continued: the sufferings had been greater than before; for the cold had
been more intense, and many perished out of the living creatures through
every class except only the camels, whose powers of endurance seemed
equally adapted to cold and heat. The second morning, however, brought
an alleviation to the distress. Snow had begun to fall; and, though not
deep at present, it was easily foreseen that it soon would be so, and
that, as a halt would in that case become unavoidable, no plan could be
better than that of staying where they were, especially as the same
cause would check the advance of the Cossacks. Here, then, was the last
interval of comfort which gleamed upon the unhappy nation during their
whole migration. For ten days the snow continued to fall with little
intermission. At the end of that time keen, bright, frosty weather
succeeded; the drifting had ceased. In three days the smooth expanse
became firm enough to support the treading of the camels, and the
flight was recommenced. But during the halt much domestic comfort had
been enjoyed, and, for the last time, universal plenty. The cows and
oxen had perished in such vast numbers on the previous marches, that an
order was now issued to turn what remained to account by slaughtering
the whole, and salting whatever part should be found to exceed the
immediate consumption. This measure led to a scene of general
banqueting, and even of festivity, amongst all who were not
incapacitated for joyous emotions by distress of mind, by grief for the
unhappy experience of the few last days, and by anxiety for the too
gloomy future. Seventy thousand persons of all ages had already
perished, exclusively of the many thousand allies who had been cut down
by the Cossack sabre; and the losses in reversion were likely to be many
more; for rumors began now to arrive from all quarters, by the mounted
couriers whom the khan had despatched to the rear and to each flank as
well as in advance, that large masses of the imperial troops were
converging from all parts of Central Asia to the fords of the river
Torgai, as the most convenient point for intercepting the flying tribes;
and it was already well known that a powerful division was close in
their rear, and was retarded only by the numerous artillery which had
been judged necessary to support their operations. New motives were thus
daily arising for quickening the motions of the wretched Kalmucks and
for exhausting those who were previously but too much exhausted.
It was not until the 2d day of February that the khan's advanced guard
came in sight of Ouchim, the defile among the hills of Moulgaldchares,
in which they anticipated so bloody an opposition from the Cossacks. A
pretty large body of these light cavalry had, in fact, preoccupied the
pass by some hours; but the khan, having two great advantages,--namely,
a strong body of infantry, who had been conveyed by sections of five on
about two hundred camels, and some pieces of light artillery which he
had not yet been forced to abandon,--soon began to make a serious
impression upon this unsupported detachment, and they would probably at
any rate have retired; but, at the very moment when they were making
some dispositions in that view, Zebek-Dorchi appeared upon their rear
with a body of trained riflemen who had distinguished themselves in the
war with Turkey. These men had contrived to crawl unobserved over the
cliffs which skirted the ravine, availing themselves of the dry beds of
the summer torrents and other inequalities of the ground to conceal
their movement. Disorder and trepidation ensued instantly in the Cossack
files. The khan, who had been waiting with the _élite_ of his heavy
cavalry, charged furiously upon them. Total overthrow followed to the
Cossacks, and a slaughter such as in some measure avenged the recent
bloody extermination of their allies, the ancient _ouloss_ of
Feka-Zechorr. The slight horses of the Cossacks were unable to support
the weight of heavy Polish dragoons and a body of trained _cameleers_
(that is, cuirassiers mounted on camels). Hardy they were, but not
strong, nor a match for their antagonists in weight; and their
extraordinary efforts through the last few days to gain their present
position had greatly diminished their powers for effecting an escape.
Very few, in fact, _did_ escape; and the bloody day of Ouchim became as
memorable amongst the Cossacks as that which, about twenty days before,
had signalized the complete annihilation of the Feka-Zechorr.
The road was now open to the river Igritch, and as yet even far beyond
it to the Torgau; but how long this state of things would continue was
every day more doubtful. Certain intelligence was now received that a
large Russian army, well appointed in every arm, was advancing upon the
Torgau under the command of General Traubenberg. This officer was to be
joined on his route by ten thousand Bashkirs and pretty nearly the same
amount of Kirghises,--both hereditary enemies of the Kalmucks,--both
exasperated to a point of madness by the bloody trophies which Oubacha
and Momotbacha had, in late years, won from such of their compatriots as
served under the sultan. The czarina's yoke these wild nations bore with
submissive patience, but not the hands by which it had been imposed; and
accordingly, catching with eagerness at the present occasion offered to
their vengeance, they sent an assurance to the czarina of their perfect
obedience to her commands, and at the same time a message significantly
declaring in what spirit they meant to execute them, namely, "that they
would not trouble her Majesty with prisoners."
Here then arose, as before with the Cossacks, a race for the Kalmucks
with the regular armies of Russia, and concurrently with nations as
fierce and semi-humanized as themselves, besides that they were stung
into threefold activity by the furies of mortified pride and military
abasement under the eyes of the Turkish sultan. The forces, and more
especially the artillery, of Russia, were far too overwhelming to permit
the thought of a regular opposition in pitched battles, even with a less
dilapidated state of their resources than they could reasonably expect
at the period of their arrival on the Torgau. In their speed lay their
only hope,--in strength of foot, as before, and not in strength of arm.
Onward, therefore, the Kalmucks pressed, marking the lines of their
wide-extending march over the sad solitudes of the steppes by a
never-ending chain of corpses. The old and the young, the sick man on
his couch, the mother with her baby,--all were left behind. Sights such
as these, with the many rueful aggravations incident to the helpless
condition of infancy,--of disease and of female weakness abandoned to
the wolves amidst a howling wilderness,--continued to track their course
through a space of full two thousand miles; for so much at the least it
was likely to prove, including the circuits to which they were often
compelled by rivers or hostile tribes, from the point of starting on the
Wolga until they could reach their destined halting-ground on the east
bank of the Torgau. For the first seven weeks of this march their
sufferings had been imbittered by the excessive severity of the cold;
and every night--so long as wood was to be had for fires, either from
the lading of the camels, or from the desperate sacrifice of their
baggage-wagons, or (as occasionally happened) from the forests which
skirted the banks of the many rivers which crossed their path--no
spectacle was more frequent than that of a circle, composed of men,
women, and children, gathered by hundreds round a central fire, all dead
and stiff at the return of morning light. Myriads were left behind from
pure exhaustion, of whom none had a chance, under the combined evils
which beset them, of surviving through the next twenty-four hours.
Frost, however, and snow at length ceased to persecute; the vast extent
of the march at length brought them into more genial latitudes; and the
unusual duration of the march was gradually bringing them into the more
genial seasons of the year. Two thousand miles had at least been
traversed; February, March, April, were gone; the balmy month of May had
opened; vernal sights and sounds came from every side to comfort the
heart-weary travellers; and at last, in the latter end of May, they
crossed the Torgau, and took up a position where they hoped to find
liberty to repose themselves for many weeks in comfort as well as in
security, and to draw such supplies from the fertile neighborhood as
might restore their shattered forces to a condition for executing, with
less of wreck and ruin, the large remainder of the journey.
Yes; it was true that two thousand miles of wandering had been
completed, but in a period of nearly five months, and with the terrific
sacrifice of at least two hundred and fifty thousand souls, to say
nothing of herds and flocks past all reckoning. These had all
perished,--ox, cow, horse, mule, ass, sheep, or goat; not one
survived,--only the camels. These arid and adust creatures, looking like
the mummies of some antediluvian animals, without the affections or
sensibilities of flesh and blood,--these only still erected their
speaking eyes to the eastern heavens, and had to all appearance come out
from this long tempest of trial unscathed and unharmed. The khan,
knowing how much he was individually answerable for the misery which had
been sustained, must have wept tears even more bitter than those of
Xerxes when he threw his eyes over the myriads whom he had assembled;
for the tears of Xerxes were unmingled with compunction. Whatever amends
were in his power he resolved to make by sacrifices to the general good
of all personal regards; and accordingly, even at this point of their
advance, he once more deliberately brought under review the whole
question of the revolt. The question was formally debated before the
council, whether, even at this point, they should untread their steps,
and, throwing themselves upon the czarina's mercy, return to their old
allegiance. In that case, Oubacha professed himself willing to become
the scapegoat for the general transgression. This, he argued, was no
fantastic scheme, but even easy of accomplishment; for the unlimited and
sacred power of the khan, so well known to the empress, made it
absolutely iniquitous to attribute any separate responsibility to the
people. Upon the khan rested the guilt,--upon the khan would descend the
imperial vengeance. This proposal was applauded for its generosity, but
was energetically opposed by Zebek-Dorchi. Were they to lose the whole
journey of two thousand miles? Was their misery to perish without fruit?
True it was that they had yet reached only the half-way house; but, in
that respect, the motives were evenly balanced for retreat or for
advance. Either way they would have pretty nearly the same distance to
traverse, but with this difference,--that, forwards, their route lay
through lands comparatively fertile; backwards, through a blasted
wilderness, rich only in memorial of their sorrow, and hideous to
Kalmuck eyes by the trophies of their calamity. Besides, though the
empress might accept an excuse for the past, would she the less forbear
to suspect for the future? The czarina's _pardon_ they might obtain; but
could they ever hope to recover her _confidence_? Doubtless there would
now be a standing presumption against them, an immortal ground of
jealousy; and a jealous government would be but another name for a harsh
one. Finally, whatever motives there ever had been for the revolt surely
remained unimpaired by anything that had occurred. In reality, the
revolt was, after all, no revolt, but (strictly speaking) a return to
their old allegiance; since, not above one hundred and fifty years ago
(namely, in the year 1616), their ancestors had revolted from the
Emperor of China. They had now tried both governments; and for them
China was the land of promise, and Russia the house of bondage.
Spite, however, of all that Zebek could say or do, the yearning of the
people was strongly in behalf of the khan's proposal; the pardon of
their prince, they persuaded themselves, would be readily conceded by
the empress; and there is little doubt that they would at this time have
thrown themselves gladly upon the imperial mercy; when suddenly all was
defeated by the arrival of two envoys from Traubenberg. This general had
reached the fortress of Orsk, after a very painful march, on the 12th of
April; thence he set forwards towards Oriembourg, which he reached upon
the 1st of June, having been joined on his route at various times
through the month of May by the Kirghises and a corps of ten thousand
Bashkirs. From Oriembourg he sent forward his official offers to the
khan, which were harsh and peremptory, holding out no specific
stipulations as to pardon or impunity, and exacting unconditional
submission as the preliminary price of any cessation from military
operations. The personal character of Traubenberg, which was anything
but energetic, and the condition of his army, disorganized in a great
measure by the length and severity of the march, made it probable that,
with a little time for negotiation, a more conciliatory tone would have
been assumed. But, unhappily for all parties, sinister events occurred
in the mean time, such as effectually put an end to every hope of the
kind.
The two envoys sent forward by Traubenberg had reported to this
officer that a distance of only ten days' march lay between his own
head-quarters and those of the khan. Upon this fact transpiring, the
Kirghises, by their prince Nourali, and the Bashkirs entreated the
Russian general to advance without delay. Once having placed his cannon
in position, so as to command the Kalmuck camp, the fate of the rebel
khan and his people would be in his own hands, and they would themselves
form his advanced guard. Traubenberg, however,--_why_ has not been
certainly explained,--refused to march, grounding his refusal upon the
condition of his army and their absolute need of refreshment. Long and
fierce was the altercation; but at length, seeing no chance of
prevailing, and dreading above all other events the escape of their
detested enemy, the ferocious Bashkirs went off in a body by forced
marches. In six days they reached the Torgau, crossed by swimming their
horses, and fell upon the Kalmucks, who were dispersed for many a league
in search of food or provender for their camels. The first day's action
was one vast succession of independent skirmishes, diffused over a field
of thirty to forty miles in extent; one party often breaking up into
three or four, and again (according to the accidents of ground) three or
four blending into one; flight and pursuit, rescue and total overthrow,
going on simultaneously, under all varieties of form, in all quarters of
the plain. The Bashkirs had found themselves obliged, by the scattered
state of the Kalmucks, to split up into innumerable sections; and thus,
for some hours, it had been impossible for the most practised eye to
collect the general tendency of the day's fortune. Both the khan and
Zebek-Dorchi were at one moment made prisoners, and more than once in
imminent danger of being cut down; but at length Zebek succeeded in
rallying a strong column of infantry, which, with the support of the
camel corps on each flank, compelled the Bashkirs to retreat. Clouds,
however, of these wild cavalry continued to arrive through the next two
days and nights, followed or accompanied by the Kirghises. These being
viewed as the advanced parties of Traubenberg's army, the Kalmuck
chieftains saw no hope of safety but in flight; and in this way it
happened that a retreat, which had so recently been brought to a pause,
was resumed at the very moment when the unhappy fugitives were
anticipating a deep repose, without further molestation, the whole
summer through.
It seemed as though every variety of wretchedness were predestined to
the Kalmucks, and as if their sufferings were incomplete unless they
were rounded and matured by all that the most dreadful agencies of
summer's heat could superadd to those of frost and winter. To this
sequel of their story we shall immediately revert, after first noticing
a little romantic episode which occurred at this point between Oubacha
and his unprincipled cousin Zebek-Dorchi.
There was, at the time of the Kalmuck flight from the Wolga, a Russian
gentleman of some rank at the court of the khan, whom, for political
reasons, it was thought necessary to carry along with them as a captive.
For some weeks his confinement had been very strict, and in one or two
instances cruel; but, as the increasing distance was continually
diminishing the chances of escape, and perhaps, also, as the misery of
the guards gradually withdrew their attention from all minor interests
to their own personal sufferings, the vigilance of the custody grew more
and more relaxed; until at length, upon a petition to the khan, Mr.
Weseloff was formally restored to liberty; and it was understood that he
might use his liberty in whatever way he chose, even for returning to
Russia, if that should be his wish. Accordingly, he was making active
preparations for his journey to St. Petersburg, when it occurred to
Zebek-Dorchi that not improbably, in some of the battles which were then
anticipated with Traubenberg, it might happen to them to lose some
prisoner of rank, in which case the Russian Weseloff would be a pledge
in their hands for negotiating an exchange. Upon this plea, to his own
severe affliction, the Russian was detained until the further pleasure
of the khan. The khan's name, indeed, was used through the whole affair,
but, as it seemed, with so little concurrence on his part, that, when
Weseloff in a private audience humbly remonstrated upon the injustice
done him and the cruelty of thus sporting with his feelings by setting
him at liberty, and, as it were, tempting him into dreams of home and
restored happiness only for the purpose of blighting them, the
good-natured prince disclaimed all participation in the affair, and went
so far in proving his sincerity as even to give him permission to effect
his escape; and, as a ready means of commencing it without raising
suspicion, the khan mentioned to Mr. Weseloff that he had just then
received a message from the hetman of the Bashkirs, soliciting a private
interview on the banks of the Torgau at a spot pointed out. That
interview was arranged for the coming night; and Mr. Weseloff might go
in the khan's _suite_, which on either side was not to exceed three
persons. Weseloff was a prudent man, acquainted with the world, and he
read treachery in the very outline of this scheme, as stated by the
khan,--treachery against the khan's person. He mused a little, and then
communicated so much of his suspicions to the khan as might put him on
his guard; but, upon further consideration, he begged leave to decline
the honor of accompanying the khan. The fact was, that three Kalmucks,
who had strong motives for returning to their countrymen on the west
bank of the Wolga, guessing the intentions of Weseloff, had offered to
join him in his escape. These men the khan would probably find himself
obliged to countenance in their project; so that it became a point of
honor with Weseloff to conceal their intentions, and therefore to
accomplish the evasion from the camp (of which the first steps only
would be hazardous), without risking the notice of the khan.