The expedition was a failure. About two months after it was first

reported that Mason had been seen near Cole’s Creek, James May came

to Greenville, Mississippi--a place formerly called Hunston, some

twenty-five miles in a northeasterly direction from Natchez, and

now extinct--and gave an account of his recent contact with Mason.

James May, it will be recalled, was among the rough characters who

were driven out of Henderson County, Kentucky, about the time Mason

made his departure from there for Cave-in-Rock. May’s past career

was not yet known by the citizens to whom he made this report.

_The Palladium_, ever reliable but sometimes late, in its issue of

September 8, 1803, says:

“By a gentleman from Natchez, we are informed that about the 25th

or 26th of July, a man by the name of James May, came to Hunston,

near Natchez, and made oath before a magistrate, that sundry

articles of property and money, which he then delivered up, he had

taken from the notorious Samuel Mason, after shooting him in the

head just above the eye. May had been robbed and taken by Mason on

his passage down the river, and had joined that party. A few days

after which, the company hearing a firing of guns, Mason ordered

his party, May excepted, to hide the horses. May he directed to

hide a skiff. He took his gun with him, and on his return, whilst

Mason was counting his money to divide with the party, he shot him,

put the money and property on board the skiff, and conveyed it to

Hunston.

“A letter from Natchez, published in the Natchez paper, confirms

the above account. A letter to a gentleman in this town from his

correspondent at Natchez dated the 25th instant, makes no mention

of the above circumstance, but says: ‘The Masons have removed to

Mississippi where they have of late committed many robberies, but

no murders that I have heard of.’”

No complete file of any of the newspapers published in Natchez

from 1800 to 1805 has been found. The few stray copies, located in

various large libraries, contain nothing about Mason’s career. All

are too late or too early to embrace any current news pertaining

to him. Thus it was without success that an effort was made to

verify, by “the Natchez paper” which “confirms the above account,”

the statement regarding May’s appearance in Greenville in July,

1803, or to draw on any Natchez paper for any contemporary reports

relative to Mason.

There is nothing in history or tradition to indicate what action

was taken by the authorities after they received James May’s

report. He evidently left Greenville, but for what purpose can only

be surmised. It is highly probable that, after May presented the

“money and property” he claimed he had taken from Mason as evidence

of his having shot the outlaw for whom a reward was offered, he was

soon convinced that he had produced no positive evidence at all.

Judging from what took place a few months later, he left for the

purpose of bringing in Mason, dead or alive.

May probably had been “robbed and taken” by Mason for the same

purpose that John Setton had been detained--to be used as a witness

upon whom he might try to shift the Mason robberies. If so, May’s

pursuit of Mason for the offered reward was stimulated by a spirit

of revenge. He sallied forth, reconnoitered, and returned; but he

did not return to Greenville, nor alone. He appeared at Natchez

and was accompanied by John Setton. Setton shortly thereafter was

recognized as one of Mason’s band and both men were taken and

committed to jail some time during the latter part of October. When

they were arrested Setton, as shown by later records, claimed he

came to Natchez for the purpose of turning state’s evidence. _The

Kentucky Gazette_, of November 22, 1803, briefly touches on the

situation as it was about a month before that paper went to press:

“A letter from a gentleman at Natchez, to his correspondent in this

town, dated 20th October, contains information that the men who

robbed Mr. Elisha Winters, on his way from New Orleans, have been

taken and committed to jail; so that there is a probability of his

getting his money. They had in their possession sundry articles

taken from the party who were robbed near Bayou Pierre. One of the

robbers has turned state’s evidence against the rest; and says

that if he can be suffered to go out with a guard, he will take

them where all the papers were hid and a number of other things

with some money. The place is not more than two days’ ride, and

application has been made to the governor for the above purpose,

which will doubtless be granted.”

The hunt for Mason was now continued with even greater enthusiasm.

Besides the militia stationed at Natchez and Fort Gibson many men

were on watch for the notorious outlaw and his band. The woods

were full of robber-exterminating and reward-seeking soldiers and

civilians. Mason’s capture was inevitable. May and Setton evidently

formed a pursuing party of their own. According to one tradition,

the two men discovered Samuel Mason near Rodney, Jefferson County,

Mississippi, and, according to another, they found him near Lake

Concordia, Louisiana, not far from Natchez. They gained Mason’s

confidence and succeeded in convincing him that they had returned

in order to follow him as their leader. Then it was that Mason met

the fate he had himself invited.

Monette says: “Two of his band, tempted by the large reward,

concerted a plan by which they might obtain it. An opportunity soon

occurred, and while Mason, in company with the two conspirators,

was counting out some ill-gotten plunder, a tomahawk was buried

in his brain. His head was severed from his body and borne in

triumph to Washington, the seat of the territorial [Mississippi]

government.” Daniel Roe, in a letter published in _The Port

Folio_, August, 1825, states that the two men “took Mason’s head

to Natchez in the bow of a canoe, rolled up in blue clay, or mud,

to prevent putrefaction.” Resuming Monette’s account: “The head

of Mason was recognized by many, and identified by all who read

the proclamation, as the head entirely corresponded with the

description given of certain scars and peculiar marks. Some delay,

however, occurred in paying over the reward, owing to the slender

state of the treasury. Meantime, a great assemblage from all the

adjacent country had taken place, to view the grim and ghastly head

of the robber chief. They were not less inspired with curiosity to

see and converse with the individuals whose prowess had delivered

the country of so great a scourge.”«30»

One version, which first appeared in print about 1876, has it

that “Many fully identified the head by certain marks thereon,

except his wife who as positively denied it.... The Governor had

sent his carriage for her expressly to come down and testify ...

and many believed Mason fled the country and died in his bed in

Canada.... Mason’s family [probably his wife and youngest son] then

resided in this county, not far from old Shankstown, and his wife

was generally respected as an honest and virtuous woman by all

her neighbors, and one of her sons was a worthy citizen of Warren

County not many years ago.” This is quoted in Claiborne’s history

from a “Centennial Address” delivered by Captain W. L. Harper,

of Jefferson County, Mississippi. In 1891 Robert Lowry published

a statement in his _History of Mississippi_, without citing any

authority, that “One of Mason’s gang killed an innocent man, cut

off his head, carried it to the Governor of Mississippi and claimed

the reward.”

May, as already seen, claimed that he had been a victim of Mason

and, a few months previous, had declared he could find and capture

the notorious robber. Setton, on the other hand, having expressed

a desire to turn state’s evidence, admitted having been connected

with the outlaw. The situation was interesting, for it was an

unusual one. The head, having been identified as Samuel Mason’s,

the two heroes of the occasion went before a judge to make an

affidavit and to get an order on the governor for the payment of

the reward. “But just as the judge was in the act of making out a

certificate,” writes Claiborne in his _History of Mississippi_,

“a traveler stepped into the court room and requested to have the

two men arrested. He had alighted at the tavern, had repaired to

the stable to see his horse attended to, and there saw the horses

of the two men who had arrived just before him. He recognized the

horses (principally because each had a peculiar blaze in the face)

as belonging to parties who had robbed him and killed one of his

companions some two months previous on the Natchez Trace, and going

into the court house, he identified the two men.”

Suspicion was immediately aroused. This declaration not only

showed that May, who complained of being robbed, was a robber

himself, but it also indicated that the “reformed” Setton as well

as the “victimized” May, had committed at least one robbery since

they left Greenville in search of Mason. Who are May and Setton,

and where do they come from, and what have they been doing for a

living? Such questions were asked. Absolutely nothing was known

about May. As to Setton, their information was limited to the

report that he had been “badly treated” by Mason; some may have

known that he had traveled under assumed names, but evidently none

yet suspected he was Little Harpe.

The next step in the development of their careers is given in one

of Draper’s manuscripts written after an interview with Colonel

John Stump, who was born in 1776: “In the winter of 1803–4 old

Captain Frederick Stump, commanding a company under Colonel George

Doherty, went as far as Natchez to aid in taking possession

of Louisiana. There Captain Stump, by invitation of Governor

Claiborne, an old friend, made his quarters, and was present when

Setton and May came with Mason’s head to claim the reward of one

thousand dollars. The Governor told them to call at a stated time

and the check would be ready for them. After they had gone Captain

Stump said he believed that Setton was really Little Harpe.... The

description of Little Harpe so well corresponded with Setton’s

appearance that it was agreed to arrest them both.... It was

proclaimed at the landing of Natchez that it was believed that

Wiley Harpe was taken, and if any Kentucky boatman had any personal

knowledge of him, they were desired to examine the prisoner. Five

boatmen recognized him and gave in their evidence to that effect.

Some of them were witnesses in the Harpe case when they broke from

the Danville jail. Said one of these boatmen before seeing him: ‘If

he is Harpe he has a mole on his neck and two toes grown together

on one foot.’ And so it proved, and the fellow with such positive

proof against him shed tears.” [121]

Shortly after this, John Bowman, of Knoxville, Tennessee, called

in to see the two men. He recognized Little Harpe. “Little Harpe

denied the name, but Bowman persisted and said, ‘if you are Harpe

you have a scar under your left nipple where I cut you in a

difficulty we had at Knoxville.’ Bowman tore the man’s shirt open

and there was the scar.” [26]

Up to this time, Little Harpe, under the names of John Taylor,

John Setton, and Wells, had succeeded in concealing his identity.

He now realized that even though he turned state’s evidence

against the Masons, the history of his own terrible career in

Tennessee and Kentucky and at Cave-in-Rock was too well and widely

known for him to expect any mercy, no matter how important his

revelations regarding the Masons might be. At New Madrid he had a

narrow escape from being identified. After he and the Masons were

captured and taken to the Spanish prison, it was rumored that one

of the prisoners was “a fellow who calls himself Taylor but who

is supposed to be that notorious villain and murderer Harpe.” A

statement to that effect was written in a letter dated January 24,

1804, and published six weeks later in _The Western Spy_. But, as

already seen, he had sworn before the New Madrid court, as John

Setton, that he had met a man by the name of Harpe who had been

killed and, when further questioned, declared that he knew nothing

regarding the whereabouts of Little Harpe. Although his identity

was now well established, he, in self-defense, persisted in denying

the name. Escape was his only hope.

Nothing was then known about James May’s past other than his recent

acts connected with the beheading of Mason and his attempted

apprehension of the Mason band. These acts in themselves exposed

him as a man of such a treacherous character that he could expect

no mercy nor any reward. On the other hand, should he be identified

as one of the men who had been driven out of Henderson County,

Kentucky, and be accused of Cave-in-Rock murders and robberies,

then nothing but the severest punishment that could be inflicted

upon him might be expected. With him, as with Little Harpe, escape

was his only hope. And both escaped.«31»

How Little Harpe and May escaped is not known. While at Natchez

they may have been indicted for Mason’s murder. If so, having

killed Mason in compliance with the governor’s proclamation to

capture the outlaw dead or alive, they were acquitted. William

Darby, then living near Natchez, writes that the two prisoners

“learning their danger fled from Natchez, but were taken in

Jefferson County, Mississippi, and confined in jail and in due

time, tried and convicted....” They were tried before the Circuit

Court in Greenville, in January, 1804, as is shown by the few

existing entries made in the now mutilated docket book of that

court. No record of the court proceedings was found, although a

careful search was made.

The first entry found in the docket book is dated Friday, January

13, 1804. The court was presided over by Peter B. Bruin, David

Ker, and Thomas Rodney, who were among the best known men in

Mississippi. It is an interesting fact that when Aaron Burr was

arrested the following year on Cole’s Creek, near Greenville, he

was tried in Washington, Mississippi, before two of these same

judges, the third, Judge Ker, having died of pneumonia contracted

while serving at the trial of Harpe and May. William Downs, as

foreman of the grand jury, brought in “an indictment of robbery”

against each of the prisoners: “The Territory against James May”

and “The Territory against John Setton.” Little Harpe, alias

Setton, and his co-worker May were represented by Mr. Breazeale and

Mr. Parrott. These attorneys evidently made every possible effort

to save their clients. A plea of “not guilty” had been entered.

Then followed much sparring over technicalities. They first

attempted to quash the indictment; they next claimed the court did

not have jurisdiction; and finally presented a petition for a writ

of _habeas corpus_. But all these contentions were overruled.«32»

“And for trial (each) put himself upon the country and General

Poindexter, Attorney General.” Each was tried by separate jury,

James May being the first, and each was found guilty. Then the two

attorneys came forward with “a plea of former acquittal,” but the

court rendered a decision that “the plea of former acquittal is

not sufficient in law to be considered a sufficient bar to this

indictment.” This plea of “former acquittal” leads one to infer

that when Mason’s head was brought to Natchez both men were tried

there and elsewhere for murder, and having been “acquitted” of that

charge they, in all likelihood, argued that they were therefore

also acquitted of highway robbery which was incidental to the

murder.

As already stated, the record of the proceedings containing all

these and other details of the case cannot now be found. There is

nothing to indicate who the witnesses were, except Elisha Winters,

who was “allowed the compensation allowed by law for his attendance

at this term and for traveling to and from said court one thousand

miles.” Among the few available pages of the docket book

bearing on this case is one containing two entries dated February

4, 1804. They show that the sentence passed was in the same words

for each prisoner. James May’s is the first on the record, and is

immediately followed by Little Harpe’s:

[Illustration: GALLOWS FIELD, JEFFERSON COUNTY, MISSISSIPPI

Here, in 1804, two Cave-in-Rock outlaws were hanged

(From a drawing by J. Bernhard Alberts, made in 1917)]

“John Setton who has been found guilty of robbery at the present

term was this day set to the bar and the sentence of the court

pronounced upon him as follows, that on Wednesday the eighth day of

the present month he be taken to the place of execution and there

to be hung up by the neck, between the hours of ten o’clock in the

forenoon and four in the afternoon, until he is dead, dead, dead.

Which said sentence the Sheriff of Jefferson County was ordered to

carry into execution.”

On Wednesday afternoon, February 8th, Little Harpe and James May

were taken from the jail to a field about a quarter of a mile north

of the village of Greenville. There, on what has ever since been

known as “Gallows Field,” they received their well deserved reward,

but not the one they had planned to procure. They paid, with their

lives, what was, considering the atrocity of their crimes, a light

penalty.

In pioneer days the official executioner usually prepared a gallows

by fastening one end of a long beam or heavy pole in the forks of a

tree and placing the other end similarly in another tree. On this

cross timber he tied the rope with which the condemned man was to

be hanged. The prisoner, as a rule, was put on a wagon, his coffin

serving as a seat, and driven to the place of execution. Upon his

arrival the same wagon and coffin on which he rode were used as

the platform and trap of his gallows. After the suspended rope was

properly looped around his neck the condemned man was made to stand

erect on his coffin. When all details had been attended to the

horses were rushed forward, leaving the human body hung suspended

in the air. In some instances the gallows was a frame-work with a

platform in which a trap door was built.

In the hanging of Harpe and May the procedure was somewhat unusual

even for a frontier country. Two ropes were tied to a heavy pole

placed high between two trees. The two men walked from the jail to

the gallows. Each with his hands tied behind him was made to mount

a ladder; his feet were then bound and the noose fastened around

his neck. When the ladders were dropped the two bodies fell as far

as the suspended rope permitted, and thus each was “hung up by the

neck” until, as prescribed by law, he was “dead, dead, dead.” [54]

The news that Samuel Mason had at last been killed was a great

relief to the country. The fact that Little Harpe and James May

were actually hanged was a matter of equally widespread interest.

_The Guardian of Freedom_, February 20, 1804, published the

following, which was copied by a number of papers, including _The

Kentucky Gazette_ of a week later:

“Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Mississippi Territory to

his friend in this town (Frankfort) dated February 8, 1804: ‘There

have been two of Sam Mason’s party--which infested the road between

this country and Kentucky--in jail at Greenville for trial. They

were condemned last term and executed this day. One of them was

James May; the other called himself John Setton but was proved to

be the villain who was known by the name of Little or Red-headed

Harpe, and who committed so many acts of cruelty in Kentucky.’”

_The Palladium_, March 3, published a news item dated Natchez,

February 9, 1804: “Setton and May were executed at Greenville

yesterday between three and four o’clock, pursuant to their

sentence. We are informed that Setton made some confession at

the place of execution which has a tendency to implicate several

persons not heretofore suspected as parties concerned with Masons

in their depredations. May complained of the hardship of his fate;

said he had not been guilty of crimes deserving death and spoke of

the benefit he had rendered society by destroying old Mason.”

The hanging of Little Harpe and James May for highway robbery

was a fulfillment of the written law of pioneer times as well

as the unwritten law of frontier communities. But many of the

enraged citizens felt that the law of pioneer justice had not been

satisfied for the known and unknown murders committed by these two

offenders. There is nothing in history or tradition to indicate

that an attempt was made to lynch the two condemned outlaws. But

the lynch spirit evidently raged. In the words of Franklin L.

Riley, an authority on early Mississippi history: “After their

execution on the Gallows Field their heads were placed on poles,

one a short distance to the north and the other a short distance to

the west of Greenville, on the Natchez Trace.” [105]

How long these gruesome warnings to highwaymen stood along the

road and what finally became of them is not known. Each doubtless

met with a fate befitting a head so ignoble. It is not probable

that they were ever interred in the grave with the two headless

bodies. Tradition has it that the two bodies were placed in a box

and buried in a new grave yard about one hundred yards east of the

Greenville jail and court house and about the same distance north

of the hotel in the central part of the village.

This new grave yard was on the Natchez Trace and contained less

than half a dozen graves. Tradition says that an effort was made

by a number of people who had kinsmen buried in it to influence

the officials to bury elsewhere the decapitated remains of these

despised desperadoes. Their request was not granted, and the burial

was held late on the night of the execution within a few yards of

where stood one of the head-surmounted poles. The next day the

indignant men who had opposed this as a burial place for the two

villains, exhumed their dead and removed the remains about a half

mile south of Greenville and there began a new burying ground which

today is known as Bellegrove Church Yard.«33»

What attempts were made to collect the reward offered for the

capture of Mason? What became of the Masons? It is probable these

questions can never be fully answered. The court records showing

the total expense involved in the trial and transportation of

the Masons, and in the trial and execution of Little Harpe and

James May, have not been found. These expenses were paid by the

territorial and federal governments. One of Governor Claiborne’s

letters [113] shows that in January, 1806, one Seth Caston

“exhibited demands for one hundred dollars for apprehending and

bringing to justice” these two notorious outlaws. There is

nothing indicating the character of Caston’s claim; nor is there

anything to show whether or not he received any money. Harpe and

May were entitled to the reward offered in Governor Claiborne’s

proclamation; it doubtless would have been granted to them in full

had they not proven that above all other rewards they best deserved

that which they received on the gallows.

Neither history nor tradition tells what became of the Mason family

after Samuel Mason met his fate and Little Harpe and James May

received their reward. Samuel Mason’s wife, who evidently did not

approve of her husband’s lawlessness--at least not in her later

years--made her home, as we have already seen, not far from old

Shankstown, in Jefferson County, Mississippi. There, according

to Claiborne, the historian, she was “generally respected as an

honest and virtuous woman by all her neighbors, and one of her

sons [probably Magnus or Samuel Mason Jr.] was a worthy citizen of

Warren County.” Monette says that “the Mason band being deprived

of their leader and two of his most efficient men, dispersed and

fled,” and thus terminated the greatest terror to travelers which

had infested the country.«34»

The Outlaws of Cave-in-Rock Historical Accounts of the Famous Highwaymen and River Pirates · 第 15 / 23 段