SUPERSTITION
IN MEDICINE
SUPERSTITION
IN MEDICINE
BY
PROF. DR. HUGO MAGNUS
AUTHORIZED TRANSLATION FROM
THE GERMAN, EDITED BY
DR. JULIUS L. SALINGER
_Late Assistant Professor of Clinical Medicine, Jefferson Medical
College; Physician to the Philadelphia General Hospital, etc._
[Illustration]
FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY
NEW YORK AND LONDON
1908
COPYRIGHT, 1905, BY
FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY
[_Printed in the United States of America_]
Published, April, 1905
PREFACE
The history of medicine is closely interlinked with the development
of theology. The errors of one are for the most part reflected in
the mistakes of the other. No matter how obscure and dark the origin
of either, whether derived from ignorance and superstition or not,
the ultimate achievement alone must be taken into consideration. We
do not reject chemistry because it originated in alchemy, we do not
disregard astronomy because its roots are entwined with the teachings
of astrology, and so in theology and medicine we look to the final
issue. The statements set forth in this book should not be construed
as reflecting the development of theology or medicine at the time, but
as the belief of the people existing in these periods. Philosophy may
have been pure, but if the mind of man was faulty the responsibility
must not be laid at the door of science. It is the function of the
historian truthfully to depict the thought and spirit of the time of
which he writes. This has been attempted in the present work. It is not
a criticism of a system, but a criticism of man. There can be no doubt
that absurd superstitions are still existent for which the twentieth
century will be severely criticized in time to come. Thus the words of
our martyred President may well be used as a motto for this book: “With
malice towards none, with charity for all.”
The last chapter of this book has been added by the translator, as it
seemed necessary for the full discussion of the subject.
JULIUS L. SALINGER.
PHILADELPHIA, Pa.
CONTENTS
PAGE
I. WHAT IS MEDICAL SUPERSTITION? 1
II. THEISM IN ITS RELATION TO MEDICINE AND IN ITS
STRUGGLE WITH THE PHYSICO-MECHANICAL THEORY OF LIFE 7
III. RELIGION THE SUPPORT OF MEDICAL SUPERSTITION 23
IV. THE INFLUENCE OF PHILOSOPHY UPON THE FORM AND
ORIGIN OF MEDICAL SUPERSTITION 89
V. THE RELATIONS OF NATURAL SCIENCE TO MEDICAL
SUPERSTITION 128
VI. INFLUENCE EXERTED UPON THE DEVELOPMENT OF
SUPERSTITION BY MEDICINE ITSELF 185
VII. MEDICAL SUPERSTITION AND INSANITY 191
BIBLIOGRAPHY 201
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
CIRCLE OF PETOSIRIS 141
CIRCLE OF PETOSIRIS 143
THE TABLE OF DEMOCRITUS 145
THE RELATION OF THE PARTS OF THE HUMAN BODY TO THE SIGNS
OF THE ZODIAC 159
VENESECTION IN ITS ASTRONOMICAL CONNECTION 175
I
WHAT IS MEDICAL SUPERSTITION?
Faith and superstition are twin brothers. Altho the former leads
humanity to its sublimest ideals and the latter only presents us with
a caricature of human knowledge, both are children of the same family.
Both originate in a sense of the inadequacy of human science in regard
to natural phenomena. The fact that the most important processes of
organic life can not be traced to their ultimate origin, but that their
investigation will soon lead to a point of irresistible opposition to
further analysis, has always called forth a feeling of impotency and
dependence in the human mind. This consciousness of being dependent
upon factors which are entirely beyond human understanding has thus
given rise to the metaphysical need of reflecting upon these mysterious
factors, and bringing them within reach of human comprehension.
Humanity, in attempting to satisfy such a metaphysical requirement
from an ethical standpoint, created faith, which subsequently found
expression in the various forms of religion. It is not within the
scope of this essay to consider how far Divine revelations have
been vouchsafed on this subject. Superstition undoubtedly entered
the scene when, simultaneously with these, endeavors were made to
consider and to explain physical processes from the standpoint of
such metaphysical requirements. It is true that this did not, at
first, lead to a marked contrast between faith and superstition;
for a period existed in which faith and superstition—_i.e._, the
metaphysical consideration of ethical values and the metaphysical
consideration of the entire phenomena of life—were not only equivalent,
but even merged into one conception. This occurred in an age in which
mankind considered all terrestrial processes, whether they were of
a psychical or of a material nature, as immediately caused by the
steady interference of supernatural powers—a period during which the
deity was held responsible for all terrestrial phenomena. During
this period faith became superstition, and superstition, faith. A
separation did not take place until some especially enlightened minds
began to evolve the idea that it would be more reasonable to explain
natural phenomena—temporal becoming, being, and passing away—by
natural rather than by supernatural causes. The reaction against
this better interpretation, the tenacious adherence to the original
association of terrestrial manifestations with metaphysical factors,
created the superstition of the natural sciences. The birth of
superstition in the Greek world must be placed about the seventh
century, B.C., the period during which Thales of Miletus came forward
with his endeavor to explain natural processes in a natural manner.
This attempt of the Milesian is the initiation of a rational scientific
conception of natural manifestations, and the ancient theistic
consideration of nature became superstition only in opposition to
such a view. It follows, then, that what holds good with regard to
the interpretation of natural manifestations in general holds good in
medicine especially. Here, also, superstition came into question only
when, besides the original theistic conception of the functions of the
body and besides the metaphysical treatment of the sick, a valuation
of the normal as well as of the morbid phenomena of the human organism
came into vogue which took into account terrestrial causes. Not until
this stage was reached did theism and theurgy lose their title and
become superstition; until then they could claim fullest acceptance in
medicine as thoroughly logical consequences of the prevailing theory
of life. This took place, so far as Greek medicine was concerned,
at about the end of the sixth century, B.C. The Corpus Hippocraticum
already shows us Greek medicine as being purified from all theistic
sophistications and only reckoning with natural causes. When this
separation must have taken place for pre-Greek, Indian, Assyrian, and
Egyptian culture can not be at present determined with certainty. For
the Egyptian and Babylonico-Assyrian manuscripts, so far known, show
an intimate admixture of true observation of nature with theistic
speculations—_i.e._, a treatment of medicine which, altho it took
account of physico-natural manifestations, was still deeply tinctured
with superstition.
According to what we have stated, medical superstition might be defined
as follows: “Belief that the normal as well as the pathological
manifestations of organic life may be explained and eventually
treated, without consideration of their physical nature, by means of
supernatural agencies.”
Medical superstition varies according to the kind and the origin of
these supernatural causes, and therefore appears in the greatest
variety of forms. If these causes were looked for in celestial regions,
medical superstition became vested with the religious garb, and its
source was in the religious cult; but if the belief prevailed that
God shared the domination of the world with other mysterious elements,
such as were embodied in different forms in accordance with the various
philosophical systems, medical superstition bore a philosophical and
mystical stamp whose origin is revealed in the history of philosophy.
But if certain mysterious powers hidden in the womb of nature or active
above the earth were considered to influence human life, medical
superstition assumed a physical character. However, it frequently
followed that the above three factors acted simultaneously or in
varying combinations, or certain other elements which were inherent
in human nature cooperated. For this reason it is sometimes not quite
easy to decide as to the source from which this or that form of
medical superstition principally derived its persistent currency. But,
nevertheless, it is our intention to divide our subject in accordance
with the sources from which the several forms of medical superstition
spring, as it is absolutely impossible to obtain a satisfactory view
of the extensive material without first attempting a systematic
arrangement of the data at hand.
But before attempting to inquire why the purest and most valuable
fountains of all human knowledge—religion, philosophy, and natural
science—have at the same time become sources of medical superstition,
it will be advisable to explain the character which medical science had
assumed under the exclusive domination of theism, and how conditions
shaped themselves when physico-mechanical philosophy appeared and began
to do battle with the theistic conception of life. These conditions
played such a special part in the development of medico-physical
superstition that it becomes necessary first to examine their power and
tendency before attempting to contemplate medical superstition proper.
II
THEISM IN ITS RELATION TO MEDICINE AND IN ITS STRUGGLE WITH
THE PHYSICO-MECHANICAL THEORY OF LIFE
As we explained in Chapter I., the development of all peoples has
passed through a period during which medico-physical knowledge found
expression exclusively in the teachings of religion. By theism we
mean the system which endeavors to explain natural phenomena by
supernatural causes. However, this view of nature, with its tinge
of religion, did not as yet show any trace of superstition. It was
rather the only justifiable conception of nature and thoroughly in
keeping with the power of comprehension of man, until it began to
dawn upon the mind that natural phenomena might be due to natural
causes. This was the period of which we stated, in the beginning of
this investigation, that faith became superstition and superstition
became faith. It was during this time that the powers above were held
accountable for all bodily ailments of mankind. It was their task most
carefully to observe the functional processes of the human body in
all its phases, and to protect their undisturbed continuance. But as
the inhabitants of heaven, like the inhabitants of the earth, were
subject to whims, it happened very often, unfortunately, that they
attended to their task of protecting the undisturbed development of
the vegetative as well as the animal functions of the body in a very
unsatisfactory manner, sometimes, in fact, even purposely neglecting
it. Thus disturbances occurred in the regular course of organic life,
and this brought diseases into the world. If, therefore, the gods were
directly responsible for the appearance of disease, it was palpably
their duty to effect its elimination. Thus it came about that pathology
and therapy were exclusively attended to by the gods. But in what light
they regarded these medical duties of theirs, and how they performed
them, were matters subject to very varying considerations, as expounded
by the different religions of antiquity. The Babylonian considered the
great god Marduk the expeller of all maladies, whereas Urugal, Namtor,
and Nergal were recognized gods of pestilence.
Similar ideas prevailed among the Egyptians. The cat-headed goddess
Bubastis was believed to deal out to mothers the blessings of
fertility. Ibis showed an especial interest in those human beings who
were troubled with disturbances of digestion, and this interest found
benevolent expression in the invention of the clyster.
With the Greeks also the gods rendered services to diseased humanity.
Thus Apollo invented the art of healing, and if his time permitted he
occasionally lent a hand when difficulties beset the entrance into this
world of a young mortal. But, as a rule, it was the duty of Aphrodite
to attend to such cases, just as, in fact, she was responsible for
everything that referred to love, no matter whether it was a question
of the esthetic or the pathological part of that passion. Athene was
the specialist in ophthalmology, and it seems that she did not fare
badly with this occupation. A temple was dedicated to her by Lycurgus,
whom, as it appears, she healed of a sympathetic affection of the
eyes; and, besides, she won by her ophthalmological activity various
ornamental epithets, such, for instance, as ὀφθαλμίτις, etc.
It was quite natural, in view of the exclusively theistic conception
which in those times preoccupied the human mind, that the priests were
the sole possessors of physico-medical knowledge; and naturally so.
For when we consider the theory of life that prevailed at that period,
who could have been better qualified to give information to men
regarding their own body as well as regarding nature in general, than
the priest, the mortal representative of immortal gods? And who better
qualified than the priest to invoke the aid of the heavenly powers
in all bodily ailments? Thus it was the unavoidable consequence of
the theistic theory of life that the priest was the physician as well
as the representative of physical knowledge and also the helper and
adviser in all mundane exigencies. Whether bodily or psychic troubles
afflicted individuals, whether an entire population groaned under
heavy chastisements like pestilence, aid and deliverance were always
sought in the sanctuary of the gods, from the infallible priest. And
the priests were always equal to the occasion; they have always, in a
masterly manner, known the art of satisfying the medico-physical needs
of their suppliants. For the religions of all civilized peoples—and
Christianity by no means occupies an exceptional position in this
respect—have always endeavored most strenuously to keep physical as
well as medical thought in strictest dependence upon their doctrines
and dogmas. To attain this end various ceremonies, customs, and dogmas
were relied upon to keep the priests in a position to secure the
assistance of the gods for humanity harassed by pain and affliction.
These sacred observances were strange, and varied with the various
religious systems. According to the primeval cult of Zoroaster, all
evils, consequently also all diseases, were derived from the principle
of darkness which was embodied in the person of Ahriman, and only the
sacerdotal caste of the magicians who sprung from a special Median
tribe was able to heal them. But it was by no means easy to become a
member of this caste and to acquire the magic powers pertaining to
it alone. It was necessary before gaining mastery over the powers
of nature to become initiated into the mysteries of Mitra. However,
after priestly consecration had once been bestowed, the individual
thus honored bore the proud title “Conqueror of Evil,” and was able to
practise medicine. As the most essential constituent of every medical
treatment, the divine word was applied in the form of mysterious
exorcisms, sacred hymns, and certain words which were considered
specially curative in effect, particularly the word “Ormuzd,” the name
of the highest god, in whose all-embracing power of healing great
confidence was placed.
The Sumerians, the precursors of Babylonico-Assyrian culture, ascribed
a considerable and important rôle to dreams. They were considered to
bring direct medical advice from the gods, and it became the office
of the sacerdotal physician to interpret the dream in such a way as to
alleviate the sufferings of the dreamer.
The ancient Greek culture also conceded a conspicuous medical
significance to dreams, and even arranged a system of its own, that of
the temple sleep, in order always to obtain prophesying dreams from
the gods. The patient, after the obligatory offering, was required to
remain a night in the temple, and his dream during this night was the
medical advice of the divinity in its most direct form. But only the
priest was able to interpret a dream obtained in such a manner, and to
extract medical efficacy from it. But as it occasionally happened that
a too prosaic and phlegmatic patient did not dream at all, the priest
was benevolent enough to intercede. He was always promptly favored by
the gods with a suggestive dream.
The medical function of the priests had reached a peculiar development
during the first centuries of Rome. This was manifest especially in
the time of public calamities, such as pestilence, war, etc. When
such events reached dimensions which threatened the existence of the
republic, attempts were made to gain the favor of the gods by most
curious ceremonies. The celestials were simply invited to take part
in an opulent banquet. The first divine feast of such a character
was celebrated in Rome in the sixth century, B.C., on account of a
great epidemic. Apollo, Latona, Diana, Hercules, Mercury, and Neptune
were most ceremoniously invited to take part in a religious banquet
which lasted for eight days. The images of the gods were placed upon
magnificently cushioned couches, and the tables were loaded with
dainties. Not only the gods, but the entire population, were invited;
every one kept open house, and whoever wished to do so could feast
at the richly prepared boards of the wealthy. Even the pronounced
enemies of the house were allowed to enter and to enjoy the dainties
without fear of hostile remarks; indeed, it was deemed advisable in the
interests of public hygiene to unchain the prisoners and to liberate
them. But if the gods, in spite of the most opulent entertainments,
did not have any consideration, and if pestilence, military disaster,
failure of crops, or whatever was the immediate cause of popular
anxiety, continued to persist with unabated fury, endeavors were made
by theatrical performances to provide as much as possible for the
amusement of the gods. Such plays, at first, consisted only in graceful
dances, with flute accompaniments, and from these simple beginnings,
according to Livy, Book 7, Chapter II., the drama is said to have
developed all those variations which characterized the scenic art of
antiquity. There can be no doubt that even the stage of modern times is
of religio-sanitary origin—a peculiar fact which modern patrons of the
theater scarcely ever dream of.
An attempt was eventually made to increase the delight of the gods in
such amusements by a number of novel devices. For instance, it was
stipulated that the performances instituted to ward off the invasion of
Hannibal were to cost 333,333⅓ copper asses. But if, nevertheless,
the gods were not sufficiently propitiated by banquets, dances, and
playing of the flute, and if they could not be prevailed upon by such
pastimes to remove the pestilence or other calamity, a dictator was
named who, if possible, on September 13th, drove a nail into the temple
of Jupiter to appease divine indignation. It appears that this was
a primeval custom of the Etruscans; at least, it is reported by the
Roman author, Cincius, that such nails could be seen in the temple of
the Etruscan goddess Nortia. This nail therapy was resorted to by the
Romans, for instance, during the terrible plague which raged in the
fifth century, B.C., and of which the celebrated Furius Camillus died.
Wonderful as all the described procedures seem to us, and closely
as they may conform to the modern conception of superstition, at the
time they originated they were considered as quite removed from that
superstition with which we so closely identify them to-day. For the
period which saw the above events was an era of exclusive theism, and
for that reason divine sleep, divine feasts, the sacred performances,
and all the other peculiar means which were employed to secure medical
aid of the gods, were well-established features of religious worship.
The stigma of superstition was not set upon them as yet. And this state
of things naturally persisted so long as the theistic theory of life
stood unchallenged.
This absolute reign of theistic theory dominating human life through
the above-described therapeutic ideas was followed by an epoch in which
theism was forced to divide its authority with a powerful rival—namely,
the physico-mechanical theory of life. The struggle between both these
systems was ushered in, for the Hellenic as well as for the Occidental
world of civilization, by the appearance of Ionian philosophy. Even in
our own day this struggle is still going on in many minds. This much,
at least, is certain: that superstition has always been especially
active in medicine in areas of civilization where the theistic idea
has gained the ascendency.
The deadly struggle between theistic and physico-mechanical theories of
life in the realm of medicine has found no place in the experience of
Hellenic and Roman antiquity. The change in opinion was rather wrought
by a gradual recession from the idea that the gods interfered with the
proper course of man’s bodily functions. This conviction resulted from
a progressive growth of his physico-mechanical knowledge, and became
established at least as far as the thoughts and the opinions of the
physicians were concerned. That the other classes, in particular the
representatives of religion, did not so peaceably acquiesce in this
mechanical conception of life we shall soon explain in Chapter III.
It was different, however, with the art of healing itself. Even the
Corpus Hippocraticum reveals to us a medicine which had been purified
from all theistic admixtures, and from the publication of this work
(_i.e._, from about the fifth century, B.C., up to the overthrow of the
ancient period—_i.e._, until about the fifth or sixth century, A.D.)
no further attempt to refer the cause of disease and the treatment of
disease to the gods of the ancient heavens is noticed in medical works.
On the contrary, that great efforts were made to look for the nature
of disease in the mechanical conditions of the body is proven by a
number of the most various medical doctrines. The extensive work of
Galen, that antique canon of medicine, which dates back to the second
century, A.D., disavows all theism and all theurgy, and relies solely
upon physico-mechanical methods: observation, experiment, dissection.
Antique religion and antique medicine had effected a reconciliation—a
reconciliation, however, in which neither party was to acknowledge
a complete defeat; but the result was an amicable settlement, in
which their just dues were given both to the theistic and to the
physico-mechanical theories of life. The point of agreement upon which
this settlement, or, to express it better, compromise, was made was
teleology.
By teleology we understand the conception that all earthly existence
is created by a supreme power in accordance with a preconceived plan,
and that, accordingly, all organic life, in form and action, is most
perfectly adapted to the task prescribed for it by this power. This
conception was absolutely indispensable to antique medicine; for it
allowed the adherents of the theistic theory without hesitation to
consider man as a product of the creator, which was distinguished in
all directions and which bore witness of the wisdom of God, a position
which precluded the assumption, which was impossible according to the
antecedent medical observations, that disease came from God. For it
seemed quite plausible, according to the physico-mechanical theory of
life, that disease might be a product of a number of adverse, purely
earthly conditions, an assumption not involving the slightest doubt of
the wisdom and creative power of the gods. This teleological doctrine,
which runs like a red thread through all ancient philosophy, becomes
conspicuously prominent in Galen. Every section of the powerful work
of Galen—anatomy, as well as physiology, pathology, and therapy—bear
witness to the most confident teleological conception, a conception
which in the end culminates in the verdict (“Use of the Parts,” Book
11, Chapter XIV.): “The creator of nature has disclosed his benevolence
by wise care for all his creatures, in that he has bestowed upon each
one what is truly of service to it.”
This teleological idea of all earthly becoming, being, and passing away
was henceforth destined to be a permanent factor in human speculation.
Christianity received it as a possession from antique civilization, and
only the philosophy and natural science of modern times have been able
to threaten its permanence. Biology, as of modern creation, teaches
us that all natural phenomena owe their existence to natural causes,
that the natural world is subject to natural laws. And, accordingly,
teleology, as we encounter it in the works of the heathen Galen and
in the writings of the Christian Church Fathers, has turned out to
be superstition, which, however, must by no means be classed with
the vagaries of mere medico-physical superstition. In coming to this
decision, however, we must beware of rash generalization. In this
connection we refer only to that kind of teleology which dominated the
world previous to the teachings of Descartes and Spinoza, and previous
to the advent of modern natural science, with its biological methods.
Whether, after all, a theory of life might be possible which, while
avoiding the reproach of superstition, might be traced to teleological
prepossessions, is a question we can not here discuss. It is admittedly
true that the deeper we penetrate into the secrets of nature the more
energetically the existence of a marvelous, intelligent will manifests
itself as permeating all domains of nature. However, if this fact is
not denied on principle, as modern materialism denies it, and proper
allowance is made for it, a rehabilitation of teleology as a necessary
factor of our theory of life would be the logical consequence. Of
course, this teleology would bear a stamp entirely different from
that of antiquity and of the middle ages, which is recognized to be
superstition. It should not pretend to include the consideration of the
entire organic world, but confine its conclusions to the last links
in the chain of experience and argument which science has forged from
natural phenomena. Now this could be accomplished, in our opinion, even
without apprehension of interfering with the indispensable requirements
of modern naturalists: “The terrestrial world in its forms and
processes is governed solely by terrestrial laws.” What the appearance
of such a teleology should be is expressed by William Hartpole Lecky in
the following:
“This conception, which exhibits the universe rather as an organism
than a mechanism, and regards the complexities and adaptations it
displays rather as the results of gradual development from within
than of an interference from without, is so novel, and at first sight
so startling, that many are now shrinking from it in alarm, under
the impression that it destroys the argument from design, and almost
amounts to the negation of a Supreme Intelligence. But there can,
I think, be little doubt that such fears are, for the most part,
unfounded. That matter is governed by mind, that the contrivances
and elaborations of the universe are the products of intelligence,
are propositions which are quite unshaken, whether we regard these
contrivances as the result of a single momentary exercise of will,
or of a slow, consistent, and regulated evolution. The proofs of a
pervading and developing intelligence, and the proofs of a coordinating
and combining intelligence, are both untouched, nor can any conceivable
progress of science in this direction destroy them. If the famous
suggestion, that all animal and vegetable life results from a single
vital germ, and that all the different animals and plants now existent
were developed by a natural process of evolution from that germ, were
a demonstrated truth, we should still be able to point to the evidence
of intelligence displayed in the measured and progressive development,
in those exquisite forms so different from what blind chance could
produce, and in the manifest adaptation of surrounding circumstances
to the living creature, and of the living creature to surrounding
circumstances. The argument from design would indeed be changed; it
would require to be stated in a new form, but it would be fully as
cogent as before. Indeed, it is, perhaps, not too much to say that the
more fully this conception of universal evolution is grasped, the more
firmly a scientific doctrine of Providence will be established, and the
stronger will be the presumption of a future progress.”[1]
[1] “History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of
Rationalism in Europe,” Vol. I., Chapter III., pages 294-295.
Compare also Magnus, “Medicine and Religion,” page 24, _sqq._
In such a manner, despite the fact that in teleology the point of
agreement between theistic and physico-mechanical medical thought has
been now found, theism, in the course of the history of our science,
continually attempted new attacks upon the physical tendency in
medicine; and with each assault superstition in medicine, as well as in
the natural sciences, was most palpably exposed.
After having satisfied ourselves in this second chapter regarding
theism and its attitude with reference to the physico-mechanical theory
of life, we shall now enter upon the consideration of the various
forms of medical superstition, and it is our intention, as stated in
the first chapter, so to arrange the enormous material at hand as to
discuss medical superstition according to the sources from which it has
sprung. We shall begin by pointing out the intimate relations which
have prevailed between the teachings of religion and superstition.
III
RELIGION THE SUPPORT OF MEDICAL SUPERSTITION
Religion undoubtedly plays the most conspicuous part in the history
of medical superstition. Religious teaching, of whatever character,
has fostered medical superstition more than any other factor of
civilization. Not only has religion called forth and nourished medical
superstition, but it has also defended it with all the influence at its
disposal. Indeed, it has not infrequently happened that those who were
reluctant to believe in the blessings of a medical theory ridiculously
perverted by religion were exposed to persecution by fire and sword.
And this not only from one or other religious denomination, for all
religious believers, without exception, had proved to be the most
assiduous promotors of medical superstition; so that we are probably
not wrong in designating priesthoods in general, whatever their creed,
as the most prominent embodiment of medical superstition during certain
periods of the world’s history. But the details will be learned from
the following paragraphs:
§ 1. =Priesthood the Support of Medical Superstition.=—The principal
reason for a not quite reputable activity in the chosen representative
of a deity is probably the fact that, with the appearance of a
physico-mechanical contemplation of the world, the theistic theory of
life, which until then had exclusive sway, was forced into a pitched
battle with a newly formulated definition of nature. This struggle was
carried on principally by the priesthood, who, as a matter of fact,
had most to lose from the ascendency of a new theory of life which
only reckoned with natural factors. They indeed had been the means,
until then, of procuring for the people the assistance of the gods
in all bodily ailments, as they had been the exclusive depositories
of physical knowledge. And it could scarcely be expected that the
priesthood would at once willingly relinquish the extensive supremacy
hitherto exercised by it as the oracle of divine guidance in all
medico-physical questions; for humanity has always considered the
possession of authority much more delightful than submission, and the
ruler has always objected most energetically to any attempt which
disputes his rule. This was precisely what was done by priests of all
creeds when the mechanico-physical theory of life began to supersede
the obsolete dreams of theistic medicine. Fair-minded persons will
surely allow that such action was natural. But they can not approve of
the methods resorted to, unless they belong to those who feel bound
always to discern nothing but what is sacred in every action of a
servant of heaven.
In order to wage war most effectively against the physico-mechanical
theory of life, the priesthood at once claimed for themselves the power
of completely controlling nature. They made the people believe that
the celestials had bestowed upon them the faculty of dominating nature
in the interests of the sick, and that all powers of the universe, the
obvious ones as well as those mysteriously hidden in the depths of
nature, were obedient to sacerdotal suggestions. The servant of heaven
professed that he could regulate the eternal processes of matter, with
its becoming, being, and passing away, quite as irresistibly as his eye
was able to survey the course of time in the past, present, and future.
Equipped with these extensive powers, a priest necessarily appeared
to the people not only as physician, but also as a miraculous being
crowned with the halo of the supernatural. And this was the rôle he
actually played in many ancient religions. With the peoples of Italy
the priest appeared—at a period, indeed, which was previous to the
beginning of Rome—as physician, prophet, interpreter of dreams,
raiser of tempests, etc. He held exactly the same offices among the
Celtic tribes in Gaul and Britain. His position was the same in the
Oriental world, and by the Medians and the Persians especially were
priests considered to be persons endowed with supernatural powers.
We may notice that members of a certain Median tribe formed the
sacerdotal caste, and bore the name of “Magi.” However, this name,
which originally was confined to the priestly order, obtained, in the
course of time, a distinctly secular meaning. Very soon many cunning
fellows arrived at the conclusion that the trade of a sacerdotal
physician and conjurer might bring a profitable livelihood to its
professor, even if this professor were not a priest but a layman. Thus
there arose a special profession of sorcerers, miracle workers, and
medicine-men, who protested with solemn emphasis that they were able
to cure all physical as well as psychical ailments of their fellow
men as thoroughly as the priests had done. But in order to bestow
the required consecration upon this art, these gentlemen usurped the
venerable name of the above-mentioned Median sacerdotal caste and
called themselves “Magi.” Thus it happened that the name “Magus”
(magician), which originally served to designate a distinct sacerdotal
caste, deteriorated into a designation of charlatans and swindlers.
This could never have occurred unless the priests had prostituted their
sublime profession and degraded it to various kinds of discreditable
medico-physical deceptions. This alone is why priesthood is responsible
for the rise of the magicians, of these worthless fakirs. But if Pliny
(Book 30, Chapter I., § 2) attempts to rank magic as an offshoot of
medicine, he is justified in doing so only in so far as the priest,
during the theistic period, was also the physician, as is well known.
Only from this point of view is it possible to trace a genetic relation
between medicine and magic. But medicine in itself has not taken
the slightest part in the promotion of magic and the success of its
unsavory reputation. Indeed, our science has suffered too much through
the practise of magic to burden itself with the paternity of this
disreputable child of civilization.
It appears that the name of the Celtic priests (“druids”) had become
subject to the same abuse as the name of the Median priests of
sacerdotal caste. Thus we learn of female fortune-tellers of the
third century, A.D., who call themselves “druidesses.” But it seems
that this application of the word “druid” has remained a local
one and strictly limited, whereas the expression “magician,” quite
generally employed, became, in the course of time, the designation of
charlatans and medical impostors. For these swindlers, who carried on
medico-physical hocuspocus, and who claimed to exercise supernatural
powers, were called “magicians” during the entire period of classic
antiquity, and we find the same use of the word in the middle ages, and
sometimes also in more modern times.
But this profession of magician, which sprang from priesthood, has
largely promoted superstition in medicine, and was particularly
instrumental in bringing it into extraordinary repute. It is our
intention to concern ourselves a little more minutely with magicians
and magic.
§2. =The Spread of the Word “Magic.”=—How and when magic was
transplanted from its Oriental home to the Occident can not be
determined with certainty; for the Greeks, as well as all antique
peoples, probably all nations, had a belief in ghosts and demons, in
fortune-telling, and in sorcery. But it appears, nevertheless, that
the ancient civilized peoples of the Orient, and particularly the
Persians, cultivated the magic arts with especial devotion, and it
is more than probable that it was from the East that the prevailing
cult of magic had been imported into the West. Pliny, for one, tells
us (Book 30, Chapter I., § 8) that magic was brought to Europe by
a certain Osthanes, who accompanied King Xerxes on his military
expedition against Greece. This man Osthanes, as Pliny reports further,
is said to have disseminated the seeds of this supernatural art (_velut
semina artis portentosæ insparsit_) wherever he went, and with such
success that the Hellenic peoples were actually mad after it, and
prominent men traveled through parts of the Orient, there to acquire
personally and thoroughly these magic arts, thus, as was the case with
Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democritus, and Plato. In fact, it is said of
Democritus that he opened the tomb of a celebrated magician—Dardanus of
Phœnicia—that he might restore to publicity the mysterious writings of
the latter. It appears, moreover, that Alexander the Great entertained
an implicit belief in magic—at least, Pliny reports that during his
wars he was always accompanied by a celebrated magician.
Magic arts were likewise in favor among the Romans. Even Nero attempted
to master the secrets of magic, altho unsuccessfully (Pliny, Book 30,
Chapter II., § 5). A particular impetus was given to magic toward the
end of the last century before Christ and during the first century
of the Christian era, when the rise of many fantastic philosophical
systems greatly promoted and supported the belief in the supernatural
powers of magic. Subsequently, in the middle ages, magic experienced an
accepted and systematic development. These conditions, however, will be
more explicitly referred to later on.
The treatment of the sick through supernatural agencies assumed
quite astonishing dimensions under the Roman emperors. The belief
in magicians was so generally disseminated that even the emperors
themselves and the imperial authorities were almost completely devoted
to it. Thus, for instance, the emperor Hadrian (117-138, A.D.) caused
himself to be treated by physicians who claimed miraculous powers,
and he is said to have written a book on theurgy. In fact, Suidas (62
Julianus) reports that Hadrian, on account of a severe outbreak of
pestilence in Rome, sent for the son of the Chaldean, Julian, who,
simply by the power of his miracles, arrested the progress of the
disease. Under Antoninus Pius official proclamations were made in the
forum, directing the attention of the people to the importance of
magicians (Philostratus, 43), and the emperor Marcus Aurelius even
relates that, when in Caieta, the gods in a dream prescribed a remedy
for the hemorrhagic cough and vertigo from which he was suffering
(“Marcus Aurelius,” Chapter I., § 17, page 11).
But it appears that the magicians finally went too far with their
tricks, and endangered human life by their treatment; so that several
emperors decided upon adopting more rigorous measures against their
knaveries. The emperor Septimius Severus (193-211), altho himself
originally devoted to magic, prohibited, when on a visit in Egypt,
all books which taught curious arts (Aelius Spartianus, “Hadrianus,”