THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR.

In addition to all the other unanswerable objections to the

exemption system, it is thus irrepealably convicted of a systematic

discrimination in favor of the rich as against the poor. This, in a

nutshell, is the spirit of present-day Christianity. The plethoric

churches of the cities are the main foes of economic honesty. It is

they, rather than the country churches, which, feeing expensive lawyers

and maintaining elaborate lobbies at our state capitals, menace our

politicians with ruin and bring all forms of pressure to bear to

terrorize our legislatures, in order to prevent the withdrawal of the

special privilege that heaps up in their hands the earnings wrenched

from others by legal favoritism; and in all this they are not seeking

to protect their existence against threatened destruction, nor to keep

themselves from being crippled in their legitimate work, but to add more

millions to the superfluous treasure they have already extorted from

the people, and to cater to the decadent demand for extravagant display.

Isolated instances of churches engaged in serious attempts to grapple

with the larger social needs prove nothing to the purpose. Such churches

need no graft to win the cooperation of devoted workers and benefactors.

If they join in the cry for exemption, it is because they are made

catspaws by the parasitic churches, and have not enough faith in

righteousness to shun the practice of doing evil that good may come.

In order that the issue might be made as clear as possible, the

discussion has been confined directly to churches and church property.

Of the property of religious and semi-religious bodies other than

churches, and of the educational, hospital, philanthropic, reformatory

and other institutions controlled by religious bodies and exempt from

taxation--although in many cases making their ostensible activities a

cover for sectarian proselytism, and in all cases using their otherwise

excellent work as a means of advertising their sects--little has been

said. The reasons against exemption of church property apply largely,

if not fully, to these as well, although they have at least certain

specious grounds for favor which the churches cannot show. It cannot be

doubted, at least, that the more completely society, in city, state

and nation, performs all its collective functions directly, rather than

through the medium of any semi-private institution partly withdrawn from

its direct supervision and control, the better. If some compromise is

found necessary, it should be looked upon only as a temporary expedient,

and not as a permanent policy.

The evils attendant upon subsidizing any form of sectarian institution,

whatever its social services, are too great to be ignored. Yet, making

the largest possible concessions to these bodies, such grounds of

expediency as may at present be held to justify their exemption from

taxation cannot legitimately be extended to the churches, whose mission

is in no way allied to any function of organized society.

The taxation of church property is demanded by every consideration of

sound public policy, common sense, democracy and justice. In the day

when these principles are heeded, the people will come into their own.

The matter in this pamphlet is an expansion of the argument made by the

author, June 1, 1915, at a hearing held in the Senate Chamber at

Albany, New York, before the Committee on Taxation of the Constitutional

Convention, in support of an amendment offered by James L. Nixon of

Buffalo, to abolish all exemptions of church property from taxation.

End of Project Gutenberg's Exempting the Churches, by James F. Morton. Jr.

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