, who had not judged it
convenient to continue Gonzalo in the government of Peru. That his
majesty, being fully informed of all that had occurred in that country,
had sent out De la Gasca as president, with instructions and full powers
to provide a remedy for all the existing evils. Gonzalo proudly
answered, that he would severely punish all who were on board the fleet,
and would chastise the audacity of the president for the outrage he had
committed in detaining his envoys and seizing his ships. He complained
loudly against Aldana, for coming now against him as an enemy, after
receiving his money, and accepting his commission to go into Spain on
purpose to give an account of his conduct to the king.
After some farther discourse, all the officers belonging to Gonzalo left
the tent, leaving him and Penna alone together. Gonzalo made him a long
discourse, endeavouring to justify his conduct in regard to his past and
present conduct; and concluded by making him an offer of 100,000 crowns,
if he would contrive to put him in possession of the galleon commanded
by Aldana, which composed the principal force of the hostile fleet.
Penna rejected his proposal with disdain, declaring himself dishonoured
by the offer, and that nothing whatever would induce him to be guilty of
such treacherous conduct. At the conclusion of this conference, Penna
was committed to the custody of Antonio de Ribeira, with strict
injunctions that he should not be allowed to have the smallest
intercourse with any individual whomsoever; and was sent back next day
to the fleet, when Juan Fernandez returned to camp, having in the
interval promised and resolved to use his utmost efforts in the service
of his majesty on every favourable opportunity.
Aldana had rightly judged, that the surest means for succeeding in the
mission on which he had been entrusted by the president, was to
communicate the knowledge of the general pardon among the soldiers. For
this purpose, therefore, he devised exceedingly proper measures to
diffuse the intelligence among the troops, but which were at the same
time exceedingly dangerous for Juan Hernandez. Aldana gave him copies of
all his dispatches in duplicate, and entrusted him with letters for
several principal persons in the camp of Gonzalo. Fernandez concealed
such of these papers as he judged necessary in his boots, giving all the
rest to Pizarro. Taking Gonzalo afterwards aside, he told him secretly
that Aldana had endeavoured to prevail upon him to publish the royal
pardon in the camp; and that accordingly he had thought it prudent to
pretend compliance, and had taken charge of that general amnesty among
his other dispatches, both to blind Aldana by the expectation of, doing
what he wished, and on purpose to get these from him for the information
of Gonzalo; pretending to be ignorant that Gonzalo knew of any such
thing existing. Gonzalo thanked him for his prudent conduct, and
considered him as a person worthy of entire confidence and much attached
to the cause. He then received the papers which Fernandez offered,
threatening the severest punishment against Aldana. Having thus craftily
deceived Gonzalo, Fernandez contrived to deliver some of the letters he
had in charge, and allowed some of them to fall on the ground, as if
lost, yet so as they might be found by those to whom they were
addressed.
When Gonzalo quitted Lima to encamp on the road towards the sea-port of
Calao, he left Pedro Martin de Cicilia in charge of the city as
provost-marshal. This man, who had attached himself to Gonzalo with much
zeal from the very commencement of the troubles, was now about seventy
years of age, yet healthy and vigorous, of a rough and cruel
disposition, and entirely destitute of piety towards God or of loyalty
to the sovereign. Gonzalo had given him orders to hang up every person
he might find loitering in the city with out a written permission, or
who might return thither from camp without a pass. Martin executed these
rigorous orders with so much exactitude, that, meeting a person who came
under the foregoing predicament, he had not sufficient patience to have
him hanged, but dispatched him directly with his poignard. He generally
went about the streets followed by the hangman, carrying a parcel of
ropes, and loudly declared that he would hang up every one whom he found
in the city without permission from Ganzalo.
One day several of the citizens came from the camp to the city, under
the authority of a pass, to procure such provisions and other articles
as they stood in need of, the principal persons among whom were Nicolas
de Ribeira, who was alcalde or police judge of the city, Vasco de
Guevara, Hernando Bravo de Lagunas, Francisco de Ampuero, Diego Tinoco,
Alfonzo Ramirez de Sosa, Francisco de Barrionueva, Alfonzo de
Barrionuevo, Martin de Menezes, Diego d'Escobar, and some others. After
they had collected the articles of which they were in want, they left
the city with their horses arms and servants; but, instead of returning
towards the camp, they went off in the road for Truxillo. Being noticed
by some spies, who gave immediate notice to Gonzalo, he caused them to
be pursued by Juan de la Torre with a party of mounted musqueteers. At
the distance of eight leagues from Lima, De la Torre came up with Vasco
de Guevara and Francisco Ampuero, who had fallen behind with the
intention of acting as a kind of rear guard, to give notice to the rest
in case of a pursuit. They defended themselves courageously, and as
their enemies could not take any certain aim, it being under night, they
contrived to make their escape unwounded. De la Torre and his men found
themselves unable to continue the pursuit with any chance of success, as
their horses were already completely tired with their rapid march from
camp. They returned, therefore, believing that, even if they were to get
up with the fugitives, they would be unable to take them by force, as
they were all men of quality, who would rather be slain than surrender.
On their way back to camp, they fell in with Hernando Bravo, who had
fallen behind his companions, and on bringing him a prisoner to Gonzalo
he was ordered to immediate execution. Donna Ynez Bravo, who was sister
to the prisoner and wife to Nicolas de Ribeira, one of the fugitives, on
hearing the situation of her brother, hastened to the camp accompanied
by her father, and threw herself at the feet of Gonzalo, whom she
earnestly implored to spare the life of her brother. Being one of the
most beautiful women of the country, and of the highest rank, and being
seconded by most of the officers who served under Gonzalo, he at length
allowed himself to be prevailed on to pardon her brother, who was the
only person, during the whole subsistence of his usurpation, whom he
forgave for a similar offence. On granting this pardon, Alfonzo de
Caceres, one of the captains under Gonzalo, kissed his hand saying:
"Illustrious prince! accursed be he who abandons you, or hesitates to
sacrifice his life in your service." Yet, within three hours afterwards,
Hernando Bravo and several others made their escape from the camp. Among
these who now deserted were several persons of consideration who had
attached themselves to Gonzalo from the very commencement of the
troubles, so that their defection gave him infinite vexation and alarm,
insomuch that hardly any one dared to speak to him, and he issued
peremptory orders to put to death every person who might be found beyond
the precincts of the camp.
On the same night, Captain Martin de Robles sent a message to Diego
Maldonado, who had been alcalde of Cuzco, usually called the rich,
intimating that Gonzalo had resolved in a consultation with his officers
to put him to death. Maldonado very readily believed this information,
as he had formerly been one of the inhabitants of Cuzco who made offer
of their services to the late viceroy. Likewise, although then pardoned
by Gonzalo, whom he accompanied in the march to Quito against the
viceroy, he had fallen under new suspicions, and had even been put to
the torture, on account of a letter which was dropt near Gonzalo,
containing some very unpleasant truths; and although the real authors of
that letter had been afterwards discovered, Maldonado could never forget
the treatment he had suffered at that time. Besides this, he was the
intimate friend of Antonio Altamirano, whom Gonzalo had recently put to
death. Considering all these circumstances, Maldonado was so thoroughly
convinced of the imminent danger in which he stood, that he immediately
quitted his tent with only his sword and cloak, not even taking time to
saddle a horse, though he had several good ones, or speaking to any of
his servants. Though a very old man, he walked as fast as possible all
night in a direction towards the sea, and concealed himself in the
morning among some tall reeds near the shore about three leagues from
where the ships of Aldana lay at anchor. As he was much afraid of being
pursued, he revealed his situation to an Indian who happened to be near;
and whom he prevailed upon to construct a float of reeds and straw, on
which the Indian carried him on board one of the ships.
In the morning, Martin de Robles went to the tent of Maldonado; and
finding him withdrawn as he expected, he immediately waited on Gonzalo,
whom he informed of the circumstance, adding, "As the army was
diminishing daily by the number and quality of the fugitives, he begged
leave to advise that they should quit the present camp, and march into
the interior provinces, as formerly agreed upon, without granting
permission to any one to go into the city of Lima, lest many more might
use that pretence for an opportunity to desert. Several of his own
company, he said, had applied for leave to go into the city, to procure
provisions; but he considered it better for himself to go therewith a
detachment of soldiers to collect the provisions and necessaries
required, that he might keep all his men in sight, and that he proposed
on this occasion to take Maldonado from the Dominican convent, where he
understood he had taken refuge, and to bring him a prisoner to the camp,
where he ought to undergo condign punishment, as a warning to others."
Gonzalo approved all that was said on this occasion by De Robles, in
whom he had great confidence as a person who had taken part with him in
all the past troubles, and desired him to act in the way he proposed. De
Robles accordingly, taking all his own horses and attendants and those
belonging to Maldonado, took along with him to Lima all the soldiers of
his company in whom he could confide. After collecting such provisions
and other necessaries as might serve his purpose, he set off for
Truxillo with thirty armed horsemen, declaring publickly that Gonzalo
was a tyrant and usurper, that all good subjects were bound to obey the
orders of his majesty, and that he was resolved to join the president.
When this serious defection became known in the camp, it was universally
believed that the army would soon disperse, and that Gonzalo would be
massacred. Gonzalo endeavoured to restore order and confidence among his
troops, pretending to care little for those who had deserted him; yet
resolved to decamp next morning. That very night, Lope Martin, an
inhabitant of Cuzco, deserted almost in sight of the whole army. Next
morning Gonzalo quitted his present camp, and marched about two leagues
to a new camp near an aqueduct, taking every precaution to prevent his
people from deserting; believing that his principal danger on that
account would be got over if he were once ten or twelve leagues from
Lima. The licentiate Carvajal was appointed to take charge of the night
guard, with strict injunctions to prevent desertion: But even he, in the
middle of the night, quitted the camp accompanied by Paulo Hondegardo,
Marco de Retamoso, Pedro Suarez d'Escovedo, Francisco de Miranda,
Hernando de Vargas, and several others belonging to his company. These
men went in the first place to Lima, whence they took the road towards
Truxillo. A few hours afterwards, Gabriel de Roias left the camp,
accompanied by his nephews Gabriel Bermudez and Gomez de Roias and
several other persons of quality. These men left the camp unseen by any
one, as they went through the quarter which had been confided to the
charge of the licentiate Carvajal.
In the morning, Gonzalo was much distressed on learning the events of
the past night, and more especially by the desertion of the licentiate
Carvajal, whom he had disobliged by superseding him in the command which
had been conferred on Juan d'Acosta, and by refusing him his niece Donna
Francisca in marriage. The departure of the licentiate had a very bad
effect on the minds of the troops; as they knew he was entrusted with
all Gonzalos secrets, and had been greatly in his confidence ever since
the death of the viceroy whom he had slain in the battle of Quito.
Carvajal left to the value of more than 15,000 crowns in the camp, in
gold silver and horses, all of which was immediately confiscated and
divided among the soldiers: But the army was convinced he would not have
abandoned so much valuable property, unless he had been satisfied that
the affairs of Gonzalo were in a very bad condition, both in regard to
power of resisting the president, and in respect of the right and
justice of his pretensions. So great was the defection in the camp, that
the greater part of the troops had resolved to disperse; and next
morning, when the army had begun its march, two cavaliers, named Lopez
and Villadente, quitting the ranks and causing their horses to vault in
sight of the whole army, they cried, out aloud, "Long live the king, and
let the tyrant die!" These men trusted, to the speed of their horses;
and Gonzalo was so exceedingly suspicious of every one, that he
expressly forbid these men to be pursued, being afraid that many might
use that pretence for joining them. He continued his march accordingly,
in all haste by the road of the plain country, leading towards Arequipa;
in which march several of his musqueteers and others deserted, although
he hanged ten or twelve persons of consideration in the course of three
or four days. At length his force was reduced to two hundred men, and he
was in continual dread that in some false alarm all his remaining men
might disperse. Continuing his march, he at length came to the province
of Nasca, about fifty leagues from Lima.
After Gonzalo had gone to a considerable distance from Lima, Don Antonio
de Ribeira, Martin Pizarro, Antonio de Leon, and some other inhabitants
of Lima, who as old and infirm had been allowed by Gonzalo to remain
behind the army on giving up all their horses and arms, erected the
standard of the city, and, assembling the small number of inhabitants
that remained in the great square, they publickly declared for his
majesty in their own names and in the names of all the loyal citizens of
the city. After proclaiming the new regulations and orders of the
president, the general amnesty granted by the king, and the abrogation
of the obnoxious regulations, they sent notice of all the recent events
to Aldana, who still remained on the coast to receive and protect all
who were inclined to quit the party of the insurgents. At the same time,
and for the same purpose, Juan Alfonso Palamino had landed with fifty
men, yet keeping his boats always in readiness to reimbark, in case of
the return of Gonzalo. Aldana likewise placed an advanced picket of
twelve horsemen, of those who had deserted from the insurgents, on the
road towards Arequipa, to bring him timely notice of any thing that
might occur in that quarter, with orders to return with all speed in
case of the enemy making a countermarch, or of any important event.
Aldana likewise gave orders to Captain Alfonzo de Caceres to remain at
Lima, to collect any of the deserters from Pizarro that might come
there; and he dispatched Juan Yllanez in one of his vessels along the
coast, with orders to land a monk and a soldier in some secure place, to
carry dispatches to Centeno, announcing the events that had occurred at
lima, and to furnish him with copies of the royal orders and general
amnesty, and to communicate similar intelligence at Arequipa. He sent
likewise several intelligent persons by land to Arequipa, with letters
to different persons of consideration, and to carry orders and
instructions to the captains Alfonzo de Mendoza and Juan de Silveira at
La Plata. By means of the Indians of Jauja, who belonged to him, Aldana
transmitted letters and copies of the amnesty to several of those
persons who accompanied Juan d'Acosta, that the royal clemency might be
made known in all parts of Peru. Most of these measures succeeded, and
produced material advantages as will appear in the sequel. In the mean
time, Lorenzo de Aldana remained on board ship, with about an hundred
and fifty men, issuing such orders as seemed necessary in the present
state of affairs.
It was soon learnt that Gonzalo received regular advices of ever thing
that occurred, and great care was likewise taken by Aldana to procure
intelligence of all that passed in the camp of the insurgents; so that
every day messengers went and came between both parties, and both were
continually endeavouring to mislead each other by false reports.
Accordingly it was reported one day that Gonzalo and his troops Were in
full march for Lima, which occasioned much confusion and dismay in that
city; but it was known afterwards that this rumour had been purposely
spread by Gonzalo and his lieutenant-general, on purpose to prevent
Aldana from pursuing them, a measure of which they were much afraid. In
this unpromising state of his affairs, great numbers of the adherents of
Gonzalo abandoned him, believing that he could not resist the power of
his enemies. Such of them as had horses took the road to Truxillo; and
all the rest endeavoured to reach the ships of Aldana, concealing
themselves as well as they could in retired places till they might
ascertain that Gonzalo had proceeded farther on his march, which indeed
he continued to do with much precipitation. When he had proceeded to a
considerable distance from Lima, all those who had abandoned him flocked
to that city, and every day some fresh deserters came there, by which
means Aldana got accurate intelligence of the proceedings of Gonzalo,
who was reported to be in continual dread of being put to death by his
own men. After the flight of the licentiate Carvajal and Gabriel de
Roias, Gonzalo made no farther use of the royal standard, only
displaying that which contained his own arms. His cruelty increased with
his disappointment, insomuch that not a day passed in which he did not
put some one to death. He took extraordinary precautions for his own
personal safety, which were so far effectual, but every effort to
prevent desertion was unavailing.
Lorenzo de Aldana sent intelligence of all these matters to the
president, by means of messengers dispatched both by sea and land,
earnestly urging him to come into Peru as quickly as possible, as the
insurgent party seemed at so low an ebb that nothing was wanting but his
presence to make it fall entirely in pieces and submit without a
struggle. On the 9th. of September 1547, when assured that Gonzalo had
retreated eighty leagues from Lima, Aldana landed with all his officers
and all the inhabitants of Lima that had taken shelter on board his
ships. He was received on shore with every demonstration of joy and
respect, every one who was able appearing in arms to do him honour.
Having appointed Juan Fernandez to the command of the ships, he took
charge of the vacant government of Lima, where he made every possible
preparation for carrying on the war, collecting arms ammunition and all
other necessaries.
Some time after the departure of Juan d'Acosta from Lima for Cuzco by
the mountain road, as already mentioned, at the head of three hundred
men well armed and equipped, he got notice that Gonzalo Pizarro had
abandoned that city; on which he sent Fra Pedro, a monk of the order of
Mercy, to Gonzalo, to demand instructions for his ulterior proceedings.
Pizarro sent back the monk with directions for Acosta to join him at a
certain place. On his return to Acosta, accompanied by a person named
Gonzalo Muquos, after delivering his dispatches, Friar Pedro gave him an
account of all that had happened in the army of Gonzalo, and in
particular of the great number of men that had deserted from him; which
Acosta had not before learnt, though several of his soldiers had
received the intelligence by letters brought to them by the Indians who
frequented the camp, but which they dared not to communicate to each
other. On the present occasion, the messengers from Gonzalo recommended
to Acosta to keep this matter as secret as possible till such time as he
should join Gonzalo. Acosta therefore, gave out that he had received
favourable intelligence from the monk, and that Gonzalo had been
successful on several occasions, being daily joined by many additional
soldiers; and, as he had found it convenient and necessary to send off
many confidential persons in various directions, these persons pretended
to have deserted from Gonzalo by way of stratagem, on purpose, to gain
possession of the ships commanded by Aldana. All this however was
insufficient to disguise the truth from many of the followers of Aldana,
particularly Paëz de Sotomayor, his major-general, and Martin d'Olmos
one of his captains; who, coming to a knowledge of the real state of
affairs, entered into a resolution of putting D'Acosta to death. They
formed this resolution unknown to each other, as no one at this time
dared to avow his sentiments to any other person, for fear of being put
to death; yet, from certain indications, they began to suspect each
other of entertaining similar sentiments, and at length opened
themselves reciprocally, and communicated their purposes to several
soldiers in whom they confided. Just when they were about to have put
their enterprize into execution, Sotomayor got notice that D'Acosta was
holding a secret conference in his tent with two of his captains, and
that he had doubled his ordinary guard. From these circumstances,
Sotomayor concluded that their conspiracy, having been revealed to
several persons, had been betrayed to Acosta. He took therefore prompt
measures to inform all his confederates, and both he and they took horse
without delay, and left the camp in sight of all the army, to the number
of thirty-five in all; among whom, besides Sotomayor and D'Olmos, the
principal persons were Martin d'Alarzon who carried the grand standard,
Hernando de Alvarado, Alfonzo Regel, Antonio de Avila, Garcias Gutierrez
d'Escovedo, and Martin Monje; who, with all who went off on this
occasion, were men of consideration and of much experience in the
affairs of Peru. These men took immediately the road for Guamanga, and
used such expedition that, though Acosta sent off sixty mounted
musqueteers to pursue them, they made their escape in safety.
Acosta caused immediate investigations to be made in regard to such as
had participated in this plot, and ordered several persons to be hanged
who were proved to have known its circumstances: some others in the same
predicament he detained prisoners, and dissembled with the rest who had
been implicated, pretending not to know that they had participated in
the conspiracy: Yet, during his march towards Cuzco, he put to death
several of those of whom he was suspicious, and others who endeavoured
to desert. On his arrival at Cuzco, he displaced all the magistrates who
had been appointed by Centeno, nominating others in their stead in whom
he thought he could confide, and appointed Juan Velasquez de Tapia to
take the chief direction of affairs in that city and province; and
having regulated every thing to his mind, he resumed his march for
Arequipa to join Gonzalo, according to his directions. In this latter
part of his march, about thirty of his men deserted from him, by two or
three at a time, all of whom went directly to Lima where they joined
Lorenzo de Aldana. Besides these, when Acosta had got about ten leagues
beyond Cuzco, Martin de Almandras abandoned him with twenty of the best
soldiers of his small army, and returned to Cuzco, where he found a
sufficient number of the inhabitants disposed to join him in returning
to their duty, and in concurrence with whom he deposed the magistracy
appointed by Acosta, one of whom he sent away prisoner to Lima, and
established a new set in the name of his majesty. Finding that the
number of his followers diminished from day to day, Acosta accelerated
his march as much as possible, both for his own security and to serve
the insurgent cause in which he was engaged. Out of three hundred well
armed and excellently equipped men, with whom he had set out from Lima,
only one hundred remained with him on his arrival at Arequipa. He found
Gonzalo Pizarro at that place, with only about three hundred and fifty
men, who a very short while before had a fine army of fifteen hundred,
besides all those who were dispersed in different parts of Peru under
various captains, all of whom were then under his orders. Gonzalo was
now exceedingly irresolute as to his future proceedings; being too weak
to wait the attack of the royalists, who continually augmented in their
numbers, and yet deeming it dishonourable to fly or to endeavour to
conceal himself.
In the mean time Centeno remained in the Collao, waiting an answer from
Captain Mendoza to the message he had sent by Gonzalo de Zarate as
formerly mentioned. While there he received dispatches from the
president, which were forwarded by Aldana, and accounts of the events
which had occurred at Lima, particularly the flight of Gonzalo Pizarro
to Arequipa, and the junction of Acosta with the insurgents at that
place. On receiving this intelligence he sent a new message to Mendoza
by means of Luis Garcias, giving him an account of all these events, and
particularly informing him of the orders and instructions given to the
president, the general amnesty, the revocation of the obnoxious
regulations, and the determination of his majesty that Gonzalo Pizarro
was not to continue in the government of Peru. He apprized him likewise,
that most of the gentlemen and persons of consideration, who had
hitherto followed Gonzalo, had now abandoned him on account of his
tyrannical conduct, in murdering and plundering all the principal
colonists, and more especially because of his rebellion against the
sovereign, and refusal to submit to his royal orders, and to the
authority of him who had been appointed to regulate the affairs of the
kingdom. Wherefore, although all that had been done hitherto might in
some measure be excused, he urged Mendoza to consider that in continuing
to obey Gonzalo he could no longer avoid the reproach of acting as a
rebel against the king. It was now necessary and proper therefore, to
forget all individual interests or past disputes, and to devote himself
entirely to his majesty, to whom he was enabled by his present situation
to render important service.
Alfonzo de Mendoza was already well disposed to act the part of a loyal
subject in the present situation of affairs, yet uncertain how best to
conduct himself for that purpose; but by this message from Centeno, he
was completely determined as to the regulation of his conduct on the
present emergency, and immediately declared for his majesty. By
agreement between him and Centeno, each was to retain the chief command
of the troops now under their orders, and Mendoza departed from La Plata
with his men to join Centeno in the Collao. The union of these leaders
and their troops occasioned great joy to all their followers, now
exceeding a thousand men; and they resolved to march immediately against
Gonzalo, taking up a position at a certain pass to prevent him from
escaping, and were likewise induced to remain at that place for the
convenience of procuring provisions.
At this time the whole extent of Peru from Quito to Lima had declared
for his majesty. Juan d'Olmos, who commanded under Gonzalo at Puerto
Viejo, on observing the vessels under Aldana passing the port of Manta
in that province, had sent an express to Gonzalo giving his opinion that
these vessels seemed hostile, as they had not called at the port for
refreshments. He at the same time sent some Indians on board, in their
ordinary rafts or flat boats, to inquire the purpose of their voyage; by
means of which Indians Aldana transmitted letters to D'Olmos, urging him
to quit the insurgent party, with copies of all the papers connected
with the mission of the president. After perusing these papers, D'Olmos
transmitted them to Gomez Estacio who was lieutenant-governor of the
province for Gonzalo at St Jago de Guyaquil, usually called Culata. On
learning that his majesty did not approve of continuing Gonzalo in the
government, and had sent out Gasca as president, Gomez wrote back to
D'Olmos, that when the president arrived in the country he should know
better how to act, and might probably join him; but in the present
situation of affairs, he thought it best for both to remain quiet. Juan
d'Olmos went immediately to visit Gomez, accompanied by seven or eight
friends, under pretence of communing with him on the state of affairs;
but, taking his opportunity, one day when Gomez was off his guard, he
stabbed him with his poniard, and immediately got the people to declare
for his majesty, after which he did the same at his own government of
Puerto Viejo.
When Pedro de Puelles, the governor of Quito, became acquainted with
these proceedings of D'Olmos, and that the fleet and army at Panama had
declared for the president, he became exceedingly anxious as to the
measures proper for him to pursue. At this time D'Olmos sent Diego de
Urbina to Quito to endeavour to prevail on Puelles to declare for the
royal party. Puelles declared he was ready to receive and obey the
person sent out by the king, when once he was satisfied that his majesty
had no intention of continuing Gonzalo in the government, but would make
no alteration in the mean time; and with this indecisive answer Urbina
returned to D'Olmos. A few days afterwards, Rodrigo de Salazar, in whom
Puelles reposed entire confidence, entered into a conspiracy with
several soldiers at Quito, assassinated Puelles, and declared for his
majesty. After this exploit, Salazar set out from Quito for Tumbez with
three hundred men, with the intention of joining the president. By these
several events, and others which have been formerly related, almost the
whole of Peru had already returned to obedience before the arrival of
the president in the kingdom.
While these favourable events were going on in Peru, the president
embarked at Panama with about five hundred men, and arrived safely at
the port of Tumbez; one of his ships, commanded by Don Pedro de Cabrera,
being under the necessity of stopping at Buenaventura, whence Cabrera
and his men marched by land to Tumbez. On his arrival in Peru, the
president received letters from all parts of the kingdom, by which the
writers offered him their services and assistance, besides communicating
their sentiments on the situation of the colony, and giving their advice
how best to proceed in reducing it to order; to all of which letters he
replied with great condescension. So many flocked to his standard from
all quarters, that he considered himself sufficiently strong to overcome
all resistance from the remnant of the insurgents, without drawing any
reinforcements from the other Spanish colonies in America; on which
account he sent off messengers to New Spain, Guatimala, Nicaragua, and
St Domingo, informing the governors of these colonies of the favourable
turn of affairs in Peru, and that he should now have no occasion for
the reinforcements which he had formerly thought necessary. Soon after
his arrival, he gave orders to his lieutenant-general, Pedro Alfonzo de
Hinojosa, to march with the troops to form a junction with the royalists
in Caxamarca. In the mean time Polo de Menzes remained in charge of the
fleet, with which he advanced along the coast to the southwards, while
the president, with a sufficient escort, went by the road of the plain
to Truxillo, at which place he received intelligence from all parts of
the country, stating that every thing went on well.
The president had resolved that he would not go to Lima till he had
completed the purposes of his mission, by the final conquest of Gonzalo
and his adherents, and the restoration of peace and order in the kingdom
of Peru; on which account he transmitted orders to all quarters, that
all who had declared for his majesty should meet him in the valley of
Jauja, which he considered to be a convenient situation in which to
assemble the whole loyal force of the kingdom, as in that place
abundance of provisions could easily be procured. For this purpose, he
sent orders to Lorenzo de Aldana, then at Lima, to march with all his
force for Jauja; and joining the army under Hinojosa, now exceeding a
thousand men, he marched for Jauja, all the army expressing the utmost
satisfaction at the prospect of being freed from the tyranny of Gonzalo.
Many of the principal persons who had joined with Gonzalo at the
beginning of the troubles, were now exceedingly offended and displeased
by the cruel murders of so many of their friends and neighbours; above
five hundred men having been put to death, many of whom were persons of
consideration and importance; insomuch that those who still remained
along with him were continually in fear of their lives.
On his arrival at Arequipa, Gonzalo found that city entirely deserted,
as most of the inhabitants had gone to join Diego Centeno after that
officer got possession of Cuzco. Hearing that Centeno was in the Collao,
near the lake of Titicaca, where after his junction with Mendoza, he had
an army of near a thousand men, composed of the troops of Cuzco Las
Charcas and Arequipa, and with which they occupied all the passes
towards the interior, Gonzalo believed it almost impossible to attack
these officers with any probability of success. He waited therefore at
Arequipa about three weeks, expecting the junction of D'Acosta, who at
length arrived, but with very diminished numbers, as already related,
many having abandoned him, and having put many of his followers to death
on suspicion that they intended to desert. After the junction of
D'Acosta, Gonzalo found himself at the head of five hundred men. He now
wrote to Centeno, giving a recital of all the events which had occurred
during the troubles, and dwelt particularly on the favour he had always
shewn him, and particularly instanced the pardon he had granted him when
Gaspard Rodriguez and Philip Guttierrez were executed, though equally
guilty with them, and although all his officers had urged him to put
Centeno to death. In addition, Gonzalo made high offers to Centeno,
promising to accede to every demand he might choose to make, if he would
now join him. He sent this letter to Centeno by a person named Francisco
Vaso, who immediately offered his services to Centeno, to whom he
intimated that Diego Alvarez his standard-bearer was in correspondence
with Gonzalo. Centeno was already informed of this circumstance by
Alvarez himself, who assured him he had entered into this correspondence
for a quite different purpose than that of betraying him or the royal
cause.
Centeno thought proper to send a civil answer to Gonzalo, giving him
many thanks for his offers, and freely acknowledging the favour he had
formerly experienced. That as a mark of his gratitude, therefore, he now
earnestly entreated him to reflect seriously on the present situation of
affairs, to consider the gracious clemency of the king, who had granted
a free pardon to him and all those who had taken any part in the past
troubles. He assured Gonzalo, if he would abandon the insurrection, now
evidently hopeless, and submit to the royal orders, that he would use
his utmost endeavours to procure him an honourable and advantageous
situation, and at the same time endeavoured to convince him that he
would run no risk either in his person or property by following the
present advice. On his return to Gonzalo with this letter, Vaso was met
by the lieutenant-general Carvajal, who made minute inquiry respecting
every thing he had seen and learnt, and gave him strict injunctions not
to let it be known to the followers of Gonzalo that the force of Centeno
exceeded seven hundred men. On being informed that Centeno refused to
join him, Gonzalo disdained to read his letter, and ordered it
immediately to be burnt in presence of several of his officers.
Immediately after this, Gonzalo determined to march into the province
of Las Charcas, and accordingly took the direct road towards the pass
occupied by Centeno and Mendoza. In this march the van-guard was
commanded by the lieutenant-general, who took and hanged more than
twenty persons whom he fell in with during the march. Among these was a
priest named Pantaleon, who carried some letters for Centeno, and whom
Carvajal ordered to be hung up, with his breviary and ink-horn suspended
from his neck. Continuing this march, the scouts of the two armies fell
in with each other on Thursday the 19th of October 1547. Gonzalo
immediately sent one of his chaplains with a message to Centeno,
demanding leave to continue his march through the pass, without being
obliged to give battle[32]. The chaplain was conducted by the bishop of
Cuzco, who happened to be in the army of Centeno, to his tent; and
Centeno gave strict charges to his troops to be on their guard and
always in good order to receive the enemy in case of an attack. For
above a month Centeno had been afflicted by an obstinate fever, for
which he had been six times blooded without any relief, and was not
expected to recover; so that he was quite incapable of acting on the
present emergency, being confined constantly to bed.
[Footnote 32: No consequences seem to have followed from this demand,
which does not appear to have been acceded or even listened to.--E.]
The illness of Centeno was known in the army of Gonzalo, and that his
tent was pitched at some distance from the rest, to avoid the noise and
bustle of the camp. Founding on this intelligence, Juan d'Acosta was
detached with twenty picked men, with orders to approach silently in the
night to the camp of the royalists, and to endeavour to carry off
Centeno. Acosta accordingly drew near with so much caution that he
surprised the centinels that were on guard over Centeno, and had very
near reached his tent when the alarm was given by some negro servants.
Being thus discovered, Acosta ordered his men to fire off their
musquets, and immediately retreated back to the camp of Gonzalo without
losing a man. In the confusion occasioned by this exploit, great numbers
of the royalists hastened towards the tent occupied by Centeno; but on
this occasion several of the soldiers belonging to Valdivia threw away
their arms and fled. Next morning the scouts of both armies approached
each other, followed by the respective armies, which at length came in
sight. The army of Centeno consisted of about a thousand men, two
hundred of whom were cavalry, an hundred and fifty armed with musquets,
and all the rest with pikes. Of this army, Luis de Ribera was
major-general, Pedro de Rios, Jerom Villegas, and Pedro de Ulloa,
captains of cavalry, and Diego Alvarez carried the grand-standard. The
captains of infantry were Juan de Vargas, Francisco Retamoso, Negral,
Pantoia, and Diego Lopez de Zuniga; Luis Garcias being sergeant-major,
or adjutant-general[33]. The army of Gonzalo consisted only of five
hundred men, of which three hundred were musqueteers, and eighty
cavalry, the remainder being armed with pikes. Of this army Carvajal was
lieutenant-general; the licentiate Cepeda and Juan Velez de Guevara were
captains of horse; and Juan d'Acosta, Ferdinand Bachicao, and Juan de la
Torre captains of foot.
[Footnote 33: It is not easy to understand how Mendoza, who had joined
Centeno some time before, happens to be omitted in this enumeration--E.]
Both armies being drawn up in good order, the insurgents advanced, to
the sound of trumpets and other musical instruments, till within six
hundred paces of the enemy, when Carvajal ordered them to halt. The
royalists continued to advance till within a hundred paces less, and
then halted likewise. At this time, forty musqueteers were detached from
the army of Gonzalo, with orders to begin the engagement; and two other
parties of musqueteers, of forty men each, were posted on the wings,
Pizarro taking his station between his cavalry and infantry. Thirty
musqueteers were likewise advanced from the army of Centeno, to skirmish
with those of the insurgents. As Carvajal observed that the royalists
waited the attack in good order, he ordered his troops to advance a few
steps very slowly, in hopes of inducing the enemy to make some movement
or evolution which might occasion confusion in their ranks. This had the
desired, effect, as the royalists, believing that their enemies, though
interior in number, wished to have the honour of making the attack, they
began immediately to advance, and the insurgents by order of Carvajal
stood firm to receive them. When tolerably near, Carvajal gave orders
for a small number of his troops to fire their musquets, on which the
royalists made a general discharge, and marched forwards at a quick step
with levelled pikes, during which the royalist musqueteers made a second
discharge without occasioning any loss to the enemy, as they were still
three hundred paces distant. Carvajal made his men reserve their fire
till the enemy was within about an hundred paces; when, with a few
pieces of artillery, and the whole of his musqueteers, he threw in so
destructive a volley that above an hundred and fifty of the royalists
were slain, among whom were two of their captains. By this terrible
slaughter, the whole infantry of the royalist army was thrown into
disorder, entirely defeated, and took to flight, in spite of every
effort of Captain Retimoso to rally them, who lay wounded in the field.
Notwithstanding the defeat of the infantry, the royalist cavalry made a
brave charge against the insurgents, of whom they killed and wounded a
considerable number. On this occasion Gonzalo had his horse killed and
was thrown to the ground, yet escaped unhurt. Pedro de Rios and Pedro de
Ulloa, captains of cavalry belonging to Centeno, wheeled with their
squadrons round the wing of the insurgent infantry, intending to charge
their flank; but were opposed by the detachments of musqueteers which
were posted on the wings, on which occasion De Rios and several others
were slain. Being thus repulsed, and seeing their own infantry entirely
defeated, the cavalry took likewise to flight and dispersed, every one
endeavouring to save himself as he best could.
Gonzalo Pizarro, having thus gained an easy victory, marched on with his
army in good order to the camp of Centeno, putting every person to death
that came in the way. A considerable number of the dispersed royalists
happened to seek safety in passing by the camp of Pizarro, which they
found entirely deserted, insomuch that they were able to make use of the
horses and mules belonging to the insurgent infantry to facilitate their
flight, and even made a considerable booty in gold and silver. While the
royalist cavalry were engaged vigorously with the insurgents, Bachicao,
one of Gonzalos captains, believing that the royalists would be
victorious, went over to them. After the victory was decided in favour
of Gonzalo, Bachicao, imagining that his conduct had not been observed,
and would remain unknown, or that he would be able to justify himself
under some colourable pretence, returned to his post. But as his
defection was known to Carvajal, he caused him to be instantly hung up,
adding insulting raillery to his cruelty, calling him his dear comrade
and using many other bantering expressions.
During this unfortunate battle, Centeno was so ill that he was carried
on a kind of litter by six Indians, almost in a state of insensibility;
yet, by the care and attention of some of his friends, he was saved
after the defeat of his army. In this bloody engagement, which was
fought near a place called Guarina, above three hundred and fifty men
were slain on the side of the royalists, besides thirty more who were
put to death in the pursuit by the insurgent cavalry. Among these were,
the major-general Luis de Ribera, the captains Retamoso, Diego Lopez de
Zuniga, Negral, Pantoia, and Diego Alvarez, with Friar Gonzalo of the
order of Mercy, and several other persons of condition. The insurgents
lost about an hundred men. After the battle, Carvajal pursued the
fugitives at the head of the insurgent cavalry for several days, on the
road towards Cuzco. He was very anxious to take the bishop of Cuzco,
against whom he was much incensed for having joined Centeno and being
present in the battle. The bishop however made his escape; but Carvajal
gratified his revenge on several royalists whom he got up with, all of
whom he hung up without mercy, among whom were a brother of the bishop
and a Dominican friar. After the return of Carvajal from the pursuit,
Gonzalo made a distribution of lands and Indians among his troops,
engaging to put them into possession at a convenient opportunity. He
likewise took great care of his wounded men, and caused the slain to be
buried. He then sent Bovadilla with a detachment to the city of La Plata
and the mines, to collect all the gold and silver that could be
procured, and dispatched Diego de Carvajal, usually called the _Beau_,
on a similar mission to Arequipa. Juan de la Torre was sent to take
possession of Cuzco, where he put to death Vasquez de Tapia and the
licentiate Martel.
After this favourable turn of affairs, Pizarro issued a proclamation by
which all the soldiers who had served under Centeno were commanded to
join his standard, under pain of death; granting an amnesty for all that
passed, with the exception only of those principal leaders who had
particularly exerted themselves for the royal cause. He then sent Pedro
de Bustincia with a detachment, to oblige the curacas of Andaguaylas and
the neighbouring districts to furnish provisions for his army. A few
days afterwards Gonzalo repaired to Cuzco with about four hundred men,
and used every effort to put himself into a situation for opposing the
president; being so elated by the victory he had gained at Guarina over
such superior numbers, that he and his followers believed themselves
almost invincible.
While these things were going on in the south of Peru, the president
marched by the mountain road for the valley of Jauja, accompanied by
the troops which he had brought from the Tierra Firma, and those of the
captains Diego de Mora, Gomez de Alvarado, Juan de Saavedra, Porcel, and
the others that had assembled in Caxamarca. He sent orders likewise to
Salazar, who now commanded at Quito, to join him with all his men; and
ordered Lorenzo de Aldana to join him from Lima with all the soldiers
from the fleet and those he had drawn together after the flight of
Gonzalo to Arequipa. The president arrived first of all at Jauja with an
escort of an hundred men, where he immediately took the proper measures
for collecting arms and military stores, and provisions. On the same day
he was joined by the licentiate Carvajal and Gabriel de Royas; and soon
afterwards Ferdinand Mexia de Guzman, and Juan Alphonzo Palamino arrived
with their companies. Lorenzo de Aldana remained at Lima with his own
company, it being of great importance to keep possession of that city
and its post. In a short time the president had collected an army of
above fifteen hundred men in Jauja, and employed all the forges and
artists he could procure to fabricate new musquets, to put all the old
ones into good repair, and to provide abundance of pikes and all other
arms, both offensive and defensive. In these preparations he not only
exerted the utmost diligence, but shewed a great deal of intelligence
and knowledge, far beyond what could tare been expected from a person
who had hitherto been entirely occupied in civil and religious pursuits.
He carefully visited his camps, and inspected the workmen who were
employed by his orders, taking at the same time every possible care of
such of his soldiers as were sick, exerting himself to the utmost in
every thing relative to the good of the service, beyond what could have
been expected from any single person, by which means he acquired the
entire confidence and affection of all who were under his command. His
army had always been in hope that their services would not be required,
and even at one time believed that the president would not have had
occasion to assemble an army, as they thought that Centeno was strong
enough to have conquered Gonzalo.
Immediately on receiving intelligence of the victory which Gonzalo had
gained at Guarina, the president sent the captains Lope Martin and
Mercadillo, with a detachment of fifty men, to occupy the passes of
Guamanga, about thirty leagues from Jauja on the way to Cuzco, to learn
the motions of the enemy, and to collect all who might have been able
to escape from Cuzco. While at Guamanga, Lope Martin got notice that
Pedro de Bustincia was in the district of Andahuaylas collecting
provisions for the army of Gonzalo, as formerly mentioned. Accompanied
by fifteen mounted musqueteers, Martin went into that district, where he
unexpectedly attacked Bustincia during the night, and made him and all
his people prisoners. After hanging some of these men, he returned to
Guamanga, bringing all the curacas of the neighbourhood along with him,
by whose means intelligence was conveyed to all parts of the country,
giving notice of the arrival of the president in the valley of Jauja,
and the great preparations he was making in that place.
From Jauja the president sent his lieutenant-general, Alfonzo de
Alvarado, to bring up from Lima all the soldiers that could be spared
from that place, together with some pieces of artillery from the ships,
and clothes and money for the supply of such of the soldiers as were in
want; all of which services were performed by Alvarado in a short time.
The president now mustered his army, of which Pedro Alfonzo de Hinojosa
was lieutenant-general, and the licenciate Bendicto de Carvajal carried
the royal standard, Don Pedro de Cabrera, Gomez de Alvarado, Juan de
Saavedra, Diego de Mora, Francisco Hernandez, Rodrigo de Salazar, and
Alfonzo de Mendoza were captains of cavalry; Don Balthazar de Castillo,
Pablo de Menezes, Hernando Mexia de Guzman, Juan Alfonzo Palomino, Gomez
de Solis, Francisco Mosquera, Don Ferdinand de Cardinas, the adelantado
Andagoya, Francisco d'Olmos, Gomez d'Arias, and three other captains,
Porcel, Pardaval, and Serna, commanded the infantry. Gabriel de Royas
was appointed to command the artillery. Besides the military officers
already mentioned, the president was attended by the archbishop of Lima,
the bishops of Cuzco and Quito, the provincials of the Dominicans and of
the order of Mercy, and by several other ecclesiastics, both priests and
friars. On a general muster and review of the army, it was found to
consist of seven hundred musqueteers, five hundred pikemen, and four
hundred cavalry. Afterwards, on arriving at Xaquixaguana on the march
towards Cuzco, it was augmented to nineteen hundred men, by the junction
of several other detachments, forming the largest and best appointed
array hitherto seen in Peru.
The president, having completed his preparations, began his march from
Jauja in good order on the 19th of December 1547, taking the route of
Cuzco, and especially desirous of crossing the river Abancay[34] in some
safe place. In this part of his march he was joined by Pedro de
Valdivia, the governor of Chili. Valdivia had come by sea to Lima, on
purpose to raise men, and to procure various stores of which he was in
want, with clothing and ammunition, on purpose to enable him to proceed
in the conquest of Chili. On his arrival at Lima, and learning the
situation of affairs in Peru, he determined upon joining the president.
His arrival was considered as an indication of good fortune; for,
although the president had already in his army many officers of merit
and capacity, and of eminent rank and fortune, there was not any one in
Peru who possessed so much experience in the manner of conducting
warlike operations in that country as Valdivia, on which account he was
considered as a fit person to be opposed to the experience and
stratagems of Carvajal, who was much dreaded by every one in the
presidents army, more especially since the late defeat of Centeno, which
was entirely attributed to the talents of Carvajal. About the same time
Centeno joined the president with more than thirty horse, who had
accompanied him ever since the defeat of Guarina. Continuing his march
amid considerable difficulties, owing to the scarcity of provisions, the
president at length reached the province of Andahuaylas, where he judged
it proper to remain during the winter, on account of the violent rains
which fell night and day almost without ceasing, by which the tents were
all rotted. The maize which they procured as food for the troops was all
wet and spoiled, by which a considerable number of the soldiers were
afflicted with dysentery, of which some died, notwithstanding the care
taken of the sick by Francisco de la Rocha, a Trinitarian monk, who
acted as physician to the army. Although there were above four hundred
sick at one time, so great was the care bestowed, that they were as well
attended and as plentifully supplied with medicines as if in a populous
city, insomuch that they almost all recovered.
[Footnote 34: Rather the Pachacamac, near which the town or city of
Abancay is situated, and where probably the president proposed to pass
that river.--E.]
The arrival of Valdivia and Centeno diffused much joy through the army,
which was expressed in frequent feasts and entertainments, with concerts
of music, running at the ring, and similar amusements. During the
continuance of the army in winter quarters at Andahuaylas, the general
Hinojosa with Alfonzo de Alvarado and Valdivia applied themselves
indefatigably to have every thing in the best possible order for taking
the field. On the commencement of spring, and when the rains began
sensibly to diminish, the army broke up from Andahuaylas and marched to
the bridge of Abancay, about twenty leagues from Cuzco, where it halted
until bridges were constructed across the Apurimac at the distance of
twelve leagues from Cuzco[35], as the enemy had broken down all the
bridges over that river, and it was necessary either to construct new
ones, or to make a circuit of more than seventy leagues to get to Cuzco.
On purpose to distract the enemy, the president caused materials for the
construction of bridges to be carried to three different points on the
Apurimac; one on the great road of the Incas[36], a second in the valley
of Cotabamba, about twelve leagues farther up the river, and a third
still farther up the Apurimac, at a village belonging to Don Pedro de
Puertocarrero, where that officer was posted with a hundred men to guard
the passage. For the construction of these bridges cables and ropes were
prepared, after the manner of the native Peruvians as formerly described
in our general account of the country; and beams and pillars were got
ready on which to fix the cables when the army should be collected at
the intended place of passing the river. Had Gonzalo been able to
ascertain the place at which it was intended to pass, he had assuredly
opposed the royalists, and would at least have made it exceedingly
difficult for them to construct a bridge; but as he could not ascertain
the actual point fixed on, he did not consider it safe to divide his
force so as to oppose the royalists at the three points of
demonstration, and satisfied himself therefore by posting spies at the
different places, to bring him immediate notice of the place where the
royalists might begin their operations, that he might know where to
march to oppose them. But the secret was confined to the knowledge of
the president, and the members of his council of war.
[Footnote 35: Abancay on the Pachacamac is not above 14 Spanish leagues
from Cuzco in a straight line. The other bridges mentioned in the text
must have been thrown over the Apurimac Proper, somewhere near the town
or village of Limatambo.--E.]
[Footnote 36: This was probably by Limatambo, as on the great road the
Incas had palaces for lodging in with their attendants, called
_tambos_.--E.]
When all the materials were in readiness, the army began its march for
Cotabamba, at which place it was determined to pass the river. In this
march the army had to encounter very considerable difficulties in
passing through mountains covered with snow. Several of the captains
were of opinion that this was an improper route, and proposed another
place almost fifty[37], leagues higher up; but Lope Martin, who guarded
the pass of Cotabamba, always insisted that the securest passage was to
be had at that place. In consequence of this difference of opinion, the
president sent Valdivia and three other captains to examine the
different places; and on their report that Cotabamba was attended by the
least difficulty and danger, that place was fixed upon. When Lope Martin
got information that the army approached to Cotabamba, he set to work
with the Spaniards and Indians of his detachment, to extend and tighten
the cables and ropes across the river, of which the main support of the
bridge was to be composed. Three of the cables were already fixed, when
the spies employed by Gonzalo came to the place, and cut two of them
without resistance. On this intelligence being communicated to the army,
it gave much concern to the president and his officers, lest Gonzalo
might bring up his forces to dispute the passage before the army could
be able to get over. The president, therefore, accompanied by his
principal officers, Hinojosa Alvarado and Valdivia, hastened to the scite
of the bridge, where he immediately gave orders for some companies of
infantry to pass the river on Peruvian flat boats or rafts, which was
deemed a very hazardous enterprize, both on account of the rapidity of
the current, and because it was believed the enemy might be in some force
on the other side. Among the first who got over was Hondegardo with a
few soldiers, after whom several other captains of infantry got across
with their men, so that before night above four hundred men were got
over, some of whom swam over their horses along with the flat boats,
holding them by the bridles, and having their musquets and other arms
tied to the saddles. Yet so rapid was the current, that above sixty
horses were lost on this occasion, either drowned or dashed against
the rocks.
[Footnote 37: This may probably be an error of the press in the original
for _fifteen_ leagues. Fifty leagues even from Abancay would have
carried the army almost to Arequipa, to turn the head of the Apurimac,
and among the highest mountains of Peru.--E.]
On receiving notice from his spies that a part of the royalists had got
across the river, Gonzalo sent off Juan d'Acosta with two hundred
mounted musqueteers, with orders to give no quarter to any of those who
had passed the river, excepting such as had newly come from Spain. On
the approach of Acosta, as the royalists then on that side of the river
were not numerous, they mounted a considerable number of Indians and
negroes on the horses which had been got over, arming them with lances,
and by that means presented the appearance of a formidable squadron
drawn up on a height, the few Spanish troops who were on that side of
the river being placed in the front rank; insomuch that, when Acosta
went to reconnoitre, they appeared so numerous that he did not venture
to attack; and returned for a reinforcement. In the mean time, the
bridge being got ready with the utmost possible diligence, most of the
royalists passed the river, every one expressing the utmost astonishment
at the negligence of Gonzalo in not being at hand to dispute the
passage, as a hundred men at each of the three places where preparations
had been made for passing, might have rendered the attempt exceedingly
hazardous.
Next day, when all the army with its stores and followers had passed the
river, Don Juan de Sandoval was sent out upon discovery, who reported on
his return that he had advanced three leagues into the country without
seeing any thing of the insurgents. Hinojosa and Valdivia were then
ordered to advance with several companies of infantry to occupy the
passes in the neighbouring mountain, as Gonzalo might have given them
much trouble if he had taken possession of these heights, which were
above a league and a half in ascent; and this order was happily executed
without meeting with any resistance. When Acosta retreated from the
river, in consequence of believing himself too weak to attack those who
had passed, he sent to demand a reinforcement from Gonzalo of a hundred
musqueteers, with the aid of whom he alleged he would be enabled to
defeat the royalist party which had crossed. At this time one Juan
Nunnez de Prado deserted from him to the president, and gave him notice
of the succours which were expected by Acosta. Believing therefore that
Gonzalo would advance with all his forces, the president took post on
the ridge of the mountain with above nine hundred men, both cavalry and
infantry, and remained under arms all night. Next morning, Acosta
advanced with the reinforcement he had demanded, and the scouts of the
president brought notice of his approach. On this intelligence,
believing the whole army of the insurgents at hand, the president sent
his major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado back to the river, to bring up
the artillery and the rest of the army: And as the colours of Pizarro
came in sight, before the return of Alvarado, the president drew up his
nine hundred men in order of battle, giving all the necessary orders in
case of being attacked. But in a short time, it was discovered that
these precautions were unnecessary, as Acosta soon retreated with his
three hundred men, on seeing the greatly superior force of the
royalists.
The president remained two or three days in the position he had taken on
the summit of the mountain, waiting for his artillery and the rest of
his army. While at that place, Gonzalo sent him a message by a priest,
demanding that he should dismiss his army, and refrain from making war
against him till he should receive new orders from his majesty. On this
occasion, the bishop of Cuzco, who was along with the president, ordered
the priest into confinement. A little time before this, Gonzalo had
dispatched another priest, to endeavour to gain over Hinojosa and
Alvarado to his party, But that messenger, being resolved to desert the
party of the insurgents, had taken measures in concert with his brother
to go off in company with all their effects, in which they succeeded. At
this time likewise the president wrote to Gonzalo, as he had repeatedly
done during his march, earnestly entreating him to submit to the orders
of his majesty, and sending him at the same time a copy of the amnesty.
The usual manner in which these dispatches was forwarded to Gonzalo, was
by means of the scouts of the army, who had orders to give them to those
belonging to Gonzalo when they chanced to meet.
When it was known at Cuzco that the president had crossed the river
Apurimac with all his army, and had taken possession of the pass in the
high mountain, Gonzalo Pizarro immediately marched out from that city
with his army and encamped at Xaquixaguana, about five leagues from
Cuzco, in a plain through which the road passed by which the royalists
would have to march on their way from the mountain towards Cuzco. His
army at this time consisted of five hundred and fifty musqueteers, with
six pieces of cannon, and three hundred and fifty cavalry and pikemen.
Gonzalo established his camp in a very strong position, as it was only
accessible in front by means of a very narrow defile, one flank being
secured by a river and morass, the other flank by the mountain, and the
rear by precipitous rocks. During two or three days, that the two
armies remained near each other before the battle, Gonzalo sometimes
detached a hundred and sometimes two hundred men to skirmish with
similar parties of the enemy. As the royalist army was now encamped only
at a short distance from the insurgents, Gonzalo was afraid his troops
might lose courage by noticing the vast superiority of the enemy in
number, and that many of his men might abandon him; for which reason he
always drew up his men under cover of a rising ground near his camp,
pretending that he did so to induce the president to attack him in his
present advantageous post, confiding in his numbers and believing the
insurgents much fewer than they really were.
After the president had passed the mountains and pitched his camp on the
descent towards the plain, within view of the insurgents, Gonzalo drew
up his army in order of battle, and caused some discharges to be made
from his cannon and musquetry. On that day there arose so thick a mist,
that the scouts and spies of the two armies often came against each
other unexpectedly. Seeing that the insurgents were disposed to await
his attack, or even to give battle, the president was inclined to defer
bringing matters to that extremity for some time, in the hope that a
considerable number of the enemy might come over to him if they could
find an opportunity. Yet, as the season was exceedingly cold, even
accompanied with strong frost, and as wood could not be procured for
making fires, and provisions were scarce, it was impossible to remain
long in a state of inaction. The army of Gonzalo was not subject to any
of these inconveniencies, having plenty of provisions brought regularly
from Cuzco, and being encamped in a comfortable and temperate situation
in comparison with the position of the president, whose camp was on the
slope of the mountain, while that of the insurgents was in the plain or
valley below. Such is the difference in the temperature of Peru at very
inconsiderable distances, that on the mountains a severe cold is
experienced, accompanied by frost and snow, while only at eight or ten
miles distance in the valley the inhabitants are obliged to use
precautions to relieve them from excessive heat.
Gonzalo and his lieutenant-general, Carvajal, had formed an arrangement
for a night attack upon the president, intending to have assailed his
camp in three points at the same time; but they were induced to abandon
this project, in consequence of the desertion of one of their soldiers
named Nava, who communicated their intentions to the president. By this
person and some others who had joined him from the army of Gonzalo, the
president was advised to delay coming to battle as long as possible; as
they were certain that many of the followers of Gonzalo would take the
first favourable opportunity of returning to their duty, more especially
those soldiers who had served under Centeno, and who had been
constrained after his defeat to enter into the ranks of the insurgents
to save their lives. In expectation of the proposed attack, the
president kept his army the whole of that night under arms, by which
they suffered, much distress from the extreme coldness of the weather on
the mountain, so that many of the soldiers were hardly able to keep hold
of their arms, and waited impatiently for day. At daylight, a party of
musqueteers belonging to Gonzalo was observed in march to gain
possession of a height in the neighbourhood of the royal camp. Mexia and
Palomino were immediately detached, with three hundred musqueteers, to
dislodge them, and Valdivia and Alvarado advanced in the same direction,
so that the enemy were soon forced to retire. During this skirmish, the
president marched down from the mountain with the main body of his army,
in the direction of Cuzco, under cover of the hill on which the skirmish
had taken place; and, to distract the attention of the enemy, a small
detachment of cavalry and infantry was ordered to advance in view of the
insurgent camp from that hill. On the arrival of Valdivia and Alvarado
at the top of the hill, observing that it was possible to cannonade the
camp of the enemy from that place, they sent orders to Gabriel de Royas
to bring up the artillery. On this occasion, De Royas promised a reward
of five hundred crowns for each ball that should reach the enemy: In
fact he paid that sum about a year afterwards to one of his gunners, who
sent a ball through the tent of Gonzalo, which was exceedingly
conspicuous, by which one of his pages was slain. In consequence of this
incident, Gonzalo ordered all the tents to be struck, that they might
not serve as marks for the cannoneers of the president. He likewise
ordered his own artillery to commence firing, and drew up his army in
order of battle, taking his own station at the head of his cavalry,
which was commanded by the licentiate Cepeda and Juan d'Acosta. Carvajal
was at the head of the infantry, having under him the captains Juan de
la Torre, Diego Guillen, Juan Velasquez de Guevara, Francisco
Maldonado, and Sebastian de Vergara. Pedro de Soria commanded his
artillery. When the insurgent army was drawn up in order of battle, the
numerous Indians that were attached to it quitted the camp, and posted
themselves in view of both armies on the slope of a neighbouring hill.
While the artillery on both sides kept up a constant fire, the royalist
army descended from the mountain without keeping any regular order, and
in all possible haste, the cavalry all on foot leading their horses,
both on account of the ruggedness of the ground and the better to avoid
the cannonade from the enemy, as they had no shelter from the balls.
Immediately on getting down to the plain, the troops were drawn up in
order of battle; the infantry in two battalions in the centre, and the
cavalry on the two wings. The cavalry of the left wing was commanded by
the captains Juan Saavedra, Diego de Mora, Rodrigo Salazar, and
Francisco Hernandez de Aldana. The royal standard was displayed by the
licentiate Carvajal in the right wing, in which likewise were posted the
captains Don Pedro de Cabrera, Alfonso Mercadillo, and Gomez de
Alvarado. The infantry marched between the wings of horse, but a little
farther in advance, under the captains Ramirez, De Castro, De Solis,
Cardenas, Menezes, Mosquera, De la Cerna, Urbina, Aliaga, De Robles, De
Arias, and De Olmos. A little in advance of the infantry, Alfonso de
Mendoza marched with his troop of horse to commence the attack,
accompanied by Centeno, who was determined to exert himself on this
occasion in revenge for his defeat at Guarina. Pedro de Villavicentio
acted as serjeant-major or adjutant-general of the army. The president,
accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, was a little on one side, on the
slope of the mountain, by which the major-general Alvarado and Valdivia
brought down the artillery and the three hundred musqueteers commanded
by Mexia and Palomino. On getting into the plain, this body of
musqueteers divided in two, Mexia marching to the right along the river,
and Palomino keeping to the left along the skirts of the mountain.
While the royalist artillery was coming down the mountain, the
licentiate Cepeda, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Alfonso de Piedra, with
several other persons of rank and some private soldiers, abandoned
Gonzalo to surrender themselves to the president. They were closely
pursued by Pedro Martin de Cicilia and some others of the insurgents,
who wounded several of these deserters. The horse of Cepeda was killed
under him by the thrust of a lance, and himself wounded, and he had
assuredly been either taken or killed unless promptly succoured by order
of the president. In the mean time Gonzalo kept his troops in firm
array, waiting for the enemy, and in expectation that they might attack
him in confusion and be easily defeated, as had happened in the battle
of Guarina. Hinojosa on his side, advanced with the royalists in the
best order and at a slow pace, to within musquet-shot of the insurgents,
where he halted in some low ground, in such a situation that his men
were secure from the cannon-balls of the enemy, which all flew over
their heads, although the gunners used every effort to depress their
guns so as to fire low. At this time the platoons of musquetry on the
wings of both armies kept up a close fire, Alvarado and Valdivia using
every effort to cause their men take good aim, while the president and
archbishop encouraged their gunners to fire quickly and to purpose;
making them often change the direction of their guns, as circumstances
appeared to require.
Observing that several of the soldiers of Gonzalo were endeavouring to
abandon him and were hotly pursued, Centeno and Mendoza advanced with
the cavalry under their command, on purpose to protect all who wished to
come over. All those who quitted the insurgents, urged the commanders of
the royal army not to advance to the charge, as they were certain the
far greater part of the army of Gonzalo would abandon him, so that he
would be easily defeated without any danger to the royalists, and with
little effusion of blood. At this time, a platoon of thirty musqueteers,
finding themselves near the royal army, came over in a body and
surrendered themselves. Gonzalo wished to have these men pursued and
brought back; but the attempt threw his troops into confusion, and his
whole army began instantly to break up, some fleeing towards Cuzco,
while others went over to the president and surrendered themselves. Some
of the insurgent officers were so confounded by this sudden and
universal derout, that they neither had presence of mind to flee or to
fight. On seeing this hopeless turn of his affairs, Gonzalo lost all
courage, and exclaimed in despair, "Since all surrender to the king, so
must I also." It is reported, that Juan d'Acosta endeavoured to
encourage him, saying, "let us rush upon the thickest of the enemy, and
die like Romans;" to which Gonzalo is reported to have answered, "It is
better to die like Christians."
At this time, Gonzalo observing the serjeant-major of the royalists near
him, surrendered to him, giving up a long small sword which he had used
instead of a lance, as he had previously broken his lance upon some of
his own men who were running away. He was immediately conducted to the
president, to whom he used some very imprudent expressions, and by whom
he was committed to the custody of Centeno. About the same time with
Gonzalo, most of his officers were made prisoners. The lieutenant-general
Carvajal endeavoured to save himself by flight, meaning to hide himself
among some tall reeds in a marsh during the night; but his horse stuck
fast in the morass, and he was brought prisoner to the president by some
of his own men. In the pursuit, some of the insurgents were killed,
but most of their officers were made prisoners.
After the entire derout of the enemy, the soldiers of the royal army
pillaged the camp of the insurgents, where they made a prodigious
plunder in gold, silver, horses, mules, and rich baggage, by which many
of them acquired considerable riches, some individuals having acquired
so much as five or six thousand ducats. One of the soldiers happened to
fall in with a fine mule having a load on his back, which seemed to
consist only of clothes, he therefore cut the cords and threw off the
load, carrying off the mule alone; immediately after which three other
soldiers, more experienced in such matters, opened up the pack, which
they found to contain a considerable quantity of gold and silver wrapped
up in Indian cloaks for better concealment, worth five or six thousand
ducats.
As the army was much fatigued by the operations of that day; besides
being under arms all night, the president allowed the men to rest one
day, yet thought it necessary to dispatch the two Captains Mexia and De
Robles with their companies to Cuzco, to prevent those soldiers who had
pursued the fugitives towards that place from entering and plundering
the city and killing a number of the inhabitants; more especially as
many might now feel inclined to act from particular enmity towards such
as had given them offence during the late troubles, under pretence of
following up the victory. Those captains were likewise directed to
secure such of the officers and soldiers of the defeated army as had
fled in that direction. Next day, the president gave orders to the
licentiate Cianca, one of the new oydors, and Alfonzo de Alvarado, his
major-general, to bring the prisoners to trial. No other proof was
requisite against Gonzalo Pizarro than his own acknowledgment and the
notoriety of his having been in open rebellion against the sovereign. He
was condemned to be beheaded, and that his head should be fixed in a
niche or recess on the gibbet at Lima, secured by a trellis or net-work
of iron through which it might be visible, with this inscription above.
"The head of Gonzalo Pizarro, a traitor and rebel, who revolted against
the royal authority in Peru, and presumed to give battle to the army
under the royal standard in the valley of Xaquixaguana." His whole
estates and property of every kind were confiscated; and his house in
Cuzco was ordered to be rased, and salt sown upon its scite, on which a
pillar or monument was to be erected with a suitable inscription to
perpetuate the remembrance of his crime and condign punishment. Gonzalo
was executed on the day of his trial, dying like a good Christian.
While in prison and till his death, Centeno, to whose custody he had
been committed, treated him with much civility, and would not allow any
one to insult his fallen greatness. When about to be put to death,
Gonzalo made a gift of the magnificent dress which he then wore to the
executioner; but Centeno paid its full value to the executioner, that
the body might not be stripped and exposed till carried away for
interment; and next day he had it carried to Cuzco and respectfully
buried. But the head, pursuant to the sentence, was carried to Lima.
On the same day in which Pizarro was beheaded, his lieutenant-general
Carvajal was drawn and quartered, and eight or nine of the insurgent
captains were hanged; and in the sequel several others of the principal
persons concerned in the revolt were punished when taken[38]. On the day
following the president went to Cuzco with all his army, whence he sent
Alfonzo de Mendoza with a detachment into Las Charcas, to make prisoners
of those who had been sent into that district by Gonzalo in quest of
silver, and such as might have fled thither from the battle. On account
of the rich mines in the province of Las Charcas, especially Potosi, it
was supposed that many of the fugitives had taken refuge in that place,
to which Hondegardo was sent as lieutenant-governor and captain-general,
with orders to chastise all those of the inhabitants who had been guilty
either of favouring Gonzalo, or of neglecting to repair to the royal
standard on the summons of the president. Along with Hondegardo,
Gabriel de Royas was sent as receiver of the royal fifth and other
tributes belonging to the king, and of the fines which the governor
might inflict on the disaffected and recusants. As De Royas soon died,
Hondegardo had to discharge the united functions of governor and
receiver of the province, and in a short space of time he amassed
treasure to the amount of 3,600,000 livres[39], which he transmitted to
the president.
[Footnote 38: Yet the Historian of American, II. 392., says that "Gasca,
happy in his bloodless victory, did not stain it with cruelty; Pizarro,
Carvajal, and a small number of the most distinguished or notorious
offenders being punished capitally." The executions seem however to have
been sufficiently numerous, considering that the whole rebel army before
the battle was only nine hundred strong, many of whom went over to the
victor, and all the rest disbanded without fighting.--E.]
[Footnote 39: L.157,000, if French livres are to be understood, and
worth near a million sterling at the present value of money compared
with that period,--E.]
The president remained for some time at Guzco, occupied in punishing the
insurgents according to the greatness of their crimes. Those whom he
deemed most guilty, he condemned to be drawn in pieces by four horses,
others he ordered to be hanged; some to be whipt, and others were sent
to the galleys. He applied himself likewise with much attention to
restore the kingdom to good order. In virtue of the authority confided
to him by the king, he granted pardons to all who, having been in arms
in the valley of Xaquixaguana, had abandoned Gonzalo and joined the
royal standard. These pardons referred to all public crimes of which
they had been guilty during the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, yet
leaving them liable to answer in civil actions for every thing
respecting their conduct to individuals. This battle of Xaquixaguana,
which will be long famous in Peru, was fought on Monday the 9th of April
1548.
When the president had dispatched the most urgent affairs connected with
the suppression of the rebellion, there yet remained an object of great
importance for the quiet of the kingdom, which was surrounded with many
difficulties. This was with regard to the dismissal of the army, in such
a manner that so great a number of soldiers set free from the restraints
of discipline might not occasion troubles similar to those now put an
end to. On purpose to succeed in this delicate affair, the utmost
prudence was requisite, as almost every soldier in the army considered
himself entitled to one of the best of the vacant repartimientos, and as
the number of the troops exceeded 2500 men, while there were only 150
repartimientos to distribute. Hence it was quite obvious, that instead
of being able to gratify every claimant, far the greater part must be
dissatisfied. After a serious deliberation on this important subject,
the president went to a place in the province of Apurimac, about twelve
leagues from Cuzco, accompanied only by the archbishop and one
secretary, on purpose to have leisure for mature reflection at a
distance from the perpetual importunities of the claimants. In this
place, they made the best distribution in their power of the vacant
repartitions, giving sufficient means of living in a respectable manner
to the captains and other persons of consideration, each in proportion
to their respective merits and the services they had been of in
suppressing the late rebellion, giving new repartitions to those who had
none, and increasing those of others. On this occasion it was found that
they had vacant repartitions to distribute to the value of a million of
gold crowns in yearly rent. The greater number of the most valuable and
extensive repartitions had become vacant during the troubles, partly
from their former possessors having been put to death by Gonzalo, either
under pretence of guilt in opposing his rebellion, or in the various
engagements during the troubles. The president had likewise capitally
punished several to whom Gonzalo had given repartitions. It must however
be remarked, that several of these most valuable repartimientos had been
retained by Gonzalo for his own benefit, under pretence of providing for
the expences of the war.
In making the new grants, the president retained the power of granting
pensions upon some of the most extensive repartitions, of three or four
thousand ducats from each, more or less according to their respective
values, on purpose to have the power of dividing the money among such
soldiers as he could not otherwise reward, to enable them to procure
arms, horses, and other necessaries, meaning to send them off in various
directions to discover and subdue the country which was hitherto
unoccupied. Having thus regulated every thing to the best of his power,
the president thought proper to retire to Lima, and sent the archbishop
to Cuzco to publish the regulations and distribution of repartimientos,
and to make payment of the several rewards in money which had been
agreed upon. The arrangement of this affair occasioned much
dissatisfaction among the soldiers, every one believing himself better
entitled to some allotments of lands and Indians than several of those
who had acquired such grants. All the fair speeches and promises of the
archbishop and the principal officers were insufficient to quiet the
murmurs and discontents of the troops, which even produced some
commotions and seditious conspiracies, in which it was proposed to seize
upon the archbishop and the chief officers of the army and government,
and to send the licentiate Cienca with a remonstrance to the president,
demanding of him to recal the repartition which he had decreed, and to
make a new one more favourable to their wishes. They even threatened to
revolt, and to take possession by force of what they considered due to
their services. The licentiate Cienca, who had been appointed chief
justice at Cuzco, had established so excellent a system of police that
he had immediate notice of all these plots and commotions, and was soon
enabled to restore order and tranquillity by arresting and punishing the
principal agitators of these threatened troubles, by which he
effectually checked the spirit of mutiny and insubordination, and
averted at least for the present the danger of a new civil war in the
kingdom.
Before leaving Cuzco, the president had renewed the commission of
Valdivia as governor of Chili, as a reward for the services he had
rendered in the late war against Gonzalo. On purpose to provide the
reinforcements of men, horses, and arms, which were necessary for
defending and extending his conquests in that province, Valdivia went to
Lima as the most convenient situation for procuring what he wanted.
Having completed all his preparations, he embarked all his men and
military stores at the port of Callao, and sent them off for Chili; but
chose to go himself by land to Arequipa, where he proposed to take
shipping in his way back to his government. A report was made to the
president, that Valdivia had engaged some officers and soldiers from
among those who had been sentenced to banishment from Peru, and even
some of those who had been condemned to the galleys, on account of the
share they had taken in the late rebellion. In consequence of this
information, the president sent his lieutenant-general Hinojosa with
orders to bring Valdivia before him to answer for his conduct in these
things which were laid to his charge. As Valdivia was accompanied by a
considerable number of men he believed himself in condition to resist
this mandate, and refused the earnest solicitations of Hinojosa to go
back along with him to the president. But, as Hinojosa observed that
Valdivia took no precautions to prevent his arrest, and had no
suspicions that any force would be used against him, he resolved to
attempt to make him prisoner with the assistance only of six
musqueteers, in which he succeeded without opposition. In this
situation, Valdivia very properly determined to submit with a good
grace, and so satisfactorily explained his conduct to the president,
that he was allowed to resume his voyage, and to take all those people
along with him whom he had engaged.
Every thing in Peru being now reduced to good order, the president gave
permission to all the citizens and other inhabitants of the country, who
had hitherto served in his army, to retire to their homes, to look after
the re-establishment of their private affairs, which had, suffered great
injury from the unavoidable losses experienced during the rebellion, and
their own necessary expences in the field. He likewise sent off several
officers with detachments upon new discoveries, and appointed the
licentiate Carvajal lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, taking up his own
residence at Lima, which was the seat of government. About this time an
hundred and fifty Spaniards arrived at the city of La Plata, having
travelled all the way from the mouth of the Rio Plata under the command
of Domingo de Yrala to that part of the country which had formerly been
discovered by Diego de Royas, and were now come into Peru to solicit the
president to appoint some one to act as governor of the country on the
Rio Plata which they proposed to settle. He accordingly nominated Diego
de Centeno to that new government, with authority to raise as many more
men as he could procure, to enable him to complete the discovery and
conquest of that country. When all their preparations were completed,
and they were on the point of setting out on the march, Centeno died,
and the president appointed another captain in his place.
The Rio Plata, or River of Silver, derives its source from the high
mountains continually covered with snow which lie between the cities of
Lima and Cuzco[40]. From these mountains four principal rivers flow,
which derive their names from the provinces through which they pass. The
Apurimac, Vilcas, Abancay, and Jauja. This last derives its source from
a lake in the province of Bombon[41], the most level and yet the highest
plain in all Peru, where accordingly it snows or hails almost
continually. This lake is quite crowded with small islands, which are
covered with reeds, flags, and other aquatic plants, and the borders of
the lake are inhabited by many Indians.
[Footnote 40: Zarate is extremely erroneous in his account of the
sources of the Rio Plata. All the streams which rise from the Peruvian
mountains in the situation indicated, and for seven or eight degrees
farther south, and which run to the eastwards, contribute towards the
mighty Maranon or River of the Amazons.--E.]
[Footnote 41: This is an egregious mistake; the Rio Jauja rises from the
lake of Chinchay Cocha in the province of Tarma, and runs _south_ to
join the Apurimac. The river Guanuco rises in the elevated plain of
Bombon, and runs _north_ to form the Gualagua, which joins the
Lauricocha or Tanguragua.--E.]
In the late war against Gonzalo Pizarro, the president incurred enormous
expences for the pay and equipment of his troops, for the purchase of
horses, arms, and warlike stores, and the fitting out and provisioning
of the ships which he employed. From his landing in the Tierra Firma to
the day of his final victory over Gonzalo, he had expended on these
necessary affairs more than nine hundred thousand dollars, most of which
he had borrowed from the merchants and other private individuals, as all
the royal revenues had been appropriated and dissipated by Gonzalo.
After the re-establishment of tranquillity, he applied himself to amass
treasure with the utmost diligence, both from the fifths belonging to
the king, and by means of fines and confiscations; insomuch that after
payment of his debts, he had a surplus of above a million and a half of
ducats, chiefly derived from the province of Las Charcas.
In his arrangements for the future government of the country, in
conformity with the royal ordinance, he took much care to prevent the
Indians from being oppressed. In consequence of the fatigues which they
underwent, in the carriage of immense loads, and by numbers of the
Spaniards wandering continually about the country attended by a train of
Indians to carry their baggage, vast numbers of them had perished.
Having re-established the royal audience, or supreme court of justice,
in Lima, he applied earnestly to regulate the tributes which were to be
paid by the Indians to the Spaniards upon fixed principles, which had
not been hitherto done on account of the wars and revolutions which had
distracted the country ever since its discovery and conquest. Before
this new arrangement, every Spaniard who possessed a repartimiento or
allotment of lands and Indians, used to receive from the curaca or
cacique of his district such tribute as he was able or willing to pay,
and many of the Spaniards often exacted larger sums from their Indians
than they were well able to afford, frequently plundering them of their
hard-earned property with lawless violence. Some even went so far as to
inflict tortures on their Indians, to compel them to give up every thing
they possessed, often carrying their cruelty to such a pitch as to put
them to death in the most wanton and unjustifiable manner. To put a stop
to these violent proceedings, the taxes of each province and district
were regulated in proportion to the number of Indian and Spanish
inhabitants which they respectively contained; and, in forming their
arrangements, the president and judges carefully inquired into the
productions of each province; such as its mines of gold and silver, the
quantity of its cattle, and other things of a similar nature, the taxes
on which were all regulated according to circumstances in the most
reasonable and equitable manner.
Having thus reduced the affairs of the kingdom to good order, all the
unemployed soldiers being sent off to different places, some to Chili,
others to the new province on the Rio Plata, and others to various new
discoveries under different commanders, and all who remained in Peru
being established in various occupations by which they might maintain
themselves, according to their inclinations and capacities, mostly in
the concerns of the mines, the president resolved to return, into Spain,
pursuant to the authority he had received from his majesty to do so when
he might see proper. One of his most powerful motives for returning to
Spain proceeded from his anxiety to preserve the large treasure he had
amassed for the king: as, having no military force for its protection,
he was afraid such great riches might excite fresh troubles and
commotions in the country. Having made all the necessary preparations
for his voyage, and embarked his treasure, without communicating his
intentions hitherto to any one, he assembled the magistrates of Lima,
and informed them of his intended voyage. They started many objections
to this measure; representing the inconveniencies which might arise from
his departure, before his majesty had sent out some other person to
replace him, either in the capacity of viceroy or president. He answered
all their objections, stating that the court of royal audience, and the
governors of the different provinces which they were authorized to
nominate, were sufficient to dispense justice and to regulate all
affairs, they at last consented; and immediately embarking, he set sail
for Panama.
Just before he sailed and while on board ship, the president made a new
partition of such lands and Indians as had become vacant since the
former distribution which he made at Cuzco. The number of vacant
repartimientos was considerable, in consequence of the death of Centeno,
De Royas, the licentiate Carvajal, and several other persons of rank;
and as there were many candidates who demanded loudly to be preferred,
he chose to defer the repartition till after he had embarked, as he was
unable to satisfy all the claimants, and was unwilling to expose himself
to the clamours of those whom he was unable to gratify. Having settled
all these distributions, he left the different deeds signed and sealed
with the secretary of the royal audience, with strict injunctions that
they should not be opened until eight days after his departure. Every
thing being finally concluded, he set sail from the port of Callao in
December 1549, accompanied by the Provincial of the Dominicans and Jerom
de Aliaga, who were appointed agents for the affairs of Peru at the
court of Spain. He was likewise accompanied by several gentlemen and
other considerable persons, who meant to return to Spain, carrying with
them all the wealth they had been able to acquire.
The voyage to Panama was prosperous. The president and all who were
along with him immediately landed at that place, and used the utmost
diligence to transport all the wealth belonging to his majesty and to
individuals, to Nombre de Dios, to which place they all went, and made
proper preparations for returning to Spain. Every one treated the
president with the same respect as when he resided in Peru, and he
behaved towards them with much civility and attention, keeping open
table for all who chose to visit him. This was at the royal expence; as
the president had stipulated for all his expences being defrayed by his
majesty, before leaving Spain on his mission to Peru. In this he acted
with much and prudent precaution; considering that the former governors
had been accused of living penuriously in proportion to their rich
appointments, and being satisfied that the administration in Spain would
not allow him a sufficient income to defray the great expences he must
incur in a country where every thing was enormously dear, he declined
accepting any specified salary, but demanded and obtained authority to
take from the royal funds all that was necessary for his personal
expence and the support of his household. He even used the precaution to
have this arrangement formally reduced to writing; and in the exercise
of this permission he employed a person expressly for the purpose of
keeping an exact account of all his expences, and of every thing that
was purchased for his table or otherwise, which were all accordingly
paid for from the royal coffers.
SECTION VII.
_Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, and
their unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma._
At this period an extraordinary attempt was made to intercept the
president in his passage through the Tierra Firma, and to gain
possession of the royal treasure under his charge, which will require
some elucidation for its distinct explanation. When Pedro Arias de
Avilla discovered the province of Nicaragua, of which he was appointed
governor, he married his daughter Donna Maria de Penalosa to Rodrigo de
Contreras, a respectable gentleman of Segovia. Some time afterwards,
Pedro Arias died, after having appointed his son-in-law to succeed him
in the government, and this appointment was confirmed by the court in
consideration of the merits and services of Contreras, who accordingly
continued governor of Nicaragua for several years. On the appointment of
a royal audience on the confines of Nicaragua and Guatimala, Contreras
was displaced from his government; and, in pursuance of the ordinance
which had occasioned so much commotion in Peru, both he and his wife
were deprived of their repartitions of lands and Indians, and the grants
which had been made to their children were likewise recalled. Contreras
went in consequence to Spain, to solicit a reparation of the injury he
had sustained, representing the services which had been performed to the
crown by the discovery, conquest, and settlement of Nicaragua, by his
father-in-law and himself; but his majesty and the council of the Indies
confirmed the decision of the royal audience, as conformable with the
regulations.
On receiving information of the bad success of their father, Ferdinand
and Pedro de Contreras were much chagrined, and rashly determined to
revolt and seize the government of the province. They persuaded
themselves with being joined by a sufficient force for this purpose,
confiding in the advice and assistance of a person named Juan de
Bermejo, and some other soldiers his companions, who had quitted Peru in
much discontent against the president, for not having sufficiently
rewarded them, in their own opinions, for their services in the war
against Gonzalo. Besides these men, several of those who had fought
under Gonzalo had taken refuge in Nicaragua, having been banished by the
president from Peru, all of whom joined themselves to the Contreras on
this occasion. By these people the young men were encouraged to erect
the standard of rebellion, assuring them, if they, could pass over into
Peru with two or three hundred men, sufficiently armed, that almost the
whole population of the kingdom would join their standards, as all were
exceedingly dissatisfied with the president for not rewarding their
services sufficiently. The Contreras accordingly began secretly to
collect soldiers, and to provide arms for this enterprize; and deeming
themselves sufficiently powerful to set justice at defiance, they
resolved to commence their revolt. As they considered the bishop of
Nicaragua among the most determined enemies of their father, they began
their operations by taking vengeance on him; for which purpose they sent
some soldiers to his house, who assassinated him while playing chess.
After this, they openly collected their followers and displayed their
standard, assuming the title of the _Army of Liberty_; and seizing a
sufficient number of vessels, they embarked on the Pacific Ocean with
the intention of intercepting the viceroy on his voyage from Lima to
Panama, intending to plunder him of all the treasure he was conveying to
Spain. For this purpose they steered in the first place for Panama, both
to gain intelligence of the proceedings of the president, and because
the navigation from thence to Peru was easier than from Nicaragua.
Embarking therefore with about three hundred men, they made sail for
Panama, and on their arrival at that place they learnt that the
president had already disembarked with all his treasure and attendants.
They now believed that every thing was favourable to their intentions,
and that by good fortune their desired prey had fallen into their hands.
Waiting therefore till night, they entered the port as quietly as
possible, believing that the president was still in Panama, and that
they might easily execute their enterprize without danger or resistance.
Their intelligence however was exceedingly defective, and their hopes
ill founded; for the president had left Panama with all his people three
days before, having previously sent off all his treasure to Nombre de
Dios, to which place he was likewise gone. In fact, by this diligence,
the president avoided the impending danger, without having the slightest
suspicion that any such might befal. Immediately on landing, the
brothers were informed that the president had already left the place; on
which they went to the house of Martin Ruiz de Marchena, treasurer of
the province, where they took possession of the money in the royal
coffers, amounting to 400,000 pesos in base silver, which had been left
there by the president in consequence of not having sufficient means of
transporting it to Nombre de Dios along with the rest. After this they
dragged Marchena, Juan de Larez, and some other respectable inhabitants
to the public square, threatening to hang them all unless they gave
immediate notice where the arms and money belonging to the province were
deposited. But all their threats were unable to force any discovery, and
they carried on board their ships all the treasure and other valuable
plunder they had procured.
Believing that the farther success of their enterprize depended on the
diligence they should exert in reaching Nombre de Dios to surprize the
president, before he might have time to embark or prepare for his
defence, they determined to proceed to that place without delay. For
this purpose, it was arranged that Ferdinand de Contreras should march
to Nombre de Dios with the greater part of the troops, while Juan de
Bermejo was to take post with an hundred men on a height near Panama, to
protect the rear of Ferdinand, to prevent pursuit, to be in readiness to
receive the valuable booty they expected, and to intercept such of the
attendants on the president as might escape in that direction from
Nombre de Dios. In the mean time, Pedro de Contreras was to remain on
board with a small number of men to protect the ships. All this was done
accordingly; but matters turned out in quite a different manner from
their expectations. Marchena got some information respecting their plan
of operations, and sent off two confidential intelligent negroes to give
notice to the president of what had occurred in Panama, and of the
ulterior designs of the Contreras. One of these negroes was directed to
travel the whole way by land, and the other to go by way of the small
river Chagre, which route had been taken by the president.
This river has its source in the mountains between Panama and Nombre de
Dios. Its course at first seems tending towards the Pacific Ocean; but
it suddenly makes a turn at a cataract, and after a farther run of
fourteen leagues it falls into the Atlantic; so that by means of a canal
only five leagues in length, from that river to the South Sea, a
navigation might be easily established between the two seas. It is true
that it would be necessary to cut this canal through mountains, and in a
country exceedingly uneven and full of rocks, so that the design has
hitherto appeared impracticable. Hence, in going from Panama to Nombre
de Dios by the river Chagre, it is necessary to travel by land in the
first place to that river below the fall, a distance of five leagues.
After descending to the mouth of the river, there still remains five or
six leagues to go by sea to Nombre de Dios. The messenger who was sent
by this road came up with the president before his arrival at Nombre de
Dios, and gave him an account of the events which had taken place at
Panama. Though much alarmed by this intelligence, he communicated it to
the provincial and the officers who accompanied him without appearing to
be under any apprehensions; but, on embarking on the North Sea, it fell
so dead a calm that they could make no progress, and he could not then
conceal his fears of the event. Still however preserving his presence of
mind, he sent off Hernan Nunnez de Segura by land to Nombre de Dios,
accompanied by some negroes who knew the country, with orders for all
the inhabitants of that place to take up arms for the protection of the
treasure which had been sent there. Segura had a most difficult and
fatiguing journey on foot, having several rivers to cross, some of them
by swimming, and to pass through woods and marshes in a road through
which no person had travelled for a long while. On his arrival at Nombre
de Dios, he found the news already communicated to that place, by the
other negro, and that the inhabitants were already in arms, and had
prepared as well as they were able to defend themselves, having landed
the crews of nine or ten vessels which were in the harbour to give their
assistance in repelling the rebels. The president arrived shortly
afterwards, where he found every thing in order for defence; and
immediately marched out at the head of the armed inhabitants on the road
towards Panama, determined to give battle to Contrera in case of his
approach.
When Ferdinand de Contrera marched for Nombre Dios, and Bermejo took
post on the hill near Panama, as formerly mentioned, Marchena and De
Larez believed they might be able to defeat Bermejo in the divided state
of the rebels. For this purpose they re-assembled all the inhabitants of
Panama, most of whom had taken refuge in the mountains, with whom they
joined a considerable number of negroes who were employed as labourers
in husbandry and in driving mules with goods between Panama and Nombre
de Dios. By these means they assembled a respectable force, which they
armed as well as circumstances would allow. Having thrown up some
intrenchments of earth and fascines in the streets, and leaving some
confidential persons to protect the town against the small number of
rebels left in the ships with Pedro de Contreras, they marched out
boldly against Bermejo, whom they vigorously attacked. After some
resistance, they gained a complete victory, killing or making prisoners
of the whole of that detachment. After this complete success, Marchena
determined immediately to march for Nombre de Dios, believing that the
inhabitants of that city, on learning the late events at Panama, would
have armed for their defence, and would even take the field against
Ferdinand de Contreras, and being more numerous than his detachment,
would oblige him to retire to form a junction with Bermejo. Accordingly,
when Ferdinand de Contreras had proceeded about half way to Nombre de
Dios, he learnt that the president had got notice of the approach of the
rebels, and had marched out against them with a superior force; on which
Ferdinand de Contreras resolved to return to Panama.
While on his return, he took some negroes from whom he got notice of
the entire defeat of Bermejo, and of the advance of Marchena against
himself. He was so disconcerted by this intelligence, that he allowed
all his men to disperse, desiring them to save themselves as they best
might, and to endeavour to get to the shore, where his brother would
take them on board the ships. They all separated, and Ferdinand with
some of his people struck into the woods, avoiding the public road, that
they might escape Marchena. As the country was much intersected with
rivers, and Ferdinand was little accustomed to encounter such
difficulties, he was drowned in an endeavour to pass one of the rivers.
Several of the followers of Ferdinand were made prisoners, and it was
never known what became of the others. The prisoners were carried to
Panama, where they, and those others who were taken at the defeat of
Bermejo, were all put to death.
When Pedro de Contreras, who remained on board the ships, got
intelligence of the miserable fete of his comrades, he was so much
alarmed that he would not take time to hoist anchor and make seal, but
threw himself into a boat with some of his men, leaving the ships at
anchor with all the plunder untouched. He coasted along for a
considerable way to the province of Nata; after which no farther
intelligence was ever received either of him or any of those who were
along with him, but it was supposed they were all massacred by the
Indians of that country. On getting intelligence of the favourable
termination of this threatening affair, the president returned to Nombre
de Dios, giving thanks to God for having delivered him from this
unforseen danger. Had the rebels arrived at Panama only a few days
sooner, they might easily have made him prisoner, and would have
acquired a much larger booty then ever fell into the hands of pirates.
Tranquillity being entirely restored, the president embarked with his
treasure, and arrived safely in Spain. One of his vessels, in which Juan
Gomez de Anuaya was embarked, with part of the royal treasure, was
obliged to put back to Nombre de Dios: But, having refitted at that
port, she likewise arrived in Spain. Immediately on landing at San
Lucar, the president sent Captain Lope Martin into Germany, where the
emperor then was, to inform his majesty of his safe arrival from Peru.
This news was exceedingly agreeable to the court, and occasioned much
astonishment at the prompt and happy termination of the troubles, which
had appeared so formidable and difficult to appease. Soon after the
arrival of the president at Valladolid, he was appointed bishop of
Placentia[42], then vacant in consequence of the death of Don Luis
Cabeza de Vaca; and his majesty sent orders that he should come to
court, to give a minute account of all the affairs in which he had been
engaged. He went there accordingly, accompanied by the provincial of the
Dominicans, and Jerom de Aliaga, the deputies or agents of the kingdom
of Peru, and by several other gentlemen and persons of consideration,
who were in expectation of getting some rewards from his majesty for
their loyal services during the late commotions. The new bishop
accordingly embarked at Barcelona, along with his companions, in some
galleys which were appointed for the purpose; taking along with him, by
order of his majesty, half a million of dollars of the treasure he had
brought from Peru. Shortly afterwards, his majesty appointed Don Antonio
de Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain, to assume that office in Peru;
sending Don Luis de Velasco, commissary-general of the customs of
Castille, to succeed Mendoza in the viceroyalty of New Spain.
[Footnote 42: In the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega, p.
876, he is said to have been first appointed to the bishopric of
Placentia, and to have been afterwards translated to that of Ciguenza in
1561 by Philip II which he enjoyed till his death in 1577.]
END OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU,
BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.
* * * * *
CHAPTER VIII.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, FROM THE RESTORATION OF
TRANQUILLITY BY GASCA IN 1549, TO THE DEATH OF THE INCA TUPAC AMARU;
EXTRACTED FROM GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA.
INTRODUCTION.
Having now given at considerable length the authentic histories of the
discovery and conquest of the two greatest of the European colonies in
the New World, Mexico and Peru, from original and contemporary authors
whose works had not before appeared in any English Collection of Voyages
and Travels, we now propose to give, as a kind of supplement or appendix
to the excellent history of Zarate, an abridged deduction of the
principal events in Peru for some time after the departure of the
president De la Gasca from that kingdom, extracted from the conclusion
of the Royal Commentaries of Peru by Garcilasso de la Vega Inca, Part
II. Book VI. VII. and VIII. Having formerly given some account of that
work, not very favourable to the character of that descendant of the
Incas as a historian, it may only be here mentioned that the events to
be now related on his authority all occurred in his own time, and that
the relation of them which he has left would have been greatly more
valuable if he had been pleased to favour us more frequently with their
dates.
In the present eventful period, while Spain, once the terror of Europe,
seems in danger of sinking under the tyrannical grasp of the usurper of
France, a vast revolution appears about to elevate the Spanish American
colonies into extensive independent states; if the jealous collision of
rights, interests, and pretensions between the various races of their
inhabitants do not plunge them into all the horrors of civil war and
anarchy. The crisis is peculiarly interesting to all the friends of
humanity, and it is to be wished that the present commotions may soon
subside into a permanent state of peace and good government,
advantageous to all the best interests of the colonists, and beneficial
to the commerce and industry of the rest of the world.
Before proceeding to the abridged history of events in Peru, subsequent
to the departure of the president De la Gasca, the following reflections
on the state of manners among the early Spanish settlers in that opulent
region, during the period of which we have already given the history, as
drawn by the eloquent pen of the illustrious Historian of America, have
appeared most worthy of insertion[43].
[Footnote 43: Hist of America, II. p. 393.]
"Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the lowest order in
society, and the greater part of those who afterwards joined them were
persons of desperate fortune, yet in all the bodies of troops brought
into the field by the different leaders who contended for superiority,
not one acted as a hired soldier or followed his standard for pay. Every
adventurer in Peru considered himself as a conqueror, entitled by his
services to an establishment in that country which had been acquired by
his valour. In the contests between the rival chiefs, each chose his
side as he was directed by his own judgment or affections. He joined his
commander as a companion of his fortune, and disdained to degrade
himself by receiving the wages of a mercenary. It was to their sword,
not to pre-eminence in office or nobility of birth that most of the
leaders whom they followed were indebted for their elevation; and each
of their adherents hoped, by the same means, to open a way for himself
to the possession of power and wealth."
"But though the troops in Peru served without, any regular pay, they
were raised at an immense expence. Among men accustomed to divide the
spoil of an opulent country, the desire of obtaining wealth acquired
incredible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to the
hope of success. Where all were intent on the same object, and under the
dominion of the same passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, or
of securing their attachment. Officers of name and influence, besides
the promise of future establishments, received large gratuities in hand
from the chief with whom they engaged. Gonzalo Pizarro, in order to
raise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos. Gasca
expended in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine hundred
thousand pesos. The distributions of property, bestowed as the reward of
services, were still more exorbitant. Cepeda as the reward of his
perfidy, in persuading the court of royal audience to give the sanction
of its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a
grant of lands which yielded an annual income of an hundred and fifty
thousand pesos. Hinojosa, who, by his early defection from Pizarro, and
surrender of the feet to Gasca, decided the fate of Peru, obtained a
district of country affording two hundred thousand pesos of yearly
value. While such rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, with
more than royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred on
those of inferior rank."
"Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural effects. It gave
birth to new wants, and new desires. Veterans, long accustomed to
hardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse and
inconsiderate dissipation and indulged in all the excesses of military
licentiousness. The riot of low debauchery occupied some; a relish for
expensive luxuries spread among others. The meanest soldier in Peru
would have thought himself degraded by marching on foot; and, at a time
when the price of horses in that country was exorbitant, each individual
insisted on being furnished with one before he would take the field.
But, though less patient under the fatigues and hardships of service,
they were ready to face danger and death with as much intrepidity as
ever; and, animated by the hope of new rewards, they never failed, on
the day of battle, to display all their ancient valour."
"Together with their courage, they retained all the ferocity by which
they were originally distinguished. Civil discord never raged with a
more fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the passions
which usually envenom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and
rendered their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the valuable
forfeitures expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the door
against mercy. To be wealthy was, of itself, sufficient to expose a man
to accusation, or to subject him to punishment. On the slightest
suspicions, Pizarro condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants of
Peru to death. Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify
his cruelty, cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by the
hand of the executioner, was not much inferior to what fell in the
field; and the greater part was condemned without the formality of any
legal trial."
"The violence with which the contending parties treated their opponents
was not accompanied by its usual attendants, attachment and fidelity to
those with whom they acted. The ties of honour, which ought to be held
sacred among men, and the principle of integrity, interwoven as
thoroughly in the Spanish character as in that of any nation, seem to
have been equally forgotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense of
shame, were totally abandoned. During these dissensions, there was
hardly a Spaniard in Peru who did not abandon the party which he had
originally espoused, betray the associates with whom he had united, and
violate the engagements under which he had come. The viceroy Nunnez
Vela was ruined by the treachery of Cepeda and the other judges of the
royal audience, who were bound to have supported his authority. The
chief advisers and companions of Gonzalo Pizarro in his revolt were the
first to forsake him, and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given up
to Gasca, by the man whom he had singled out among his officers to
entrust with that important command. On the day that was to decide his
fate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their arms
without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often conducted
them to victory. Instances of such general and avowed contempt of the
principles and obligations which attach man to man, and bind them in
social union, rarely occur in history. It is only where men are far
removed from the seat of government, where the restraints of law and
order are little felt, where the prospect of gain is unbounded, and
where immense wealth may cover the crimes by which it is acquired, that
we can find any parallel to the levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy,
and corruption prevalent among the Spaniards in Peru."
SECTION I.
_Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca, to the
appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy._
Among those who were dissatisfied with the distribution of the
repartimientos in Peru by the president, was Francisco Hernandez Giron,
to whom De la Gasca granted a commission to make a conquest of the
district called the Cunchos, to the north-east of Cuzco, and beyond one
of the great chains of the Andes, with the title and authority of
governor and captain-general of that country, which he engaged to
conquer at his own expence. Giron was much gratified by this employment,
as it afforded him a favourable opportunity for fomenting and exciting a
new rebellion against the royal authority, which he had long meditated,
and which he actually put in execution, as will be seen in the sequel.
Immediately after the departure of the president from Peru, he went from
Lima to Cuzco publishing the commission which he had received, and
appointed several captains to raise men for his intended expedition in
Guamanga, Arequipa, La Paz, and other places; while he personally beat
up for volunteers in Cuzco. Being a man of popular manners and much
beloved among the soldiers, he soon drew together above two hundred men.
So great a number of the most loose and dissolute inhabitants being
collected together at Cuzco and in arms, they took extreme liberty in
canvassing the late events, and to speak with much licentiousness
respecting the president and the officers he had left in the government
of the kingdom. Their discourse was so open and scandalous, that the
magistrates of the city deemed it necessary to interpose; and Juan de
Saavedra, who was then mayor or regidor of Cuzco, requested Giron to
depart upon his intended expedition without delay, that the peaceable
inhabitants might no longer be scandalized by the seditious discourses
of his soldiers, as most of them were quartered upon the citizens to
whom they behaved with much insolence.
I was then in Cuzco, though a boy, when Giron and his soldiers made
their first disturbance; and I was present also about three years
afterwards at their second mutiny; and, though I had not even then
attained the age of a young man, I was sufficiently able to notice and
understand the observations and discourses of my father on the various
events which occurred; and I can testify that the soldiers behaved in so
proud and insolent a manner that the magistrates were forced to take
notice of their conduct. The soldiers thought proper to be much offended
on this occasion, pretending that no one ought to have any authority
over them except Giron under whose command they had inlisted; and they
carried their mutinous insolence to such a height as to assemble in arms
at the house of their commander to protect themselves against the
magistrates. When this mutiny was known in the city, the magistrates and
citizens found themselves obliged to arm, and being joined by many
soldiers who were not of the faction, they took post in the
market-place. The mutineers drew up likewise in the street where Giron's
house stood, at no great distance from the market-place; and in this
manner both parties remained under arms for two days and nights, always
on the point of coming to action; which had certainly been the case if
some prudent persons had not interposed between them, and prevailed on
the magistrates to enter into a treaty for compromising their
differences. The most active persons on this occasion were Diego de
Silva, Diego Maldonado the rich, Garcilasso de la Vega my father, Vasco
de Guevara, Antonio Quinnones, Juan de Berrio, Jeronimo de Loyasa,
Martin de Meneses, and Francisco Rodriguez. By their persuasions the
regidor Juan de Saavedra and Captain Francisco Hernandez Giron were
induced to meet in the great church, on which occasion the soldiers
demanded four hostages for the security of their commander. In this
conference Giron behaved with so much insolence and audacity, that
Saavedra had assuredly arrested him if he had not been restrained from
respect for the hostages, of whom my father was one. In a second
conference in the evening, under the same precautions, Giron agreed to
remove his soldiers from the city, to give up eight of the most mutinous
of his soldiers to the magistrates, and even to make compearance in
person before the court to answer for his conduct during the mutiny.
On being made acquainted with this agreement, the soldiers were
exceedingly enraged; and if Giron had not pacified them with soothing
words and promises they had certainly attacked the loyal inhabitants,
the consequences of which might have been exceedingly fatal. The
mutineers amounted to two hundred effective well-armed men, of desperate
fortunes, while the loyalists consisted of only eighty men of quality,
all the rest being rich merchants not inured to arms. But it pleased God
to avert the threatened mischief, at the prayers and vows of the
priests, friars and devout women of the city. The mutineers were under
arms all night, setting regular guards and sentinels as in the presence
of an enemy; and in the morning, when Saavedra saw that Giron had not
marched from the city according to agreement, he sent a warrant to bring
him before his tribunal. As Giron suspected that his men might not
permit him to obey the warrant, he walked out in his morning gown, as if
only going to visit a neighbour; but went directly to the house of
Saavedra, who committed him to prison. On this intelligence being
communicated to the soldiers, they immediately dispersed, every one
shifting for himself as he best could. The eight men who were
particularly obnoxious took sanctuary in the Dominican convent, and
fortified themselves in the tower of the church, where they held out for
several days, but were at last obliged to surrender. They were all
punished, but not in that exemplary manner their rebellious conduct
deserved; and the tower was demolished, that it might not be used in the
same manner in future.
After the dispersion of the mutineers and the punishment of the most
guilty, Giron was released on his solemn engagement to make his
appearance before the royal audience at Lima to answer for his conduct.
He went there accordingly, and was committed to prison; but after a few
days was permitted to go out as a prisoner at large, confining himself
to the city of Lima. He there married a young virtuous noble and
beautiful lady, with whom he went to reside at Cuzco, where he
associated with none but soldiers, avoiding all society with the
citizens as much as possible.
About two years afterwards several soldiers residing in Cuzce, entered
into a new plot to raise disturbances in the kingdom, and were eager to
find some proper person to choose as their leader. At length this affair
came to be so openly talked of that it reached the knowledge of
Saavedra, who was required to take cognizance of the plot and to punish
the ringleaders; but he endeavoured to excuse himself, being unwilling
to create himself enemies, alleging that it more properly belonged to
the jurisdiction of the court of audience. When this affair was reported
to the oydors at Lima, they were much displeased with the conduct of
Saavedra, and immediately appointed the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado to
supersede him in the office of regidor or mayor of Cuzco, giving
Alvarado an especial commission to punish the insolence and mutinous
conduct of the soldiers, to prevent the evil from getting to an
unsupportable height. Immediately on taking possession of his office,
Alvarado arrested some of the soldiers; who, to screen themselves,
impeached Don Pedro de Puertocarrero as a principal instigator of their
mutinous proceedings. After a minute examination, Francisco de Miranda,
Alonzo Hernandez Melgarejo, and Alonzo de Barrienuevo were capitally
punished as chief ringleaders in the conspiracy; six or seven others
were banished from Peru, and all the rest made their escape.
Puertocarrero made an appeal to the royal audience, by whom he was set
at liberty.
These new commotions, and others of more importance which shall be
noticed in the sequel, proceeded in a great measure from the imprudent
conduct of the judges themselves, by enforcing the observance of the
obnoxious regulations which had formerly done so much evil during the
government of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela. Just before his departure
from Peru, the president Gasca had received fresh orders from his
majesty to free the Indians from services to their lords: But having
experienced that this had occasioned the most dangerous commotions in
the country, he very wisely commanded before his departure that the
execution of this new order should be suspended. The judges however, saw
this matter in a different light, and circulated their commands over the
whole kingdom to enforce this new royal order; which gave occasion to
the mutinous and disorderly behaviour of the soldiery, who were
encouraged in their rebellious disposition by many persons of
consideration, the possessors of allotments of lands and Indians, who
considered themselves aggrieved.
SECTION II.
_History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza._
About this time Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of Mexico, was
appointed viceroy of Peru, and landed at Lima, where he was received
with great demonstration of joy and respect. He was accompanied on this
occasion by his son, Don Francisco de Mendoza, afterwards general of the
galleys in Spain. Don Antonio was a nobleman of much sanctity, and had
greatly impaired his health by long abstinence and frequent acts of
penance; insomuch that his natural heat began to fail, and he was
obliged to use violent exercise to keep him warm, even in the hot
climate of Lima. In consequence of his want of health, he deputed his
son Don Francisco to make a progress through all the cities of the
kingdom, from Lima to Las Charcas and Potosi, to bring him back a
faithful representation of the state and condition of the kingdom and
its mines, to be laid before his majesty; and, after his return to Lima,
Don Francisco was sent into Spain in 1552, to communicate an account of
the whole kingdom to the emperor.
About four years before the appointment of the marshal Alonzo de
Alvarado to the mayoralty and government of Cuzco, a party of two
hundred soldiers marched from Potosi towards the province of Tucuman;
most of whom, contrary to the orders of the judges, had Indians to carry
their baggage. On this occasion, the licentiate Esquival, who was
governor of Potosi, seized upon one Aguira, who had two Indians to
carry his baggage; and some days afterwards sentenced him to receive two
hundred lashes, as he had no money to redeem himself from corporal
punishment. After this disgrace, Aguira refused to proceed along with
the rest for the conquest of Tucuman, alleging that after the shame
which he had suffered, death was his only relief. When the period of
Esquivals office expired, he learnt that Aguira had determined upon
assassinating him in revenge for the affront he had suffered. Upon which
Esquival endeavoured to avoid Aguira, by travelling to a great distance,
but all to no purpose, as Aguira followed him wherever he went, for
above three years, always travelling on foot without shoes or stockings,
saying, "That it did not become a whipped rascal to ride on horseback,
or to appear in the company of men of honour." At length Esquival took
up his residence in Cuzco, believing that Aguira would not dare to
attempt anything against him in that place, considering that the
governor was an impartial and inflexible judge: Yet he took every
precaution for his safety, constantly wearing a coat of mail, and going
always armed with a sword and dagger, though a man of the law. At length
Aguira went one day at noon-day to the house of Esquival, whom he found
asleep, and completed his long resolved revenge by stabbing him with his
dagger. Aguira was concealed for forty day in a hog-stye by two young
gentlemen; and after the hue and cry was over on account of the murder,
they shaved his head and beard, and blackened his skin like a negro, by
means of a wild fruit called _Vitoc_ by the Indians, clothing him in a
poor habit, and got him away from the city and province of Cuzco in that
disguise. This deed of revenge was greatly praised by the soldiers, who
said, if there were many Aguiras in the world, the officers of justice
would not be so insolent and arbitrary in their proceedings.
During a long sickness of the viceroy, in consequence of which the
government of the country devolved upon the judges of the royal
audience, they proclaimed in all the cities of Peru that the personal
services of the Indians should be discontinued, pursuant to the royal
orders, under severe penalties. This occasioned new seditions and
mutinies among the Spanish colonists, in consequence of which one Lois
de Vargas, a principal promoter of the disturbances was condemned and
executed; but as many principal persons of the country were found to be
implicated, the judges thought fit to proceed no farther in the
examinations and processes. Even Pedro de Hinojosa was suspected of
being concerned in these seditious proceedings, having been heard to say
to some of the discontented soldiers, that when he came to Las Charcas
he would endeavour to satisfy them to the utmost of power. Though these
words had no seditious tendency, the soldiers who were desirous of
rebellion were willing to interpret them according to their own evil
inclinations. On these slight grounds, and because it was known that
Hinojosa was to go as governor and chief justice of the province of Las
Charcas, as many of the discontented soldiers as were able went to that
country, and wrote to their comrades in various parts of the kingdom to
come there also. Some even of the better sort, among whom were Don
Sebastian de Castilla, son to the Conde de Gomera, with five or six
others of rank and quality went secretly from Cuzco, taking bye-paths
out of the common road to prevent them from being pursued by the
governor of that city. They were induced to this step by Vasco Godinez a
ringleader among the malcontents, who informed Don Sebastian by a letter
in cyphers that Hinojosa had promised to become their general.
During these indications of tumult and rebellion, the viceroy Don
Antonio de Mendoza died, to the great grief and detriment of the
kingdom. On his death, the entire government of the kingdom of Peru
devolved on the judges of the royal audience, who appointed Gil Ramirez
de Avalos, who had been one of the gentlemen of the household to the
viceroy, governor of the city of Lima; and the marshal was sent to
command in the new city of La Paz, in which neighbourhood his lands and
Indians were situated.
SECTION III.
_Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of the
Viceroy Mendoza._.
At this threatening period, all the soldiers and discontented persons of
Peru, flocked to Las Charcas, Potosi, and that neighbourhood,
endeavouring to procure employment about the rich mines of that
district. Disputes continually arose between the soldiers and principal
inhabitants and merchants, and duels were fought almost daily. In some
of these duels, the combatants fought naked from the waist upwards,
while in others they were dressed in crimson taffety waistcoats, that
they might not see their own blood. I shall only mention the particulars
of one of these duels, between two famous soldiers, Pero Nunnez, and
Balthazar Perez, with the former of whom I was acquainted in 1563 at
Madrid, who was then so much disabled in both arms by the wounds he
received in that duel, that he could scarcely use his hands to feed
himself.
They fell out respecting some circumstances of a duel that had happened
a few days before, in which they were seconds. Balthazar Perez had Egas
de Guzman for his second, one of the greatest hectors and bullies of the
time; and Hernan Mexia prevailed on Pero Nunnez to take him for his
second, that he might have an opportunity to fight Guzman, who had
defamed and spoken lightly of Mexia. When Egas de Guzman understood that
Mexia was the person who was to be opposed to him, he sent a message to
Pero Nunnez saying, as the principals were gentlemen of family, he ought
not to debase himself by having a man for his second whose mother was a
_Morisca_ and sold broiled sardinas in the market of Seville. Pero
Nunnez, knowing this to be true, endeavoured to get Mexia to release his
promise, but could not prevail. They accordingly went out to fight in a
field at some distance from Potosi. At the first rencounter of the
principals, Pero Nunnez struck his adversaries sword to one side, and
closing upon Perez threw him to the ground, where he cast dust into his
eyes, and beat him about the face with his fists, but did not stab him
with his dagger. In the mean time the seconds were engaged in another
part of the field. Mexia was afraid to close with Guzman, knowing him to
have great bodily strength, but kept him in play by his superior
agility, leaping and skipping about, yet never coming near enough to
wound him. At length, wearied with this mode of fighting, Guzman darted
his sword at Mexia, who looking anxiously to avoid it, gave an
opportunity to Guzman to close with him, and to give him a wound with
his dagger in the skull, two fingers deep, where the point of the
dagger broke off; Mexia became frantic with his wound, and ran about the
field like a madman; and came up to where the two principals were
struggling on the ground, where, not minding whom he struck, he gave his
own principal a slash with his sword, and ran wildly away. Guzman came
hastily up to the rescue of his own principal, when he heard Nunnez say
that he had been wounded by his own second, and was still continuing to
pummel Perez on the face, and to throw dust in his eyes. Then Guzman,
after harshly reproving Nunnez from bringing such a rascal to the field
as his second, attacked Nunnez with his sword, who defended himself as
he best could with his arms, till he was left all hacked and hewed on
the field, streaming with blood from many wounds. Guzman then helped up
his companion, and taking all the four swords under his arm, took Perez
on his back who was unable to stand, and carried him to an hospital
where he desired them to bury him, after which he took sanctuary in a
church. Nunnez was likewise taken to the hospital, where he recovered of
his wounds, but Mexia died of the wound in his forehead, as the point of
the dagger could not be extracted from his skull.
When Pedro de Hinojosa took possession of his government of Las Charcas
in place of Paulo de Meneses, he found a great number of soldiers in the
country, who were exceedingly troublesome, as there were neither
sufficient quarters nor provisions for so many; on which he took
occasion to reprove Martin de Robles and Paulo de Menezes, alleging that
their quarrels had drawn so many soldiers thither, for which reason they
ought to provide for them, and not allow them to die of famine. So great
was the confusion and disturbance, that many of the principal
inhabitants retired from the city to their estates in the country, to
avoid the violence of the soldiers, who were now come to such a pitch of
insolence, that they held public meetings, openly avowed their cabals
and plots, and upbraided Hinojosa with his breach of promise, alleging
that he had engaged to be their general when he should arrive in Las
Charcas. They even declared themselves ready for an insurrection,
offering to put themselves under his command. Hinojosa endeavoured to
amuse them with hopes, by telling them he expected very soon to receive
a commission from the judges to enlarge their conquests by a new war,
which would give them an opportunity to rise in arms. Although he had
formerly let fall some dubious expressions at Lima, which the soldiers
were disposed to consider as promises of support, he was far from any
intention of complying with their turbulent and rebellions humours.
Being now in possession of his government, with an estate in lands and
Indians worth two hundred thousand dollars a-year, he was desirous to
enjoy his fortune in peace, and not to risk the loss of these riches by
a new rebellion, which he had gained in the former at the loss of
Gonzalo Pizarro.
Disappointed in their expectations from Hinojosa, the soldiers consulted
how to manage their intended rebellion under another leader, and agreed
to kill Hinojosa and to elect Don Sebastian de Castilla as their
commander-in-chief; and their design was carried on with so little
regard to secrecy that it soon became publickly known in the city of La
Plata. Several persons of consideration therefore, who were interested
in the peace of the country, communicated the intelligence to Hinojosa,
advising him to take precautions for his security, and to banish these
people from his government. One Hondegardo a lawyer was particularly
urgent on this occasion; and offered, if Hinojosa would appoint him his
deputy for one month, that he would secure both him and the city from
the threatened danger of insurrection; but Hinojosa had so much
confidence in the power of his office, and the influence of his vast
wealth and reputation, that he despised every thing that he did not see
with his own eyes, and neglected all their warnings. Being unable to
persuade the governor to listen to him, and as the soldiers still
proceeded in their rebellious designs, and threw out many threatenings
against the governor, Hondegardo prevailed on the guardian of the
Franciscan convent to intimate to the governor that he had received
communications respecting these proposed schemes of the soldiers in
confession, and to urge him to make judicial examinations into the
affair and to punish the offenders; yet even this made little impression
on Hinojosa. Notwithstanding these and other intimations of the plot,
Hinojosa obstinately refused to attend to the suggestions of Hondegardo
and others, proudly declaring he had only to hold up his hand to make
the soldiers tremble before him.
Impatient of any longer delay, the conspirators came at length to the
determination of putting the governor Hinojosa to death, and rising in a
general insurrection. The principal ringleaders in this conspiracy were
Don Sebastian de Castilla, Egas de Gusman, Basco Godinez, Balthazar
Velasquez, and Gomez Hernandez, besides several other soldiers of note,
most of whom were then resident in the city of La Plata. Having arranged
their plan of operations, Don Sebastian and seven chosen accomplices
went one morning to the residence of the governor, as soon as his gate
was opened, to execute their vile purpose. The first person they met on
entering the house was Alonzo de Castro, the deputy-governor, who
questioned them on the reason of their present tumultuous appearance, as
they seemed extremely agitated. They immediately put De Castro to death.
Then forcing their way into the apartment of Hinojosa, they were
astonished to find him gone: But after some search he was found in a
retired corner, and dispatched.
After the death of Hinojosa, the conspirators went out to the
market-place, proclaiming aloud, God save the king, the tyrant is dead!
the common watchword in all the rebellions in Peru. Having collected all
their associates, they seized on Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, the person
employed by the late president Gasca to carry his letters to Gonzalo
Pizarro, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, Antonio Alvarez, and all the wealthy
citizens they could lay hold of. Martin de Robles, Paulo de Menezes, and
Hondegardo the lawyer, against whom they were particularly incensed,
made their escape. After this, they made proclamation by beat of drum,
for all citizens and other inhabitants of La Plata, to repair
immediately to the market-place and enrol themselves under their
standard; on which Rodrigo de Ordlana, though then sheriff of the city,
and many others, to the amount of a hundred and fifty-two persons, came
forwards and inlisted, fearing for their lives in case of refusal. Don
Sebastian was elected captain-general and chief-justice, and some days
afterwards he got himself appointed mayor of the city: Gomez Hernandez a
lawyer was appointed recorder; Hernando de Guillado and Garci Tello de
Vega, were made captains; Juan de Huarte serjeant-major, Pedro de
Castillo captain of artillery, Alvar Perez Payaz commissary-general,
Diego Perez high sheriff, and Bartholomew de Santa Ana his deputy.
Rodrigo de Orellana, and many of the citizens, who now joined the
rebels, acted merely from fear of losing their lives if they refused or
even hesitated, though loyal subjects in their hearts.
Immediately after the murder of Hinojosa, intelligence was sent in
various directions of the insurrection, and great numbers of
malcontents flocked to the city of La Plata to join the rebels. Among
these was Basco Godinez, who had been a chief instigator of the
conspiracy, and who seems to have promoted or permitted the elevation of
Don Sebastian to be commander-in-chief merely to use him as an
instrument of his own ambition, and to screen himself in case of failure
at the commencement: For, in a very few days, Don Sebastion was put to
death by Godinez and a few confidential associates; and they immediately
proclaimed their bloody exploit to the rest of the insurgents, by
exclaiming God save the king! the tyrant is slain! He even carried his
dissimulation to such a length, as to erect a court of justice to try
those who had murdered Hinojosa, in the vain hope of covering his own
treasonable conduct, and to make himself and his abettors appear as
loyal subjects. The murder of Hinojosa took place on the 6th of March
1553, and the subsequent slaughter of Don Sebastian on the eleventh of
the same month, only five days after.
Godinez and his associates immediately liberated Juan Ortiz de Zarate
and Pedro Hernandez Paniagua from prison, pretending that their great
purpose in taking arms was to procure their liberty, to deliver the city
from the rebels and traitors who would have ruined it, and to evince
their loyalty to the king. In the next place, he called together Zarate,
Paniagua, Antonio Alvarez, and Martin Monge, the only citizens then
remaining in La Plata, whom he desired to elect him captain-general of
the province, and to grant him the vacant lands and Indians which had
belonged to Hinojosa to enable him to maintain the dignity of that
office. Not daring to refuse any thing in the present situation of
affairs, they acceded to his demands, and Godinez was proclaimed lord
chief-justice, governor, and captain-general of the province, and
successor to Hinojosa in his great estate and rich mines, producing two
hundred thousand dollars of yearly revenue. After this, Gomez Hernandez
the lawyer was appointed lieutenant-general of the army; and Juan Ortiz
and Pedro de Castillo were made captains of foot: pretending on this
occasion to communicate a share in the administration of government to
the citizens, which they were constrained to accept. Balthazar
Velasquez, one of the conspirators, was appointed major-general. Next
day Martin de Robles, Paulo de Meneses, Diego de Almendras, and Diego
Velasquez returned to the city, having fled from some soldiers that had
been sent in search of them by Don Sebastian; and were immediately
enjoined to concur with the other citizens in confirming the appointment
of Godinez.
When intelligence of the insurrection of the soldiers in La Plata
arrived at Cuzco, the citizens put themselves into a posture of defence
against the enemy; and, with the consent of the Cabildo, Diego
Maldonado, commonly called the rich, was elected governor and
captain-general. Garcilasso de la Vega and Juan de Saavedra were made
captains of horse; and Juan Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vasquez, Antonio de
Quinnones, and another whose name I have forgot, were made captains of
foot. So diligently did these officers apply themselves to raise men,
that in five days Juan Julio de Hojeda marched into the city accompanied
by three hundred soldiers well armed and appointed. Three days
afterwards news came of the death of Don Sebastian, by which they
flattered themselves that the war was ended for the present.
By the end of March intelligence was brought to the judges at Lima of
the rebellion of Don Sebastian and the murder of Hinojosa: Six days
afterwards, news came that Egas de Guzman had revolted at Potosi; and in
four days more advices were brought of the destruction of both these
rebels; on which there were great rejoicings at Lima. On purpose to
inquire into the origin of these commotions and to bring the ringleaders
to condign punishment, the judges immediately appointed Alonzo de
Alvarado chief-justice of Las Charcas, giving him the assistance of Juan
Fernandez the kings attorney-general, for proceeding against the
delinquents. By another commission, Alvarado was nominated governor and
captain-general of Las Charcas and all the neighbouring provinces, with
full power to levy soldiers, and to defray their pay and equipment and
all the necessary expences of the war, from the royal treasury. Godinez
was soon afterwards arrested and thrown into prison at La Plata under a
strong guard by Alonzo Velasquez. Alvarado the new governor, began the
exercise of his authority in the city of La Paz, where he tried a number
of rebel soldiers who had concealed themselves on the borders of the
lake of Titicaca, whence they had been brought prisoners by Pedro de
Encisco. Some of these were hanged, some beheaded, others banished, and
others condemned to the gallies. Alvarado went next to the city of
Potosi, where many of the followers of Egas de Guzman had been committed
to prison, all of whom were treated according to their deserts like
those at La Paz. Among the rebels at Potosi was one Hernan Perez de
Peragua, a knight of the order of St John of Malta, who had taken part
in the rebellion of Don Sebastian. From respect to the order to which he
belonged, Alvarado only confiscated his lands and Indians, and sent him
a prisoner to be disposed of by the grand master of the order at Malta.
It would be tedious to relate the names and numbers of those who were
tried, hanged, beheaded, whipt, and otherwise punished on this occasion:
But, from the end of June 1553, to the end of November of the same year,
the court sat daily, and every day four, five, or six were tried and
condemned, who were all punished according to their sentences next day.
The unthinking people styled Alvarado a Nero, who could thus condemn so
many of a day, yet amused himself afterwards with the attorney-general
in vain and light discourses, as if those whom he condemned had been so
many capons or turkies to be served up at his table. In the month of
October, Basco Godinez was put upon his trial, for many heinous
offences, and was condemned to be drawn and quartered. But a stop was
put to farther proceedings about the end of November, by the news of
another rebellion raised by Francisco Hernandez Giron, as shall be
related in the sequel.
"The Indians of Cuzco prognosticated this rebellion openly and loudly in
the streets, as I heard and saw myself: For the eve before the festival
of the most holy sacrament, I being then a youth, went out to see how
the two marketplaces of the city were adorned; for at that time the
procession passed through no other streets but those, though since that
time, as I am told, the perambulation is double as far as before. Being
then at the corner of the great chapel of our lady of the _Merceds_,
about an hour or two before day, I saw a comet dart from the east side
of the city towards the mountains of the _Antis_, so great and clear
that it enlightened all places round with more splendor than a full moon
at midnight. Its motion was directly downwards, its form was globular,
and its dimensions as big as a large tower; and coming near the ground,
it divided into several sparks and streams of fire; and was accompanied
with a thunder so loud and near as struck many deaf with the clap, and
ran from east to west; which when the Indians heard and saw, they all
cried out with one voice, _Auca, Auca, Auca_, which signifies in their
language, _tyrant, traitor, rebel_[44], and every thing that may be
attributed to a violent and bloody traitor. This happened on the
nineteenth of June 1553, when the feast of our Lord was celebrated; and
this prognostication which the Indians made, was accomplished on the
13th of November in the same year, when Francisco Hernandez Giron began
a rebellion, which we shall now relate[45]."
[Footnote 44: In the language of Chili at least, _Auca_ signifies
_free_, or a _freeman_; it is possible however that in an absolute
government, the same term may signify a rebel, yet it is a singular
stretch of interpretation to make it likewise signify a tyrant.--E.]
[Footnote 45: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is given as a
short specimen of the taste of Garcilasso, and the respectable talents
of his translator, Sir Paul Rycant, in 1688. It gives an account of one
of these singular meteors or fire balls, improperly termed a comet in
the text, which some modern philosophers are pleased to derive from the
moon, and to suppose that they are composed of ignited masses of iron
alloyed with nickel. It were an affront to our readers to comment on the
ridiculous pretended prognostication so gravely believed by Garcilasso
Inca.--E.]
SECTION IV.
_Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty of the Marquis
de Cannete._
On the 13th of November 1553, a splendid wedding was celebrated at
Cuzco, between Alonzo de Loyasa, one of the richest inhabitants of the
city, and Donna Maria de Castilla, at which all the citizens and their
wives attended in their best apparel. After dinner an entertainment was
made in the street, in which horsemen threw balls of clay at each other,
which I saw from the top of a wall opposite the house of Alonzo de
Loyasa; and I remember to have seen Francisco Hernandez Giron sitting on
a chair in the hall, with his arms folded on his breast and his eyes
cast down, the very picture of melancholy, being then probably
contemplating the transactions in which he was to engage that night. In
the evening, when the sports were over, the company sat down to supper
in a lower hall, where at the least sixty gentlemen were at table, the
ladies being by themselves in an inner room, and from a small
court-yard between these apartments, the dishes were served to both
tables. Don Balthazar de Castillo, uncle to the bride, acted as usher of
the hall at this entertainment. I came to the house towards the end of
supper, to attend my father and stepmother home at night. I went to the
upper end of the hall, where the governor sat, who was pleased to make
me sit down on the chair beside him, and reached me some comfits and
sweet drink, with which boys are best pleased, I being then fourteen
years of age.
At this instant some once knocked at the door, saying that Francisco
Hernandez Giron was there; on which Don Balthazar de Castillo, who was
near the door ordered the door to be opened. Giron immediately rushed
in, having a drawn sword in his right hand, and a buckler on his left
arm; accompanied by a companion on each side armed with partizans. The
guests rose in great terror at this unexpected interruption, and Giron
addressed them in these words: "Gentlemen be not afraid, nor stir from
your places, as we are all engaged in the present enterprize." The
governor, Gil Ramirez, immediately retired into the apartment of the
ladies, by a door on the left hand. Another door led from the hall to
the kitchen and other offices; and by these two doors a considerable
number of the guests made their escape. Juan Alonzo Palomino, who was
obnoxious to Giron for having opposed him in a late mutiny, was slain by
Diego de Alvarado the lawyer. Juan de Morales, a rich merchant and very
honest man, was slain while endeavouring to put out the candles. My
father and a number of others, to the number in all of thirty-six, made
their escape by means of a ladder from the court-yard of Loyasa into
that of the adjoining house, in which I accompanied them, but the
governor could not be persuaded to follow them, and was made prisoner by
the rebels. My father and all the companions of his flight agreed to
leave the town that night, and endeavour to escape to Lima.
Having assembled about an hundred and fifty soldiers, Giron assumed the
office of commander-in-chief of the _army of liberty_, appointing Diego
de Alvarado the lawyer his lieutenant-general; Thomas Vasquez, Francisco
Nunnez, and Rodrigo de Pineda captains of horse; the two last of whom
accepted more from fear than affection. Juan de Pedrahita, Nuno
Mendiola, and Diego Gavilan were made captains of foot; Albertos de
Ordunna standard-bearer, and Antonio Carillo serjeant-major; all of whom
were ordered to raise soldiers to complete their companies with every
possible expedition. It being reported through the country that the
whole citizens of Cuzco had concurred in this rebellion, the cities of
Guamanga and Arequipa sent deputies to Cuzco, desiring to be admitted
into the league, that they might jointly represent to his majesty the
burdensome and oppressive nature of the ordinances imposed by the judges
in relation to the services of the Indians. But when the citizens of
Guamanga and Arequipa became rightly informed that this rebellion,
instead of being the act of the Cabildo and all the inhabitants, had
been brought about by the contrivance of a single individual, they
changed their resolutions, and prepared to serve his majesty. About this
time, the arch rebel Giron caused the deposed governor, Gil Ramirez, to
betaken from prison and escorted forty leagues on his way towards
Arequipa, and then set free.
Fifteen days after the commencement of the rebellion, finding himself at
the head of a considerable force, he summoned a meeting of all the
citizens remaining in Cuzco, at which there appeared twenty-five
citizens who were lords of Indians, only three of whom were intitled
from office to sit in that assembly. By this meeting, Giron caused
himself to be elected procurator, captain-general, and chief-justice of
Peru, with full power to govern and protect the whole kingdom both in
war and peace. When news of this rebellion was brought to Lima by
Hernando Chacon, who was foster-brother to Giron, the judges would not
credit the intelligence, believing it only a false report, to try how
the people stood affected to the cause, and therefore ordered Chacon to
be imprisoned; but learning the truth soon afterwards, he was set at
liberty, and the judges began seriously to provide for suppressing the
rebellion, appointing officers and commanders to raise forces for that
purpose. They accordingly sent a commission to Alonzo de Alvarado, then
at La Plata, constituting him captain-general of the royal army against
Giron, with unlimited power to use the public treasure, and to borrow
money for the service of the war in case the exchequer should fail to
supply sufficient for the purpose. Alvarado accordingly appointed such
officers as he thought proper to serve under him, and gave orders to
raise men, and to provide arms and ammunition for the war.
Besides the army which they authorized Alvarado to raise and command in
Las Charcas, the judges thought it necessary to raise another army at
Lima, of which Santillan, one of themselves and the archbishop of Lima
were appointed conjunct generals. Orders were likewise transmitted to
all the cities, commanding all loyal subjects to take up arms in the
service of his majesty, and a general pardon was proclaimed to all who
had been engaged in the late rebellions, under Gonzalo Pizarro, Don
Sebastian de Castilla, and others, provided they joined the royal army
within a certain given time. They likewise suspended the execution of
the decrees for freeing the Indians from personal services, during two
years, and repealed several other regulations which had given great and
general offence to the soldiers and inhabitants, and had been the cause
of all the commotions and rebellions which distracted the kingdom for so
long a time.
While these measures were carrying on against him, Hernandez, Giron was
not negligent of his own concerns. He sent off officers with detachments
of troops to Arequipa and Guamanga, to induce the inhabitants of these
cities to join him, and requiring them by solemn acts of their cabildos
to confirm and acknowledge him in the offices he had usurped. He caused
the cabildo of Cuzco to write letters to the other cities of Peru to
concur in his elevation and to give assistance in the cause, and wrote
many letters himself to various individuals in Las Charcas and other
places, soliciting them to join him. Having collected an army of above
four hundred men, besides the detachments sent to Guamanga and Arequipa,
he resolved to march for Lima, to give battle to the army of the judges,
as he called it, pretending that his own was the royal army, and that he
acted in the service of his majesty. At the first he was undetermined,
whether it might not be better to march previously against Alvarado,
whose party he considered to be the weakest, owing to the great and
cruel severity which that officer had exerted against the adherents of
the late rebellions: And many judicious persons are of opinion that he
would have succeeded better if he had first attacked the marshal, as in
all probability he would have got possession of these provinces, and his
men would not have deserted from him to a person so universally disliked
for his cruelty, as they afterwards did when they marched towards Lima.
He accordingly marched from Cuzco and crossed the river Apurimac;
immediately after which Juan Vera de Mendoza and five others deserted
from him, re-crossed the bridge, which they burnt to prevent pursuit,
and returned to Cuzco, where they persuaded about forty of the
inhabitants to set out for Las Charcas to join the marshal Alvarado.
At this time Sancho Duarte who was governor of the city of La Paz,
raised above two hundred men in the service of his majesty, which he
divided into two companies, one of horse and the other of foot. Giving
the command of his infantry to Martin d'Olmos, he took the command of
the horse himself, and assumed the title of general. With this force he
set out for Cuzco, intending to march against Giron, but not to join the
marshal Alvarado that he might not submit to his superior command. On
his arrival at the bridge over the Rio Desaguadero, he learnt that Giron
had left Cuzco to attack Lima, and proposed to have continued his march
for Cuzco remaining independent of the marshal. But, in consequence of
peremptory commands from Alvarado as captain-general, who highly
disapproved of so many small armies acting separately, he returned to
his own province.
Pursuing his march for Lima, Hernandez Giron learnt at Andahuaylas that
the citizens of Guamanga had declared for his majesty, at which
circumstance he was much disappointed. He proceeded however to the river
Villca[46], where his scouts and those of the royal army encountered. He
proceeded however to the city of Guamanga, whence he sent orders to
Thomas Vasquez to rejoin him from Arequipa. Although the inhabitants of
that place, as formerly mentioned, had written to those of Cuzco
offering to unite in the insurrection, supposing it the general sense of
the principal people; they were now ashamed of their conduct, when they
found the rebellion only proceeded from a few desperate men, and
declared for the king; so that Vasquez was obliged to return without
success. Being now at the head of above seven hundred men, though
disappointed in his expectations of being joined by the citizens of
Guamanga and Arequipa, Hernandez Giron pursued his march for the valley
of Jauja; during which march Salvador de Lozana, one of his officers,
who was detached with forty men to scour the country, was made prisoner
along with all his party by a detachment from the army of the judges.
[Footnote 46: The river Cangallo is probably here meant, which runs
through the province of Vilcas to the city of Guamanga.--E.]
Notwithstanding this unforseen misfortune, Giron continued his march to
the valley of Pachacamac, only four leagues from Lima, where it was
resolved in a council of war to endeavour to surprise the camp of the
royalists near the capital. Intelligence of this was conveyed to the
judges, who put themselves in a posture of defence. Their army at this
time consisted of 300 cavalry, 600 musqueteers, and about 450 men armed
with pikes, or 1350 in all. It may be proper to remark in this place,
that, to secure the loyalty of the soldiers and inhabitants, the judges
had proclaimed a suspension of the obnoxious edicts by which the Indians
were exempted from personal services, and the Spaniards were forbidden
to make use of them to carry their baggage on journeys; and had agreed
to send two procurators or deputies to implore redress from his majesty
from these burdensome regulations.
Two days after the arrival of Giron in the valley of Pachacamac, a party
of his army went out to skirmish with the enemy, on which occasion Diego
de Selva and four others of considerable reputation deserted to the
judges. For several days afterwards his men continued to abandon him at
every opportunity, twenty or thirty of them going over at a time to the
royal army. Afraid that the greater part of his army might follow this
example, Hernandez Giron found it necessary to retreat from the low
country and to return to Cuzco, which he did in such haste that his
soldiers left all their heavy baggage that they might not be encumbered
in their march. On this alteration of affairs, the judges gave orders to
Paulo de Meneses to pursue the rebels with six hundred select men; but
the generals of the royal army would not allow of more than a hundred
being detached on this service. During his retreat, Giron, finding
himself not pursued by the royalists with any energy, marched with
deliberation, but so many of his men left him that by the time he
reached the valley of Chincha his force was reduced to about 500 men.
Paulo de Meneses, having been reinforced, proposed to follow and harass
the retreating rebels; but not having accurate intelligence, nor keeping
sufficient guard, was surprised and defeated by Giron with some
considerable loss, and obliged to retreat in great disorder. Yet Giron
was under the necessity to discontinue the pursuit, as many of his men
deserted to the royalists.
Sensible of the detriment suffered by the royal interests in consequence
of the disagreement between the present generals, Judge Santillan and
Archbishop Loyasa, to which the defeat of Meneses was obviously owing,
these very unfit persons for military command were displaced, and Paulo
de Meneses was invested in the office of commander-in-chief, with Pedro
de Puertocarrero as his lieutenant-general. This new appointment
occasioned great discontent in the army, that a person who had lost a
battle, and rather merited ignominy and punishment for his misconduct,
should be raised to the chief command. The appointment was however
persisted in, and it was resolved to pursue the enemy with 800 men
without baggage.
Hernandez Giron, who retreated by way of the plain towards Arequipa, had
reached the valley of Nasca, about sixty leagues to the southwards of
Lima, before the confusion and disputes in the royal camp admitted of
proper measures being taken for pursuit. At this time, the judges gave
permission to a sergeant in the royal army, who had formerly been in the
conspiracy of Diego de Royas, to go into the enemys camp disguised as an
Indian, under pretence of bringing them exact information of the state
of affairs. But this man went immediately to Hernandez, whom he informed
of the quarrels among the officers and the discontents in the royal
army. He likewise informed him that the city of San Miguel de Piura had
rebelled, and that one Pedro de Orosna was coming from the new kingdom
of Grenada with a strong party to join the rebels in Peru. But to
qualify this favourable news for the rebels, Giron received notice at
the same time that the marshal Alvarado was coming against him from Las
Charcas with a force of twelve hundred men. About this time, on purpose
to reinforce his army, Giron raised a company of an hundred and fifty
negroes, which he afterwards augmented to 450, regularly divided into
companies, to which he appointed captains, and allowed them to elect
their own ensigns, sergeants, and corporals, and to make their own
colours.
In the mean time, the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, employed himself
diligently in Las Charcas to raise men for the royal service, and to
provide arms, ammunition, provisions, horses, and mules, and every thing
necessary for taking the field. He appointed Don Martin de Almendras,
who had married his sister, lieutenant-general, Diego de Porras
standard-bearer, and Diego de Villavicennio major-general. Pera
Hernandez Paniagua, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and Don Gabriel de Guzman,
were captains of horse. The licentiate Polo, Diego de Almendras, Martin
de Alarzon, Hernando Alvarez de Toledo, Juan Ramon, and Juan de
Arreynaga, were captains of foot; Gomez Hernandez the lawyer, military
alguazil or judge-advocate, and Juan Riba Martin commissary-general. His
force amounted to 750 excellent soldiers, all well armed and richly
clothed, with numerous attendants, such as had never been seen before in
Peru. I saw them myself a few days after their arrival in Cuzco, when
they made a most gallant appearance. While on his march to Cuzco from
La Plata, Alvarado was joined by several parties of ten and twenty
together, who came to join him in the service of his majesty. On his way
to Arequipa he was joined by about forty more; and after passing that
place, Sancho Duarte and Martin d'Olmos joined him from La Paz with more
than two hundred good soldiers. Besides these, while in the province of
Cuzco, he was joined by Juan de Saavedra with a squadron of eighty five
men of the principal interest and fortune in the country. On entering
Cuzco, Alvarado was above 1200 strong; having 300 horse, 350
musqueteers, and about 530 armed with pikes and halberts. Not knowing
what was become of Giron, Alvarado issued orders to repair the bridges
over the Apurimac and Abancay, intending to pass that way in quest of
the rebels. But receiving intelligence from the judges, of the defeat of
Meneses, and that the rebels were encamped in the valley of Nasca, he
ordered the bridges to be destroyed, and marched by the nearest way for
Nasca, by way of Parinacocha, in which route he had to cross a rocky
desert of sixty leagues.
In this march four of the soldiers deserted and went over to Hernandez
Giron at Nasca, to whom they gave an account of the great force with
which Alvarado was marching against him, but reported in public that the
royalists were inconsiderable in number. Giron, however, chose to let
his soldiers know the truth, and addressed his army as follows.
"Gentlemen, do not flatter or deceive yourselves: There are a thousand
men coming against you from Lima, and twelve hundred from the mountains.
But, with the help of God, if you stand firm, I have no doubt of
defeating them all." Leaving Nasca, Giron marched by way of Lucanas, by
the mountain road, intending to take post on the lake of Parinacocha
before Alvarado might be able to reach that place. He accordingly left
Nasca on the 8th of May[47] for this purpose.
[Footnote 47: Although Garcilasso omits the date of the year, it
probably was in 1554, as the rebellion of Giron commenced in the
November immediately preceding.--E.]
In the mean time pursuing his march, Alvarado and his army entered upon
the desert of _Parihuanacocha_, where above sixty of his best horses
died, in consequence of the bad and craggy roads, the unhealthiness of
the climate, and continued tempestuous weather, though led by hand and
well covered with clothes. When the two armies approached each other,
Alvarado sent a detachment of an hundred and fifty select musqueteers
to attack the camp of Giron, and marched forwards with the main body of
his army to support that detachment. An engagement accordingly took
place in rough and strong ground, encumbered with trees brushwood and
rocks, in which the royalists could make no impression on the rebels,
and were obliged to retire with the loss of forty of their best men
killed or wounded. In the following night, Juan de Piedrahita
endeavoured ineffectually to retaliate, by assailing the camp of
Alvarado, and was obliged to retreat at daybreak. Receiving notice from
a deserter that the rebel army consisted only of about four hundred men,
in want of provisions, and most of them inclined to revolt from Giron
and return to their duty, Alvarado determined upon giving battle,
contrary to the opinion and earnest advice of all his principal officers
and followers. But so strong was the position of the enemy, and the
approaches so extremely difficult, that the royal army fell into
confusion in the attack, and were easily defeated with considerable
loss, and fled in all directions, many of them being slain by the
Indians during their dispersed flight.
On receiving the afflicting news of this defeat, the judges ordered the
army which they had drawn together at Lima to march by way of Guamanga
against the rebels. In the mean time Giron remained for forty days in
his camp at Chuquinca, where the battle was fought, taking care of his
wounded men and of the wounded royalists, many of whom now joined his
party. He sent off however his lieutenant-general towards Cuzco in
pursuit of the royalists who had fled in that direction, and ordered his
sergeant-major to go to La Plaz, Chucuito, Potosi, and La Plata, to
collect men arms and horses for the farther prosecution of the war. At
length Giron marched into the province of Andahuaylas, which he laid
waste without mercy, whence he went towards Cuzco on receiving
intelligence that the army of the judges had passed the rivers Abancay
and Apurimac on their way to attack him. He immediately marched by the
valley of Yucay to within a league of Cuzco, not being sufficiently
strong to resist the royalists; but turned off from that city at the
persuasion of certain astrologers and prognosticators, who declared that
his entrance there would prove his ruin, as had already happened to many
other captains, both Spaniards and Indians.
The army of the judges marched on from Guamanga to Cuzco unopposed by
the rebels, their chief difficulty being in the passages of the great
rivers, and the transport of eleven pieces of artillery, which were
carried on the shoulders of Indians, of whom ten thousand were required
for that service only. Each piece of ordinance was fastened on a beam of
wood forty feet long, under which twenty cross bars were fixed, each
about three feet long, and to every bar were two Indians, one on each
side, who carried this load on their shoulders, on pads or cushions, and
were relieved by a fresh set every two hundred paces. After halting five
days in the neighbourhood of Cuzco, to refresh the army from the
fatigues of the march, and to procure provisions and other necessaries,
the royal army set out in pursuit of the rebels to Pucara[48], where the
rebels had intrenched themselves in a very strong situation, environed
on every side with such steep and rugged mountains as could not be
passed without extreme difficulty, more like a wall than natural rocks.
The only entrance was exceedingly narrow and intricate, so that it could
easily be defended by a handful of men against an army; but the interior
of this post was wide and convenient, and sufficient for accommodating
the rebel army with all the cattle provisions and attendants with the
utmost ease. The rebels had abundance of provisions and ammunition,
having the whole country at their command since the victory of
Chuquinca; besides which their negro soldiers brought in provisions
daily from the surrounding country. The royal army encamped at no great
distance in an open plain, fortifying the camp with an intrenchment
breast-high all round, which was soon executed by means of the great
numbers of Indians who attended to carry the baggage and artillery.
Giron established a battery of cannon on the top of a rising ground so
near the royal camp that the balls were able to reach considerably
beyond the intrenchment: "Yet by the mysterious direction of Providence,
the rebel cannon, having been cast from the consecrated metal of bells
dedicated to the service of God, did no harm to man or beast."
[Footnote 48: Pucara is in the province of Lampa, near the north-western
extremity of the great lake Titicaca.--E.]
After a considerable delay, during which daily skirmishes passed between
the adverse parties, Giron resolved to make a night attack upon the camp
of the royalists, confiding in the prediction of some wise old woman,
that he was to gain the victory at that place. For this purpose he
marched out from his natural fortress at the head of eight hundred foot,
six hundred of whom were musqueteers, and the rest pikemen, with only
about thirty horse. His negro soldiers, who were about two hundred and
fifty in number, joined with about seventy Spaniards, were ordered to
assail the front of the royal camp, while Giron with the main body was
to attack the rear. Fortunately the judges had got notice of this
intended assault from two rebel deserters, so that the whole royal army
was drawn out in order of battle on the plain before the rebels got up
to the attack. The negro detachment arrived at the royal camp sometime
before Giron, and, finding no resistance, they broke in and killed a
great number of the Indian followers, and many horses and mules,
together with five or six Spanish soldiers who had deserted the ranks
and hidden themselves in the camp. On arriving at the camp, Giron fired
a whole volley into the fortifications without receiving any return; but
was astonished when the royal army began to play upon the flank of his
army from an unexpected quarter, with all their musquets and artillery.
Giron, being thus disappointed in his expectations of taking the enemy
by surprise, and finding their whole army drawn up to receive him, lost
heart and retreated back to his strong camp in the best order he could.
But on this occasion, two hundred of his men, who had formerly served
under Alvarado, and had been constrained to enter into his service after
the battle of Chuquinca, threw down their arms and revolted to the
royalists.
Giron made good his retreat, as the general of the royalists would not
permit any pursuit during the darkness of the night. In this affair,
five or six were killed on the side of the judges, and about thirty
wounded; while the rebels, besides the two hundred who revolted, had ten
men killed and about the same number wounded. On the third day after the
battle, Giron sent several detachments to skirmish with the enemy, in
hopes of provoking them to assail his strong camp; but the only
consequence of this was giving an opportunity to Thomas Vasquez and ten
or twelve more to go over to the royalists. Heart-broken and confounded
by these untoward events, and even dreading that his own officers had
conspired against his life, Giron fled away alone from the camp on
horseback during the night after the desertion of Vasquez. On the
appearance of day he found himself still near his own camp, whence he
desperately adventured to make his escape over a mountain covered with
snow, where he was nearly swallowed up, but at last got through by the
goodness of his horse. Next morning, the lieutenant-general of the
rebels, with about an hundred of the most guilty, went off in search of
their late general; but several others of the leading rebels went over
to the judges and claimed their pardons, which were granted under the
great seal.
Next day, Paulo de Meneses, with a select detachment, went in pursuit of
Diego de Alvarado, the rebel lieutenant-general, who was accompanied by
about an hundred Spaniards and twenty negroes; and came up with them in
eight or nine days, when they all surrendered without resistance. The
general immediately ordered Juan Henriquez de Orellana, one of the
prisoners, who had been executioner in the service of the rebels, to
hang and behead Diego de Alvarado and ten or twelve of the principal
chiefs, after which he ordered Orellana to be strangled by two negroes.
"I cannot omit one story to shew the impudence of the rebel soldiers,
which occurred at this time. The very next day after the flight of
Francisco Hernandez Giron, as my father Garcilasso de la Vega was at
dinner with eighteen or twenty soldiers, it being the custom in time of
war for all men of estates to be hospitable in this manner according to
their abilities; he observed among his guests a soldier who had been
with Giron from the beginning of this rebellion. This man was by trade a
blacksmith, yet crowded to the table with as much freedom and boldness
as if he had been a loyal gentleman, and was as richly clothed as the
most gallant soldier of either army. Seeing him sit down with much
confidence, my father told him to eat his dinner and welcome, but to
come no more to his table; as a person who would have cut off his head
yesterday for a reward from the general of the rebels, was not fit
company for himself or those gentlemen, his friends and wellwishers, and
loyal subjects of his majesty. Abashed by this address, the poor
blacksmith rose and departed without his dinner, leaving subject of
discourse to the guests, who admired at his impudence."
After his flight, Hernandez Giron was rejoined by a considerable number
of his dispersed soldiers, and took the road towards Lima, in hopes of
gaining possession of that place in the absence of the judges. He was
pursued by various detachments, one of which came up with him in a
strong position on a mountain; where all his followers, though more
numerous than their pursuers, surrendered at discretion, and the arch
rebel was made prisoner and carried to Lima, where he was capitally
punished, and his head affixed to the gallows beside those of Gonzalo
Pizarro and Francisco de Carvajal. This rebellion subsisted from the
13th of November 1553, reckoning the day on which Giron was executed,
thirteen months and some days; so that he received his well-merited
punishment towards the end of December 1554.
SECTION V.
_History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del Cannete._
Immediately after learning the death of Don Antonio de Mendoza, his
imperial majesty, who was then in Germany, nominated the Conde de Palma
to succeed to the viceroyalty of Peru: But both he and the Conde de
Olivares declined to accept. At length Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza,
Marquis of Cannete, was appointed to the office. Having received his
instructions, he departed for Peru and arrived at Nombre de Dios, where
he resided for some time for the purpose of suppressing a band of
fugitive negroes, called _Cimarrones_ who lived in the mountains, and
robbed and pillaged the merchants and others on the road between Nombre
de Dios and Panama. Finding themselves hard pressed by a military force
sent against them under the command of Pedro de Orsua, the negroes at
length submitted to articles of accommodation, retaining their freedom,
and engaging to catch and deliver up all negroes that should in future
desert from their masters. They likewise agreed to live peaceably and
quietly within a certain district, and were allowed to have free trade
with the Spanish towns.
Having settled all things properly in the Tierra Firma, the viceroy set
sail from Panama and landed at Payta on the northern confines of Peru,
whence he went by land to Lima, where he was received in great pomp in
the month of July 1557. Soon after the instalment of the new viceroy,
he appointed officers and governors to the several cities and
jurisdictions of the kingdom; among whom Baptisto Munnoz a lawyer from
Spain was sent to supersede my father Garcilasso de la Vega in the
government of Cuzco. In a short time after taking possession of his
office, Munnoz apprehended Thomas Vasquez, Juan de Piedrahita and Alonzo
Diaz, who had been ringleaders in the late rebellion, and who were
privately strangled in prison, notwithstanding the pardons they had
received in due form from the royal chancery. Their plantations and
lordships over Indians were confiscated and bestowed on other persons.
No other processes were issued against any of the other persons who had
been engaged in the late rebellion. But Munnoz instituted a prosecution
against his predecessor in office, my father, on the four following
charges. 1st, For sporting after the Spanish manner with darts on
horseback, as unbecoming the gravity of his office. 2d, For going on
visits without the rod of justice in his hand, by which he gave occasion
to many to despise and contemn the character with which he was invested.
3d, For allowing cards and dice in his house during the Christmas
holidays, and even playing himself, contrary to the dignity becoming the
governor. 4th, For employing as his clerk one who was not a freeman of
the city, nor qualified according to the forms of law. Some charges
equally frivolous were made against Monjaraz, the deputy-governor, not
worth mentioning; but these processes were not insisted in, and no fines
or other punishment were inflicted.
Soon after the viceroy was settled in his government, he sent
Altamirano, judge in the court of chancery at Lima, to supersede Martin
de Robles in the government of the city of La Plata. De Robles was then
so old and bowed down with infirmities, that he was unable to have his
sword girt to his side, and had it carried after him by an Indian page;
yet Altamirano, almost immediately after taking possession of his
government, hanged Martin de Robles in the market-place, on some
pretended charge of having used certain words respecting the viceroy
that had a rebellious tendency. About the same time the viceroy
apprehended and deported to Spain about thirty-seven of those who had
most eminently distinguished their loyalty in suppressing the late
rebellion, chiefly because they solicited rewards for their services and
remuneration for the great expences they had been at during the war, and
refused to marry certain women who had been brought from Spain by the
viceroy as wives to the colonists, many of whom were known to be common
strumpets.
The next object which occupied the attention of the viceroy was to
endeavour to prevail upon Sayri Tupac, the nominal Inca or king of the
Peruvians, to quit the mountains in which he had taken refuge, and to
live among the Spaniards, under promise of a sufficient allowance to
maintain his family and equipage. Sayri Tupac was the son and heir of
Manco Capac, otherwise called Menco Saca, who had been killed by the
Spaniards after delivering them out of the hands of their enemies. After
a long negociation, the Inca Sayri Tupac came to Lima where he was
honourably received and entertained by the viceroy, who settled an
insignificant pension upon him according to promise. After remaining a
short time in Lima, the Inca was permitted by the viceroy to return to
Cuzco, where he took up his residence in the house of his aunt Donna
Beatrix Coya, which was directly behind my fathers dwelling, and where
he was visited by all the men and women of the royal blood of the Incas
who resided in Cuzco. The Inca was soon afterwards baptized along with
his wife, Cusi Huarcay, the niece of the former Inca Huascar. This took
place in the year 1558; and about three years afterwards he died,
leaving a daughter who was afterwards married to a Spaniard named Martin
Garcia de Loyola.
Having settled all things in the kingdom to his satisfaction, by the
punishment of those who had been concerned in the rebellion under Giron,
and the settlement of the Inca under the protection and superintendence
of the Spanish government; the viceroy raised a permanent force of
seventy lancers or cavalry, and two hundred musqueteers, to secure the
peace of the kingdom, and to guard his own person and the courts of
justice. The horsemen of this guard were allowed each a thousand, and
the foot soldiers five hundred, dollars yearly. Much about the same
time, Alonzo de Alvarado, Juan Julio de Hojeda, my lord and father
Garcilasso de la Vega, and Lorenzo de Aldana died. These four gentlemen
were all of the ancient conquerors of Peru who died by natural deaths,
and were all greatly lamented by the people for their virtuous
honourable and good characters. All the other conquerors either died in
battle, or were cut off by other violent deaths, in the various civil
wars and rebellions by which the kingdom was so long distracted.
On the arrival of those persons in Spain who had been sent out of Peru
by the viceroy for demanding rewards for their services, they petitioned
the king, Don Philip II, for redress; who was graciously pleased to give
pensions to as many of them as chose to return to Peru, to be paid from
the royal exchequer in that kingdom, that they might not need to address
themselves to the viceroy. Such as chose to remain in Spain, he
gratified with pensions upon the custom-house in Seville; the smallest
being 80 ducats yearly, to some 600, to some 800, 1000, and 1200 ducats,
according to their merits and services. About the same time likewise,
his majesty was pleased to nominate Don Diego de Azevedo as viceroy of
Peru, to supersede the Marquis of Cannete; but, while preparing for his
voyage, he died, to the great grief of all the colonists of the kingdom.
The Marquis of Cannete was much astonished when those men whom he had
banished from Peru for demanding rewards for their past services, came
back with royal warrants for pensions on the exchequer of that kingdom,
and still more so when he learnt that another person was appointed to
succeed him in the office of viceroy. On this occasion he laid aside his
former haughtiness and severity, and became gentle and lenient in his
disposition and conduct for the rest of his days; so that, if he had
begun as he ended his administration, he would have proved the best
governor that ever commanded in the New World. On seeing this change of
conduct, the heirs of those citizens who had been executed for having
engaged in the rebellion of Giron, laid the pardons obtained by their
fathers before the judges of the royal audience, and made reclamation of
the estates which had been confiscated, and even succeeded in having
their lands and Indians restored, together with all other confiscations
which had been ordered at the first coming over of the viceroy.
At this time likewise, the viceroy gave a commission to Pedro de Orsua,
to make a conquest of the country of the Amazons on the river Marannon,
being the same country in which Orellana deserted Gonzalo Pizarro, as
formerly related. Orsua went to Quito to raise soldiers, and to provide
arms and provisions, in which he was greatly assisted by contributions
from the citizens of Cuzco, Quito and other cities of Peru. Orsua set
out accordingly on his expedition, with a well appointed force of five
hundred men, a considerable proportion of which was cavalry. But he was
slain by his own men, at the instigation of Don Fernando de Guzman and
some others, who set up Don Fernando as their king, yet put him to death
shortly afterwards. Lope de Aguira then assumed the command, but the
whole plan of conquest fell to the ground, and Aguira and far the
greater part of the men engaged in this expedition were slain.
SECTION VI.
_Incidents in the History of Peru, during the successive Governments of
the Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro, and Don Francisco de Toledo._
On the death of Don Diego de Azevedo, Don Diego de Zuniga by Velasco,
Conde de Nieva, was appointed to supersede the Marquis of Cannete as
viceroy of Peru, and departing from Spain to assume his new office in
January 1560, he arrived at Payta in Peru in the month of April
following. He immediately dispatched a letter to the marquis informing
him of his arrival in the kingdom as viceroy, and requiring the marquis
to desist from any farther exercise of authority. On the arrival of the
messenger at Lima, the marquis ordered him to be honourably entertained,
and to receive a handsome gratification, to the value of 7000 dollars;
but he forfeited all these advantages, by refusing to address the
ex-viceroy by the title of excellency. This slight, which had been
directed by the new viceroy, so pressed on the spirits of the marquis,
already much reduced by the infirmities of age and the ravages of a
mortal distemper, that he fell into a deep melancholy, and ended his
days before the arrival of his successor at Lima.
The Conde de Nieva did not long enjoy the happiness he expected in his
government, and he came by his death not many months afterwards by means
of a strange accident, of which he was himself the cause; but as it was
of a scandalous nature I do not chuse to relate the particulars. On
receiving notice of his death, King Philip II. was pleased to appoint
the lawyer Lope Garcia de Castro, who was then president of the royal
council of the Indies, to succeed to the government of Peru, with the
title only of president of the court of royal audience and
governor-general of the kingdom. He governed the kingdom with much
wisdom and moderation, and lived to return into Spain, where he was
replaced in his former situation of president of the council of the
Indies.
Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the Conde de Oropeta, succeeded
Lope Garcia de Castro in the government of Peru, with the tide of
viceroy. He had scarcely been two years established in the government,
when he resolved to entice from the mountains of Villcapampa[49] where
he resided, the Inca Tupac Amaru, the legitimate heir of the Peruvian
empire, being the son of Manco Inca, and next brother to the late Don
Diego Sayri Tupac, who left no son. The viceroy was induced to attempt
this measure, on purpose to put a stop to the frequent robberies which
were committed by the Indians dependent on the Inca, in the roads
between Cuzco and Guamanga, and in hope of procuring information
respecting the treasures which had belonged to former Incas and the
great chain of gold belonging to Huayna Capac, formerly mentioned, all
of which it was alleged was concealed by the Indians. Being unable to
prevail upon the Inca to put himself in the power of the Spaniards, a
force of two hundred and fifty men was detached into the Villcapampa,
under the command of Martin Garcia Loyola, to whom the Inca surrendered
himself, with his wife, two sons, and a daughter, who were all carried
prisoners to Cuzco.
[Footnote 49: The river Quiliabamba, otherwise called Urabamba and
Vilcamayo is to the north of Cuzco, and to the north of that river one
of the chains of the Andes is named the chain of Cuzco or of the rebel
Indians. This is probably the mountainous region mentioned in the
text.--E.]
The unfortunate Inca was arraigned by the attorney-general, of having
encouraged his servants and vassals to infest the roads and to rob the
Spanish merchants, of having declared enmity against all who lived or
inhabited among the Spaniards, and of having entered into a plot with
the Caracas or Caciques, who were lords of districts and Indians by
ancient grants of the former Incas, to rise in arms on a certain day and
to kill all the Spaniards they could find. At the same time a general
accusation was made against all the males of mixed race, born of Indian
mothers to the Spanish conquerors, who were alleged to have secretly
agreed with Tupac Amaru and other Incas to make an insurrection for
extirpating the Spaniards and restoring the native, Inca to the throne
of Peru. In consequence of this accusation, all the sons of Spaniards by
Indian women who were of age sufficient to carry arms were committed to
prison, and many of them were put to the torture to extort confession of
these alleged crimes, for which they had no proof or evidence
whatsoever. Many of them were accordingly banished to various remote
parts of the New World, as to Chili, the new kingdom of Granada, the
West India islands, Panama, and Nicaragua, and others were sent into
Spain.
All the males of the royal line of the Incas, who were in the capacity
of being able to succeed to the throne, to the number of thirty-six
persons, together with the two sons and the daughter of the Inca Tupac
Amaru, were commanded to reside for the future in Lima, where in little
more than two years they all died except three, who were permitted to
return to their own houses for purer air: But even these three were
beyond recovery, and died soon afterwards. One of these, Don Carlos
Paula, left a son who died in Spain in 1610, leaving one son a few
months old who died next year; and in him ended the entire male line of
the Incas of Peru.
Tupac Amaru was brought to trial, under pretence that he intended to
rebel, and had engaged in a conspiracy with several Indians, and with
the sons of Spaniards born of Indian mothers, intending to have
dispossessed his majesty Philip II of the kingdom of Peru. On this
unfounded accusation, and on the most inconclusive evidence, he was
condemned to lose his head. Upon notice of this sentence, the friars of
Cuzco flocked to prison, and persuaded the unfortunate prince to receive
baptism, on which he assumed the name of Don Philip. Though the Inca
earnestly entreated to be sent to Spain, and urged the absurdity and
impossibility that he could ever intend to rebel against the numerous
Spanish colonists who now occupied the whole country of Peru, seeing
that his father with 200,000 men was utterly unable to overcome only 200
Spaniards whom he besieged in the city of Cuzco; yet the viceroy thought
fit to order the sentence to be carried into execution. The Inca was
accordingly brought out of prison, mounted on a mule, having his bands
tied and a halter about his neck, and being conducted to the ordinary
place of execution in the city of Cuzco, his head was cut off by the
public executioner.
After continuing sixteen years in the viceroyalty of Peru, Don Francisco
de Toledo returned into Spain, with a fortune of above half a million of
pesos. Falling under the displeasure of the king, he was ordered to
confine himself to his own house, and all his fortune was laid under
sequestration, which so affected his mind that he soon died of a broken
heart. Martin Garcia Loyola, who made the Inca prisoner, was married to
a coya, the daughter of the former Inca Sayri Tupac, by whom he acquired
a considerable estate; and being afterwards made governor of Chili, was
slain in that country by the natives.
END OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU.
CHAPTER IX.
HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF CHILI
INTRODUCTION.
Not having the advantage of any original and contemporary author to lay
before our readers on this occasion, it was at first our intention to
have omitted any notice of Chili in the present division of this work:
But under the existing and important circumstances of the Spanish
American colonies, to which some allusion has been already made in the
introduction to the preceding chapter, it has been deemed proper to
deviate on this occasion from our general principle, and to endeavour to
draw up a short satisfactory account of the Discovery and Conquest of
Chili, and of the early History of that interesting region, the most
distant of all the early European colonies in the New World, and which
presents the singular and solitary phenomenon, of a native nation
inhabiting a fertile and champaign country, successfully resisting the
arts, discipline, and arms of Europeans, and remaining unconquered and
independent to the present day, after the almost perpetual efforts of
the Spaniards during a period of 277 years.
In the composition of this chapter, we have been chiefly guided by the
geographical natural and civil history of Chili, by the Abbe Don Juan
Ignatio Molina, a native of the country, and a member of the late
celebrated order of the Jesuits. On the dissolution of that order, being
expelled along with all his brethren from the Spanish dominions, he went
to reside at Bologna in Italy, where in 1787 he published the first part
of his work, containing the natural history of Chili, and the second
part, or civil history, some years afterwards. This work was translated
and published some years ago in the United States of North America; and
was republished in London in the year 1809, with the addition of several
notes and appendixes from various sources by the English editor. In the
present abridged version of the second part of that work, or civil
history of Chili, we have collated the whole with An Historical Relation
of the Kingdom of Chili, by Alonzo de Ovalle, or Ovaglia, likewise a
native and a Jesuit, printed at Rome in 1649, of which an English
translation is inserted in Churchill's collection of voyages and
travels, Vol. III. p. 1-146. In other divisions of this work, more
minute accounts will be furnished, respecting the country of Chili and
its inhabitants and productions, by means of several voyages to that
distant and interesting country.
SECTION I.
_Geographical View of the Kingdom of Chili._
The kingdom of Chili in South America, is situated on the coast of the
Pacific Ocean or Great South Sea, between 24° and 45° of south latitude,
and between 68° 40´ and 74° 20´ of west longitude from Greenwich; but as
its direction is oblique from N.N.E. to S.S.W. between the Andes on the
east and the Pacific Ocean on the west, the middle of its northern
extremity is in 70°, and of its southern termination in about 73° of W.
longitude. Its extreme length therefore is 1260 geographical, or 1450
statute miles; but its breadth varies considerably, as the Andes
approach or recede from the sea. In the more northern parts, between the
latitudes of 24° and 32° S. the average breadth is about two degrees, or
nearly 140 English miles. Its greatest breadth in lat. 37° S. is about
220 miles; whence it grows again narrower, and the continental part of
the country, opposite to the Archipelago of Chiloe, varies from about 50
to 100 miles. These measures are all assumed as between the main ridge
of the Andes and the sea; but in many places these mountains extend from
60 to 100 miles farther towards the east, and, being inhabited by
natives of the same race with the indigenous Chilese, or confederated
with them, that transalpine region may be likewise considered as
belonging to Chili.
Chili is bounded on the north by Peru, whence its lower or plain
country, between the Andes and the Pacific, is divided by the extensive
and arid desert of Atacama. On the east it is separated by the lofty
chain of the southern Andes, from the countries of Tucuman, Cujo, and
Patagonia, on the waters which run towards the Southern Atlantic.
Through these lofty and almost impracticable mountains, there are eight
or nine roads which lead from Chili towards the east, into the vast
plains which depend upon the viceroyalty of La Plata, all of which are
exceedingly difficult and even dangerous. The most frequented of these
roads is that which leads from the province of Aconcagua in Chili to
Cujo, running along the deep ravines of the rivers Chillan and Mendoza,
bordered on one side by deep precipices overhanging these rivers, and on
the other by lofty and almost perpendicular mountains. Both of these
rivers derive their origin from the Alpine vallies of the Andes, the
former running westwards to the Pacific; while the latter takes a much
longer course towards the Southern Atlantic. This road requires at least
eight days journey to get across the mountain range, and is so narrow
and incommodious, that travellers are obliged in many places to quit
their mules and proceed on foot, and every year some loaded mules are
precipitated from this road into the rivers below. In some places the
road passes over agreeable plains among the mountains, and in these the
travellers halt for rest and refreshment. In these vallies, when the
Incas conquered the northern provinces of Chili, before the coming of
the Spaniards, they caused some _tambos_ or stone houses to be
constructed for the accommodation of their officers. Some of these are
ruined but others remain entire, and the Spaniards have built some more
for the convenience of travellers.
On the west side Chili is bounded throughout its whole extent by the
shores of the Pacific Ocean; and on the south it joins with the southern
land usually called the Terra Magellanica, from the name of the
navigator, Magellan or Magelhaens, who first circumnavigated the
continent of South America, and opened the way by sea from the Atlantic
to the Pacific Ocean, through the Straits which are still known by his
name.
Chili may be considered under three natural divisions. The country of
Chili Proper, between the main ridge of the Andes and the sea: The Andes
themselves, from the main ridge eastwards to the plain country of La
Plata, and the Chilese islands. Chili Proper, or that which lies between
the main ridge of the Andes and the Pacific, is usually distinguished
into the Maritime and Midland countries. The Maritime country is
intersected by three chains of hills, running parallel to the Andes,
between which are many fine vallies which are watered by delightful
rivers. The Midland country consists almost entirely of a uniform plain
of considerable elevation, having a few isolated hills interspersed
which add much to its beauty. The Andes, which are among the loftiest
mountains in the world, are mostly about 120 miles from east to west, in
that part of their course which belongs to Chili, consisting of a vast
number of mountains of prodigious height, as if chained together, and
displaying all the beauties and horrors of the most sublime and
picturesque grandeur, abounding everywhere with frightful precipices,
interspersed with many fine vallies and fertile pastures, watered by
numerous streams and rivers which rise in the mountains. Between the
latitudes of 24° and 33° south, the Andes are entirely desert and
uninhabited; but the remainder as far as 45° S. is inhabited by various
tribes or colonies of the Chilese, called Chiquillanes, Pehuenches,
Puelches, and Huilliches, which are commonly known under the general
appellation of Patagonians.
S1. _Chili Proper._
The political divisions of Chili consist of that part which has been
conquered by the Spaniards, and that which still remains independent in
the possession of the natives. The Spanish portion is situated between
the latitudes of 24° and 37° south, and is divided into thirteen
provinces; of which the following is an enumeration, with a short
account of each, beginning on the north, at the desert of Atacama or
frontiers of Peru. In each of these a _corregidor_, or deputy-governor
resides, to whose command the civil and military officers of the
province are subordinate, and on whom the respective cabildos or
municipal magistracies are dependent.
1. _Copaipo_, is bounded on the north by the great desert of Atacama, on
the east by the Andes, on the south by Coquimbo, and on the west by the
Pacific. It is about 300 English miles long by 120 in breath. It
contains the rivers Salado, Juncal, Chineral, Copaipo, Castagno,
Totoral, Quebradaponda, Guasco, and Chollai. This province abounds in
gold, lapis lazuli, sulphur, and fossile salt, which last is found in
almost all the mountains of the Andes on its eastern frontiers. Copaipo
its capital is in lat. 27° 15´ S. and long. 70° 53´ W. The northern part
of this province, beyond the river Juncal is hardly inhabited, except by
hunters of the Vicugnas, which they catch by means of large palisaded
inclosures. Besides lead mines to the north of the river Copaipo, there
are several silver mines in this province, and some sugar is made in the
valley of the Totoral. This province has five ports, at Juncal,
Chineral, Caldera, Copaipo, and Huasca, or Guasco. The chief town,
Copaipo, situated on the river of the same name, contains a parish
church, a convent of the order of Mercy, and a college which formerly
belonged to the Jesuits. The town of San Francisco della Salva, stands
on the same river about sixty miles farther inland.
2. _Coquimbo_, which is divided from Copaipo by the river Huasca or
Guasco, is the next province towards the south. It is accordingly
bounded on the north by Copaipo, on the east by the Andes, on the
south-east by Aconcagua, on the south-west by Quillota, and on the west
by the Pacific. It is about 135 miles from north to south, and 120 from
east to west. Its principal rivers are the Coquimbo, Tongoi, Limari, and
Chuapa. Its capital is called Coquimbo, or _La Serena_, founded in 1544
by Valdivia at the mouth of the river Coquimbo in lat. 29° 53' S long.
71° 12' W. This city is the residence of several ancient and honourable
families, and is situated in a delightful country and charming climate;
such being the mild temperature of the air, that though rain seldom
falls, the surrounding country is continually verdant. This province is
rich in gold, copper, and iron, and its fertile soil produces grapes,
olives, and other fruits in great abundance, both those belonging to
Europe, and such as are natural to the country.
3. _Quillota_, is bounded on the north by Coquimbo, on the east by the
province of Aconcagua, on the south by Melipilla, and on the west by the
sea. Its chief rivers are the Longotoma, Ligua, Aconcagua, and Limache;
and its territory is among the most populous and most abundant in gold
of any in Chili. The capital, called Quillota or San Martin, stands in a
pleasant valley, in lat. 32° 42' S. and long. 71° W. having three
churches dedicated to the saints Dominic, Francis, and Augustine. The
province likewise contains the cities of Plazza, Plazilla, Ingenio,
Cassablanca, and Petorca; which last is very populous, owing to the
resort of great numbers of miners who work in the celebrated gold mines
in the neighbourhood. Valparaiso, or Valparadiso, the most celebrated
and most commercial harbour in Chili is in this province, from whence
all the trade is carried on with Peru and Spain. The harbour is very
capacious, and so deep that large ships can lie close to the shore. Its
convenience for trade, and the salubrity of its climate, have rendered
this a place of considerable resort; so that besides the city, which is
three miles from the port, there is a populous town along the shore of
the harbour, called Almendral, in which those belonging to the shipping
mostly reside. A deputy-governor or corregidor sent directly from Spain
resides here, who has the command of the civil and military officers of
the city, and is only amenable to the president of Chili.
4. _Aconcagua_, is inclosed between the provinces of Coquimbo, Quillota,
Santiago, and the Andes, being entirely inland and communicating with
the sea through the former province, the same rivers belonging to both.
The celebrated silver mines of Uspalata are in the Andes belonging to
this province, which likewise are productive of excellent copper, and
its lower grounds are fertile in grain and fruit. Aconcagua or San
Filippe, the capital, is in lat. 32° 18' S. and long. 69° 55' W.
5. _Melipilla_, is bounded on the north by Quillota, on the east by
Santiago, on the south by the river Maypo dividing it from Rancagua, and
on the west by the Pacific. Its rivers are the Mapocho and Poangue, and
its territory abounds in wine and grain. Melipilla, or San Joseph de
Logronno, on the river Maypo, in lat 33° 36' S long. 70° 42' W. is the
chief town of the province, and is but thinly inhabited, though in a
beautiful situation and fertile country, as most of the principal
proprietors reside in the neighbouring city of St Jago, the capital of
the kingdom.
6. _St Jago_, or _San Jacopo_, is entirely inland, having the province
of Aconcagua on the north, the Andes on the east, the river Maypo to the
south, and Melipilla to the west. This is a small province, being only
45 miles from east to west, and 36 from north to south. Besides the
rivers Mapocho, Colina, and Zampa, with several other beautiful streams,
it contains the lake of Pudaguel which is about nine miles long. This
province is very fertile, producing abundance of grain and wine, with
fine fruits, especially peaches of exquisite flavour and large size. The
inferior mountains of Caren abound in gold, and in the Andes belonging
to this province there are mines of silver. Tin is likewise said to be
found in the province. The beautiful city of St Jago, the capital of the
province and of the kingdom of Chili, which was founded in 1541 by Pedro
de Valdivia, stands in an extensive and beautiful plain, on the left
bank of the river Mapocho, in lat 33° 16' S. long. 69° 48' W. having the
suburbs of Chimba, Cannadilla, and Renca on the opposite side of the
river. Both sides of the river are guarded by stone quay walls of
considerable height to prevent inundations, and a fine bridge connects
the city with its suburbs. St Jago is about 90 miles from the sea, and
about 20 from the foot of the main ridge of the Andes, whose lofty
summits clad in perpetual snow form a fine contract with the continual
verdure of a beautiful surrounding district. The streets are all in
straight lines, thirty-six feet broad, and intersecting each other at
right angles, and every house is amply supplied with excellent water by
means of several aqueducts. The great square is 450 feet in extent on
all its sides, having a bronze fountain in the centre. The north side of
this square is occupied by the palace of the president and the public
offices, beneath which is the prison. On the south side is the palace of
the Conde dell Sierra-bella. The west side is occupied by the cathedral
and the palace of the archbishop; and the east side contains the palaces
of three noblemen. The other most remarkable buildings are the church of
San Domingo, and that formerly belonging to the college of Jesuits.
Though convenient and handsomely built, the private houses are generally
of one story only, on account of frequent earthquakes. On the south side
of the city, from which it is separated by a street called the Cannada,
144 feet broad, is the large suburb of St Isidore. On a hill in the
eastern part of the city, called Santa Lucia, there formerly stood a
fortress to guard against attacks of the Indians. This city contained in
1770 a population of 46,000 inhabitants, which was rapidly increasing.
Besides the cathedral and three other parish churches, there are two
convents of Dominican friars, four of Franciscans, two of Augustins, two
of the order of Mercy, and one belonging to the brothers of Charity,
with an hospital, seven nunneries, a female penitentiary, a foundling
hospital, a college for the nobility formerly under the direction of the
Jesuits, and a Tridentine seminary. It contains also an university, a
mint for coining gold and silver, and barracks for the soldiers who are
maintained as guards to the president and royal audience.
7. _Rancagua_, is bounded on the north by the river Maypo and by the
Chachapoal on the south, by the Andes on the east, and the Pacific on
the west. Besides the former rivers, it is watered by the Codegua and
Chocalan, and some others of less importance; and contains the lakes of
Aculen and Buccalemu, of no great importance. This province is fertile
in grain, and its chief town, Santa Croce di Trianna, otherwise called
Rancagua, is in lat. 34° 18' S. long. 70° 16' W. Near Alque, a town
recently founded about 24 miles nearer the sea, there is a very rich
gold mine.
8. _Calchagua_, between the rivers Chachapoal and Teno, extends from the
Andes to the sea, its breadth from north to south near the Andes being
about 75 miles, while on the coast of the Pacific it does not exceed 40.
Besides the rivers which form its boundaries, its territory is watered
by the Rio Clarillo, Tinguiririca, and Chimbarongo; and in this province
there are two considerable lakes, named Taguatagua and Caguil, the
former being interspersed with beautiful islands, and the latter
abounding with large clamps[50], which, are much esteemed. This
province, which is fertile in grain, wine, and fruits, and abounds in
gold, is part of the territories of the native tribe of the Promaucians,
whose name is said to signify _the people of delight_, so called from
the beauty and fertility of their country. The chief town San Fernando,
built only in 1742, is in lat. 34° 36' S. long. 70° 34' W.
[Footnote 50: Thus expressed by the translator of Molina, and probably
some fresh water shell-fish.--E.]
9. _Maule_, the next province to the south, is bounded on the east by
the Andes, on the south-east by Chillan, on the south-west by Itata, and
on the west by the Pacific. It is about 176 miles from east to west, and
about 120 from north to south where broadest; and is watered by the
Lantue, Rio Claro, Pangue, Lircai, Huenchullami, Maule, Putagan,
Achiguema, Longavi, Loncamilla, Purapel, and other inferior rivers. It
abounds in grain, wine, fruits, gold, salt, cattle, and fish; which last
are found in great quantities both in the sea and rivers. Its native
inhabitants are brave, robust, and warlike, and are principally
descended from the ancient Promaucians. Talca, or St Augustin, built in
1742 among hills near the Rio-claro, at a considerable distance from the
sea, is in lat. 35° 18' S. long. 70° 48' W. Its population is
considerable, owing to the proximity of rich gold mines, and the
abundance and cheapness of provisions supplied by its territory. From
this last circumstance, several noble families from the cities of St
Jago and Conception, whose finances had become diminished, have retired
to this place, which has in consequence been called the bankrupt colony.
There are several other towns in this province, and many villages of the
native Chilese; among these Laro, near the mouth of the river Mataquito,
contains a numerous population of the Promaucian nation, and is governed
by an _Ulmen_ or native chief.
10. _Itata_, situated on the sea-coast, has Maule on the north, Chillan
on the east, Puchacay on the south, and the Pacific on the west. It
measures 60 miles from east to west, and about 33 from north to south,
and is intersected by the river Itata, from which it derives its name.
The best wine of Chili is made in this province, and being produced on
lands belonging to citizens of the city of Conception, is usually known
by the name of Conception wine. Its chief town named Coulemu, or Nombre
de Jesus, stands on the Rio Jesus, in lat. 35° 58' S. long. 72° 38' W.
and was founded in 1743..
11. _Chillan_, bounded on the north, by Maule, by the Andes on the east,
on the south by Huilquilemu, and by Itata on the west, is entirety an
inland province, about the same size with Itata. Its rivers are the
Nuble, Cato, Chillan, Diguillin, and Dannicalquin. Its territory
consists mostly of an elevated plain, particularly favourable for
rearing sheep, which produce wool of a very fine quality. Its capital,
Chillan or San Bartholomeo, in lat. 35° 54' S. long. 71° 30´ W. was
founded in 1580. It has been several times destroyed by the Araucanians,
and was overthrown by an earthquake and inundation in 1751; since which
it has been rebuilt in a more convenient situation, out of danger from
the river.
12. _Puchacay_, is bounded on the north by Itata, on the east by
Huilquilemu, on the south by the river Biobio, and on the west by the
Pacific. It measures 24 miles from north to south, and 60 from east to
west. This province affords a great quantity of gold, and its
strawberries, both wild and cultivated, are the largest in all Chili.
Gualqui, or San Juan, founded in 1754 on the northern shore of the
Biobio, is the residence of the corregidor; but Conception, named Ponco
in the native language, is the principal city of the province, and the
second in the kingdom of Chili. It was founded by Pedro de Valdivia in a
pleasant vale, formed by some beautiful hills, near the coast, in lat.
36° 42' S. long. 73° 4´ W. After suffering severely in the long wars
with the Araucanians, this city was destroyed in 1730 by an earthquake
and inundation of the sea, and again by a similar calamity in 1751; and
was rebuilt in 1764 in a beautiful situation a league from the sea.
Owing to so many calamities, its inhabitants scarcely exceed 13,000, who
are attracted to this place on the frontiers of the warlike Araucanians,
by the great abundance of gold that is procured in its neighbourhood.
The climate is always temperate, the soil is fertile, and the sea
abounds in fish of all kinds. The Bay of Conception is spacious and
safe, extending above ten miles from north to south, and nearly as much
from east to west. Its mouth is protected by a beautiful and fertile
island, called Quiriquina, forming two mouths or entrances to the bay;
that on the north-east called the _bocca grande_ being two miles wide,
and that on the south-west, or _bocca chica_, little more than a mile.
The whole bay affords safe anchorage, and a port at its south-east
extremity called Talcaguano is chiefly frequented by shipping, as being
not far from the new city of Conception.
13. _Huilquilemu_, commonly called Estanzia del Rei, or the royal
possession, has Chillan on the north, the Andes on the east, the river
Biobio on the south, and Puchacay on the west. This district is rich in
gold, and produces an excellent wine resembling muscadel. To protect
this province against the warlike and independent Araucanians, there are
four forts on the north side of the Biobio, named Jumbel, Tucapel, Santa
Barbara, and Puren; and as the boundary line is to the south of that
river, the Spaniards have likewise the forts of Aranco, Colcura, San
Pedro, Santa Joanna, Nascimento, and Angeles beyond that river.
14. _Valdivia._ This province, or military station rather, is entirely
separated from the other possessions of the Spaniards in Chili, being
entirely surrounded by the territories of the Araucanians. It lies on
the sea-coast, on both sides of the river Valdivia or Callacallas, being
reckoned 36 miles from east to west, and 18 miles from north to south.
It abounds in valuable timber, and affords the purest gold of any that
is found in Chili, and produced great quantities of that precious metal
to Valdivia the original conqueror. But owing to many calamities in the
wars with the Araucanians, it is now of little importance except as a
military station. Valdivia, the capital, in lat. 39° 48´ S. long. 73°
24´ W. is situated at the bottom of a beautiful and safe bay, the
entrance to which is protected by the island of Manzera. As this is a
naval station of much importance for protecting the western coast of
South America, it is strongly fortified, and is always commanded by a
military officer of reputation sent directly from Spain, though under
the direction of the president of Chili. He has always a considerable
body of troops, which are officered by the five commanders of the five
castles which protect the city, with a sergeant-major, commissary,
inspector, and several captains.
From the foregoing short abstract of the geographical circumstances of
Chili Proper, or that part of the kingdom which is possessed by the
Spaniards, it appears to extend from the lat. 24° to 37° both south, or
about 900 English miles in length by about 180 miles in medium breadth,
containing about 162,000 square miles of territory or nearly 104
millions of statute acres, mostly of fertile soil, in a temperate and
salubrious climate, abounding in all the necessaries of life, and richly
productive in gold and other metals. Hence this country is calculated to
support a most extensive population, in all the comforts and enjoyments
of civilized society, and if once settled under a regular government,
will probably become at no great distance of time an exceedingly
populous and commercial nation. The islands belonging to Chili consist
principally of the Archipelago of Chiloé, with that of the Chones, which
is dependent upon the former. The largest of these islands, named
likewise Chiloé, is about 120 miles in extent from north to south, and
about 60 miles from east to west. Between it and the main-land is a vast
gulf or bay, which extends from lat. 41° 32´ to 44° 50´ both S. and lies
between the longitudes of 72° 44´ and 74° 20´ both W. This is called the
gulf of Chiloé, Guaiteca, or Elancud; and besides the great island of
Chiloé, contains eighty-two smaller islands, thinly inhabited by Indians
and a few Spaniards. The land in Chiloé, as in all the smaller islands,
is mountainous, and covered by almost impenetrable thickets. The rains
are here excessive and almost continual, so that the inhabitants seldom
have more than fifteen or twenty days of fair weather in autumn, and
hardly do eight days pass at any other season without rain. The
atmosphere is consequently extremely moist, yet salubrious, and the
climate is exceedingly mild and temperate. Owing to the great humidity,
grain and fruits are by no means productive, yet the inhabitants raise
sufficient grain, mostly barley and beans, for their support, and grow
abundance of excellent flax. The town of Castro, on the eastern shore,
in lat. 42° 44´ S. is the capital of the island, and was founded in
1565, by Don Martino Ruiz de Gamboa, and is built entirely of wood,
containing only about a hundred and fifty inhabitants, yet has a parish
church, a church formerly belonging to the Jesuits, and two convents.
The port of Chaco, near the middle of the northern extremity of the
island, in lat. 41° 53´ S. and about the same, longitude with Castro,
has good anchorage, and enjoys the whole trade with Peru and Chili,
which is not subjected to the duties which are paid in other ports of
Spanish America.
Besides the southern Archipelago of Chiloé, there are a few islands of
no great importance on the coast of Chili, not worth notice. The two
islands likewise of Juan Fernandez are considered as dependencies on
Chili. The larger of these, called Isola de Tierra, is at present
inhabited by a few Spaniards, who have a small fort at La Baya or
Cumberland harbour. The smaller island, or Masafuera, otherwise called
De Cabras or Conejos, is uninhabited.
S2. _The Province of Cujo._
Although the province of _Cujo,_ on the east side of the Andes, be not
strictly within the limits of Chili, yet as dependent on the presidency
of that kingdom, it is proper to take notice of it in this place. Cujo
is bounded on the north by the province of Tucuman, on the east by the
Pampas or desert plains of Buenos Ayres, on the south by Patagonia, and
on the west by the southern chain of the Andes. Being comprehended
between the latitudes of 29° and 35° south, it is about 400 miles in
extent from north to south, but its limits towards the east are
uncertain. In temperature and productions, this province differs
materially from Chili. The winter, which is the dry season, is extremely
cold; and the summer is excessively hot both day and night, with
frequent storms of thunder and hail, more especially in its western
parts near the Andes. These storms commonly rise and disperse in the
course of half an hour; after which the sun dries up the moisture in a
few minutes. Owing to this excessive exsiccation, the soil is extremely
arid, and will neither bear trees nor plants of any kind; unless when
irrigated by means of canals, when it produces almost every vegetable in
astonishing abundance. By these artificial means of cultivation, the
fruits and grains of Europe thrive with extraordinary perfection, and
come a month earlier to maturity than in Chili; and the wines produced
in Cujo are very rich and full-bodied.
This province is intersected by three rivers which have their sources in
the Andes, the San Juan, the Mendoza, and the Tunujan. The two former
are named from the cities which are built on their banks. After a course
of from 75 to 90 miles, these rivers form the great lakes of Guanasache,
which extend above 300 miles from north to south, and their waters are
afterwards discharged by the river Tunujan into the south-eastern desert
Pampas. These lakes abound with excellent fish of several kinds, and
they produce a sufficient quantity of salt to supply the whole province
of Cujo. The eastern part of this province, called La Punta, is watered
by the rivers Contaro and Quinto, and several smaller streams, and is
quite different in its climate and temperature from the western part
near the Andes. The plains of La Punta are covered with beautiful trees
of large size, and the natural herbage grows to such a height in many
places as to conceal the horses and other cattle which roam at large in
these extensive plains. Thunder storms are exceedingly violent and
frequent, continuing often for many hours, accompanied by incessant and
immoderate rain.
Among the vegetable productions of Cujo, one of the most remarkable is a
species of palm, which never exceeds eighteen feet high, putting forth
all its branches so near the ground as to conceal the trunk. The leaves
are extraordinarily hard, and terminate in a point as sharp as a sword.
The fruit resembles the cocoa-nut, yet only contains a few hard round
seeds, with no edible kernel. The trunk of this tree is very large, and
is covered by a coarse outer bark of a blackish colour which is easily
detached. Below this, there are five or six successive layers of a
fibrous bark resembling linen cloth. The first is of a yellowish colour,
and of the consistence and appearance of sail-cloth. The others
gradually decrease in thickness, and become whiter and finer; so that
the innermost is white and fine like cambric, but of a looser texture.
The fibres of this natural cloth are strong and flexible, but harsher to
the feel than those made from flax. This province produces great
abundance of the _opuntia_, a species of the _cactus_, which nourishes
the cochineal insect; but the natives are in use to string these insects
on a thread by means of a needle, by which they acquire a blackish tint.
The fruit of this plant is woolly, about the size of a peach, its
internal substance being glutinous and full of small seeds. It is sweet
and well-flavoured, and is easily preserved by cutting into slices which
are dried in the sun. There are four different trees producing a species
of beans; two of which are good eating, the third is employed as
provender for horses, and ink is made from the fourth. The most singular
vegetable production in this country is called _the flower of the air_,
from having no root, and never growing on the ground. Its native
situation is on the surface of an arid rock, or twining round the dry
stem of a tree. This plant consists of a single shoot, like the stem of
a gilly-flower, but its leaves are larger and thicker, and are as hard
as wood. Each stalk produces two or three white transparent flowers, in
size and shape resembling a lily, and equally odoriferous with that
flower. They may be preserved fresh on their stalks for more than two
months, and for several days when plucked off. This plant may be
transported to almost any distance; and will produce flowers annually,
if merely hung up on a nail.
In the northern parts of Cujo there are mines of gold and copper, but
they are not worked owing to the indolence of the inhabitants. It has
also rich mines of lead, sulphur, vitriol, salt, gypsum, and talc or
asbestos. The mountains near the city of Juan are entirely composed of
white marble, in stratified slabs of five or six feet long by six or
seven inches thick, all regularly cut and polished by nature. From this
the inhabitants prepare an excellent lime, which they use in building
bridges over the streams and canals of irrigation. Between the city of
Mendoza and La Punta, on a low range of hills, there is a large stone
pillar, 150 feet high and 12 feet diameter, called the giant, on which
there are certain marks or inscriptions resembling Chinese characters.
Near the Diamond river there is another stone, having marks which appear
to be characters, and the impression of human feet, with the figures of
several animals. The Spaniards call it the stone of St Thomas; from a
tradition handed down from the first settlers, said to have been
received from the native Indians, that a white man with a long beard,
formerly preached a new religion from that stone to their ancestors, and
left the impression of his feet, and the figures of the animals that
came to hear him, as a memorial of his sanctity.
The aboriginal natives of the province of Cujo are called Guarpes, of
whom there are now very few remaining. They are of a lofty stature, very
thin, and of a brown colour, and speak a quite different language from
that of the Chilese. This people was anciently conquered by the
Peruvians, after having taken possession of the northern part of Chili;
and on the road across the Andes from Cujo to Chili, there still are
some small stone buildings, or tambos, which had been erected for the
accommodation of the Peruvian officers and messengers. The first
Spaniards who attempted to reduce this country were sent by Valdivia,
under the command of Francisco de Aguirre, who returned to Chili after
the death of Valdivia. In 1560, Don Garcia de Mendoza sent a force under
Pedro del Castillo, who subdued the Guarpes, and founded the cities of
San Juan and Mendoza. The latter, which is the capital, is situated on a
plain at the foot of the Andes, in lat 33° 54' S. long. 68° 34' W. This
is supposed to contain about 6000 inhabitants, and is continually
increasing in population, owing to its vicinity to the celebrated silver
mine of Uspallatta, which is worked by the inhabitants to great profit.
This city carries on a considerable commerce in wine and fruits with
Buenos Ayres. The city of San Juan near the Andes, in lat. 31° 40' S.
and long. 68° 34' W. is equally populous with Mendoza, from which it is
about 160 miles due north, and trades with Buenos Ayres in brandy,
fruits, and Vicunna skins. Its pomegranates are greatly esteemed in
Chili, to which they are sent across the Andes. This city is governed by
a deputy from the corregidor of Mendoza, assisted by a cabildo. In 1596,
the small city of La Punta, or San Luis de Loyola, was founded in the
eastern part of Cujo, in lat. 33° 47' S. long. 65° 33' W. Although the
thoroughfare for all the trade from Chili and Cujo to Buenos Ayres, it
is a miserable place with scarcely two hundred inhabitants; but its
jurisdiction is extensive and populous, and is administered both in
civil and military affairs by a deputy of the corregidor of Mendoza.
Besides these three cities, the province of Cujo contains the towns of
Jachal, Vallofertil, Mogna, Corocorto, Leonsito, Caliogarta, and
Pismanta[51], which do not merit particular attention.
[Footnote 51: Besides these, modern maps insert the following, beginning
in the north. Betlen, Rioja la Nueva, Mutinan, San Juan de Jaeban,
Guanachoca, all to the north of Mendoza.--E.]
The Patagonians who border upon Cujo towards the south, and of whose
gigantic stature so much has been said, do not differ materially in this
respect from other men. The Pojas, one of their tribes, are governed by
several petty independent princes. A singular species of polygamy
prevails among this people, as the women are permitted to have several
husbands. As to the Cesari, of whom such wonderful stories have been
reported, and who are supposed to be neighbours of the Chilese, they
have no existence except in the fancies of those who take pleasure in
marvellous stories.
* * * * *
S3. _The Indian Country, or Araucania._
That part of Chili which remains unconquered reaches from the river
Biobio in the north to the Archipelago of Chiloe in the south, or
between the latitudes of 37° and 42' S. This country is inhabited by
three independent nations, the Araucanians, the Cunches, and the
Huìllìches. The territory of the Araucanians, contains the finest plains
in Chili, and is situated between the rivers Biobio and Callacallas,
stretching along the sea-coast for about 186 miles, and is generally
allowed to be the most pleasant and fertile district in the kingdom of
Chili. Its extent from the sea to the foot of the Andes, was formerly
reckoned at 300 miles; but as the Puelches, a nation inhabiting the
western side of the mountains, joined the confederacy of the Araucanians
in the seventeenth century, its present breadth cannot be less than 420
miles, and the whole territory is estimated at 78,120 square miles or
nearly 50 millions of acres.
The Araucanians derive their name from the province of Arauco, the
smallest in their territory, but which has given name to the whole
nation, as having been the first to propose the union which has so long
subsisted among the tribes, or from having at some remote period reduced
them under its dominion. Enthusiastically attached to their
independence, they pride themselves on the name of _auca_, signifying
_freemen_[52]; and by the Spaniards who were sent from the army in
Flanders to serve in Chili, this country has been called Araucanian
Flanders, or the invincible state. Though the Araucanians do not exceed
the ordinary height of mankind, they are in general muscular, robust,
well proportioned, and of a martial appearance. Their complexion is of a
reddish brown, but clearer than the other natives of America, except
the tribe named Boroanes, who are fair and ruddy. They have round
faces, small eyes full of animated expression, a rather flat nose, a
handsome mouth, even white teeth, muscular and well shaped legs, and
small flat feet. Like the Tartars, they have hardly any beard, and they
carefully pluck out any little that appears, calling the Europeans
_longbeards,_ by way of reproach. The hair on their heads is thick,
black, and coarse, is allowed to grow very long, and is worn in tresses
wound around their heads. The women are delicately formed, and many of
them are very handsome, especially the Boroanes. They are generally long
lived, and are not subject to the infirmities of age till a late period
of life, seldom even beginning to grow grey till sixty or severity, or
to be wrinkled till fourscore. They are intrepid, animated, ardent,
patient of fatigue, enthusiastically attached to liberty, and ever ready
to sacrifice their lives for their country, jealous of their honour,
courteous, hospitable, faithful to their engagements, grateful for
services, and generous and humane to their vanquished enemies. Yet these
noble qualities are obscured by the vices which are inseparable from
their half savage state, unrefined by literature or cultivation: Being
presumptuous, entertaining a haughty contempt for other nations, and
much addicted to drunkenness and debauchery.
[Footnote 52: According to Falkner the missionary, _auca_ is a name of
reproach given them by the Spaniards, signifying rebels or wild men;
_aucani_ is to rebel or make a riot, and _auca-cahual_ signifies a wild
horse.--This may be the case in the language of the subjected Peruvians
and northern Chilese, while in that of the independent Araucanians it
may signify _free_; just as republican is an honourable term in the
United States, while it is a name of reproach under a monarchical
government.--E.]
Their dress is manufactured from the wool of the vicunna, and consists
of a shirt, vest, short close breeches, and a cloak or poncho, having an
opening in the middle to admit the head, which descends all round as low
as the knees. This cloak, which leaves the arms at liberty, and can be
thrown back at pleasure, is so convenient for riding, and so excellent a
protection from wind and rain, that it is now commonly adopted by the
Spanish inhabitants of Chili, Peru, and Paraguay. The shirt, vest, and
breeches, are always of a greenish blue, or turquois colour, which is
the uniform of the nation. Among persons of ordinary rank, the _poncho_,
or native cloak, is also of the same national colour; but those of the
higher classes have it of different colours, as white, red, or blue,
with stripes a span broad, on which figures of flowers and animals are
wrought in different colours with much ingenuity, and the borders are
ornamented with handsome fringes. Some of these _ponchos_ are of so fine
a texture and richly ornamented as to sell for 100 or even 150 dollars.
Their only head-dress is a fillet or bandage of embroidered wool, which
they ornament in time of war with a number of beautiful feathers. Round
the waist they wear a long sash or girdle of woollen, handsomely
wrought; and persons of rank have leather sandals, and woollen boots,
but the common people are always bare-footed.
The dress of the women is entirely of wool, and the national greenish
blue colour, consisting of a tunic or gown without sleeves reaching to
the feet, fastened at the shoulder by silver buckles, and girt round the
waist by a girdle; over which gown they wear a short cloak, which is
fastened before by a silver buckle. They wear their hair in several long
braided tresses, flowing negligently over their shoulders, and decorate
their heads with false emeralds and a variety of trinkets. They wear
square ear-rings of silver, and have necklaces and bracelets of
glass-beads, and silver rings on all their fingers.
Like all the other tribes in Chili, before the arrival of the Spaniards,
the Araucanians still continue to construct their houses or huts rather
of a square form, of wood plaistered with clay, and covered with rushes,
though some use a species of bricks; and as they are all polygamists,
the size of their houses is proportioned to the number of women they are
able to maintain. The interior of their houses is very simple, and the
furniture calculated only to serve the most necessary purposes, without
any view to luxury or splendour. They never form towns, but live in
scattered villages along the banks of rivers, or in plains that can be
easily irrigated.
The whole country of the Araucanian confederacy is divided into four
principalities, called _Uthal-mapu_ in their language, which run
parallel to each other from north to south. These are respectively named
_Lauquen-mapu_, or the maritime country; _Lelbun-mapu_, or the plain
country; _Inapire-mapu_, or country at the foot of the Andes; and
_Pire-mapu_, or the country on the Andes. Each principality or
Uthal-mapu is divided into five provinces, called _Ailla-regue_; and
each province into nine districts, termed _regue._ Hence the whole
country contains 4 _Uthal-mapus_, 20 _Ailla-regues_, and 180 _Regues_.
Besides these, the country of the _Cunches_, who are in alliance with
the Araucanians, extends along the coast between Valdivia and the
archipelago of Chiloe; and the _Huilliches_, likewise allies of the
Araucanians, occupy all the plains to the eastward, between the Cunches
and the main ridge of the Andes.
The civil government is a kind of aristocratic republic, under three
orders of hereditary nobility, each subordinate to the other. Each of
the four _Uthal-mapus_ is governed by a _Toqui_. The _Ailla-regues_, are
each under the command of an _Apo-ulmen_; and every one of the _Regues_
is ruled by an _Ulmen_. The four _toquis_ are independent of each other,
but are confederated for the public welfare. The _Apo-ulmens_ govern the
provinces under the controul or superintendence of the respective
_toquis_; and the _ulmens_ of the _regues_ are dependent on the
Apo-ulmens, or arch-ulmens. This dependence is however almost entirely
confined to military affairs. The distinguishing badge of the toqui is a
kind of battle-axe, made of marble or porpyhry. The Apo-ulmens and
Ulmens carry staves with silver heads; the former being distinguished by
the addition of a silver ring round the middle of their staves. The
toqui has only the shadow of sovereign authority, as every question of
importance is decided by an assembly of the great body of nobles, which
is called _Buta-coyog_ or _Auca-coyog_ the great council, or the
Araucanian council. This assembly is usually held in some large plain,
on the summons of the toquis; and on such occasions, like the ancient
Germans as described by Tacitus, they unite the pleasures of revelling
and even drunkenness with their deliberations. By their traditionary
laws, called _Ad-mapu_ or customs of the country, two or more
principalities, provinces, or districts cannot be held by the same
chief. Whenever the male line of the ruling family becomes extinct, the
vassals have the right to elect their own chief; and all the districts
are directed entirely in civil matters by their respective Ulmens. The
people are subject to no contributions or personal services whatever,
except in time of war; so that all the chiefs of every rank or degree
have to subsist on the produce of their own possessions.
The military government is established upon a system of wonderful
regularity. When the great council determines on going to war, they
proceed immediately to elect a commander-in-chief, who is in some
measure the dictator of the country during his continuance in office.
The toquis have in course the first claim to this high dignity, as being
the hereditary generals and stadtholders of the republic; yet,
disregarding all respect for superior rank, the council often entrusts
this supreme power to the most deserving of the Ulmens, or even to an
officer of an inferior class, considering only on this occasion the
talents that are deemed necessary for command. Thus in the war of 1722,
the supreme command was confided to Vilumilla, a man of low origin, and
in that which terminated in 1773, to Curignanca, the younger son of an
Ulmen in the province of Encol. On his elevation to office, the
generalissimo of the republic assumes the title of _toqui_, and the
stone hatchet in token of supreme command; on which the four hereditary
toquis lay aside theirs, as it is not permitted them to carry this
ensign of authority during the continuance of the dictator in office, to
whom all the toquis apo-ulmens and ulmens take the oath of obedience.
Even the people, who during peace are exceedingly repugnant to
subordination, are now entirely submissive to the commands of the
military dictator. Yet he has not the power of putting any one to death,
without the consent of his principal officers; but as all these are of
his appointment, his orders are next to absolute.
It has always happened since the arrival of the Spaniards in Chili, that
the supreme toquis have been elected from among the natives of the
provinces of Arauco, Tucapel, Encol, or Puren; but I know not whether
this may be owing to some ancient law or agreement, or to some
superstitious notion. The supreme toqui appoints his vice-toqui or
lieutenant-general, and the other officers of his staff; who in their
turn nominate the inferior officers. The vice-toqui is almost always
elected from among the Puelches, to gratify the ambition of that valiant
tribe, which forms about a fourth part of the population of the
confederacy. At present the army of the Araucanians is composed both of
cavalry and infantry. Originally it consisted entirely of foot; but in
their first battles with the Spaniards, perceiving the vast advantage
derived by their enemies from the employment of cavalry, they soon
applied themselves to procure a good breed of horses; insomuch that in
1568, only seventeen years after their first encountering the Spaniards,
they had several squadrons of cavalry; and by the year 1585, the
Araucanian cavalry was regularly organized by the toqui Cadeguala. The
infantry is divided into regiments of a thousand men, and these into ten
companies of an hundred men each. The cavalry is divided in a similar
manner; but the numbers in the regiments and troops are not always the
same. Each body of horse and foot has its particular standard; but all
bear a star, which is the national device. The soldiers are not clothed
in uniforms, but all have cuirasses of hardened leather below their
ordinary dresses, with shields and helmets of the same material. The
cavalry are armed with swords and lances; and the infantry with pikes or
clubs pointed with iron. In battle, the cavalry is distributed on the
two wings of the army, while the infantry forms the centre or main body,
divided into its several battalions or regiments, the ranks being
composed alternately of pikemen and soldiers armed with clubs or maces.
The right wing is confided to the vice-toqui, and the left to an
experienced officer next in rank; while the toqui is present wherever
occasion requires, and exhorts his soldiers to fight valiantly for the
liberties of the nation. They formerly employed bows and slings in war;
but taught by experience to avoid the destructive effects of musquetry
in distant fight, they are now eager to close with their enemies.
Impressed with the opinion that to die in battle for their country is
the greatest honour that can be acquired, whenever the signal for battle
is given, they advance with the utmost rapidity, despising the slaughter
produced by the cannon and musquetry, yet preserving the strictest order
and discipline, and often succeed in bearing down the firmest array of
the Spaniards.
One of the first measures of the national council, when war is resolved
upon, is to dispatch messengers to the confederate tribes, and even to
the Indians who live under the Spanish government, to summon them to
make common cause with their countrymen. The credentials of these
messengers are some small arrows tied together by a red string, the
symbol of blood. But if hostilities have been already commenced, the
finger of a slain enemy accompanies the arrows. This embassy is called
_pulchitum_, which signifies to run the arrow, and the messengers are
called _guerquenis_. The toqui or military dictator directs what number
of soldiers is to be furnished by each Uthal-mapu or principality. The
particular toquis regulate the contingencies of the Apo-ulmens; and
these last apportion these among the several Ulmens of their provinces.
The army of the state usually consists of five or six thousand men;
besides which, a body of reserve is always in readiness for particular
occasions, or to replace those who may be killed in battle. Before
taking the field, the general assigns three days for consultation with
his principal officers, during which the plan of the campaign is
maturely deliberated upon, and every one has liberty to offer his
opinion: But the general finally settles the plan of warfare in secret
consultation, with his principal officers. After all is agreed upon, the
army commences its march to the sound of drums, and is always preceded
by several advanced parties, to guard against surprise. During the
march, the infantry as well as the cavalry are on horseback; but on
coming to action, the infantry dismounts and is regularly marshalled in
companies and battalions. All the soldiers have to provide their own
horses arms and provisions; and as all are liable to military service,
no one has to contribute towards the supply of the army. Their
provisions consist chiefly in a small sack of parched meal, which each
soldier carries on his horse; and which, diluted with water, serves them
as food till they can live at free quarters in the enemys country. Being
thus unencumbered with baggage, they are able to move with astonishing
celerity, either to attack or to retreat as may be necessary. They are
extremely vigilant when in presence of the enemy, encamping always in
secure and advantageous situations, strengthening their posts with
entrenchments, and placing sentinels on all sides, every soldier being
obliged during the night to keep a fire burning in front of his tent.
When necessary they protect their posts and encampments with deep
trenches, guarded by abatis or hedges of spinous or thorny trees, and
strew calthrops at all the avenues to repress attacks from the cavalry
of the enemy. In short there are few military stratagems with which they
are unacquainted, and are wonderfully expert in tactics [53].
[Footnote 53: From the singular excellence of the military institutions
of the Araucanians, by which they have been enabled to preserve their
liberties against the superior arms of the Spaniards, down even to the
present day, we have been induced to extend these observations much
beyond our usual limits on such occasions. Such as are inclined to
inquire more minutely into the civil institutions of this wonderful
people, will find them detailed in the work of the Abbé Molina, together
with a minute account of the natural productions of Chili.--E.]