BATTLE OF THE WILDERNESS, MAY 6, 1864.
General Grant in command of all the Union forces--Takes station with
Army of the Potomac--His career--His successes--Later kind feelings
of Southern people toward him--His dinner party at Savannah--His
plan of campaign--The policy of attrition--Grant moves his army--The
Wilderness--Disparity of numbers--Courier service an example of
our economy in men--Kershaw promoted major-general, commanding
McLaws's division--Sketch--Lee decides to strike--Grant on the
march--They meet on May 5th--An indecisive partial contest--Early
on May 6 Longstreet comes up--Finds situation serious--Hancock's
successful attack on Third Corps--It is checked--Our flank attack on
Hancock's left--He is rolled up and sent back--General Lee wants to
lead troops--Longstreet wounded and Jenkins killed by fire of our
own men--Major-General Wadsworth, U. S. A., killed--Attack resumed
later--Not successful--Night ends long day's fighting.
The Army of Northern Virginia was now to deal with a new force--a
general with the great prestige of repeated victories in the West,
and of undeniable ability. Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant had been
made Commander-in-Chief of all the Federal armies in the field, and
realizing the extraordinary achievements of Lee's army, left the scene
of his operations, and retaining Meade in command of the Army of the
Potomac, took his station by that army for the supreme direction of
military affairs. Grant's career was wonderful; were it not a fact, it
would be thought a fairy tale. A West Point graduate of mediocrity,
serving well in Mexico, but so given over to drink that his retirement
from the Army may be said to have been compulsory. This was followed
by hard-working attempts to make a living for his family, in humble
occupations, until the stirring events of 1861 brought him forward,
as they did every one who had enjoyed the opportunity of a soldier's
education. Obtaining command of an Illinois regiment, his field service
began, and was followed up with much success; until, placed in command
of important armies in Tennessee and Kentucky, he was able to break up
the Confederate plans, and finally, by his crushing defeat of Bragg at
Missionary Ridge, prepared the way for Hood's destruction at Franklin
and Nashville, and Sherman's "march to the sea."
Now came his work in Virginia, which is to be touched on, and then
his Presidency for two terms. During much of this time he was said
to be intemperate, but if true it made no difference in the results
accomplished. Mr. Lincoln was thought to be looking up Grant's brand of
whiskey for some of his other generals. This General's character made
him very dear to his friends. He was always true and helpful to them,
and possessed a certain directness and simplicity of action that was in
itself most attractive.
General Grant's conduct toward our leader in the closing scenes
at Appomattox and his vigorous defense of Lee when threatened by
unprincipled and powerful Northern politicians are not likely to be
forgotten by the Southern people. With the passing of time his fame
as a great commander appears to be growing, and will probably still
grow after careful study of his campaigns. Only once did I have the
opportunity of meeting this remarkable man. It was during the "third
term" plans of the Republican party that his friends were carrying
him on visits to various parts of the country. He was in Savannah with
Sheridan and others for a few days and was entertained at a handsome
dinner-party, of some dozen or more leading gentlemen of the city, by
General Henry R. Jackson, a wealthy and prominent Democratic citizen.
He was himself a marked personality--a lawyer of eminence; had been
Minister to Austria under Buchanan; was to be Minister to Mexico under
Cleveland; was a poet and an orator, besides of the highest character,
attainments, and social attractions. The dinner was a great success,
served lavishly in the old Southern fashion, with various courses
of wine, which the rough Sheridan brusquely put aside. "He wanted
champagne, must have it at once." And he _did_ have it from start to
finish.
Grant was in excellent form, looked well and talked well; his glass was
not touched. Fresh from his tour around the world he had much to say.
He had been deeply interested in Japan and talked incisively of that
wonderful country, really a monologue of a full hour, the table intent
and absorbed in the fresh observations that fell from him. Then it
became time for his departure to meet a public appointment, and we rose
to bow him out. Resuming our seats and attention to the old Madeiras,
we agreed that for a silent man Grant was about the most interesting
one we had recently found. His talk was clean-cut, simple, direct, and
clear.
The General-in-Chief made his headquarters near Culpeper. The Army
of the Potomac was about 130,000 strong in aggregate, and consisted
of Hancock's Second Corps, Warren's Fifth, and Sedgwick's Sixth;
besides Burnside's Ninth, held apart near Rappahannock railroad
bridge. Lee's army lay west of the Rapidan, R. H. Anderson's division
facing Madison Court House; the Second and Third Corps (Ewell's and
Hill's), two divisions of the First and Alexander's artillery were at
Mechanicsville; Pickett's division of the First was south of the James.
Our strength is stated by Colonel Taylor to have been 63,998.
We were at no loss to understand Grant's intention. The Northern
papers, as well as himself, had boldly and brutally announced the
purpose of "attrition"--that is, the Federals could stand the loss of
four or five men to the Confederate's one, and threw nice strategy
into the background. It was known that we were almost past recruiting
our thin ranks, and the small figures of the army as it now stood;
while the double numbers of the Federals could be reproduced from the
immense resources in population, not to speak of their foreign field of
supplies under inducement of liberal bounties.
Grant started his march the night of May 3d, via Germanna and Elys
Fords, Wilson's and Gregg's cavalry leading. Burnside was also ordered
to him.
The Wilderness was a wild, tangled forest of stunted trees, with
in places impassable undergrowth, lying between Fredericksburg and
Orange Court House, probably sixteen or seventeen miles square. Some
farm clearings and a shanty or two for a few poor inhabitants might
occasionally be seen. Two principal roads penetrated this repulsive
district, the Orange Plank Road and the turnpike. The ground generally
lay flat and level.
And now was to begin the last and greatest of the campaigns of the Army
of Northern Virginia. The campaign of _attrition_ on one side met and
foiled by the fine flower of the ablest strategy on the other. It was
Grant's stubborn perseverance, indifferent to the loss of life, against
Lee's clear insight and incessant watchfulness. Our army always ready,
ever fighting, was to hold the Federal forces from the Wilderness to
the final break at Petersburg, from May to March, ten months of supreme
effort, most exhaustive to a commander. Marshall Marmont says, "The
attacking general has, to a large extent, command of the mind of his
defensive opponents." It is doubtless true, but Lee often gave his mind
necessary relief and chanced success by a sudden initiative against
Grant. The latter would unexpectedly find part of his army attacked
with swift energy and would get something for his mind to work on
besides the control of Lee's.
Referring to the disparity of numbers, we did in truth want men. A
little detail will show how we had to economize them. Until recently
there had been small cavalry details at general headquarters and with
corps and division chiefs. These, however, were all sent back to serve
with the regimental colors, and the courier service they had been doing
taken up by assignments of men from the infantry ranks who could keep
themselves mounted.
Six were allowed for corps headquarters, four for divisions, and two
for brigades. Being picked men, the service was well performed; but the
time was not far off when these able men had again to take up their
muskets by their colors. Disabled fellows who could ride but did no
marching were put at the important courier duties and did well! The
enemy said we were robbing the cradle and the grave, and it was more
or less true.
Maj.-Gen. J. B. Kershaw, a lawyer from South Carolina, was one of the
most distinguished and efficient officers of the Virginia army. His
service had been long and uninterrupted. Coming out with a fine South
Carolina regiment among the first to be sent to Virginia, his abilities
soon made him its colonel. He served long in that rank, his steady
courage and military aptitude invariably showing handsomely in the
arduous service of his regiment.
It was one of those forming the South Carolina Brigade of McLaws's
division. Longstreet was quick to perceive Kershaw's merit and
recommended him for promotion. It was sometime coming. But when he was
brigadier-general and placed in command of the brigade he maintained
his high reputation fully. In 1864 he was promoted to be major-general,
and continuing his service with Longstreet's corps, his conduct and
abilities were conspicuous until the very end of hostilities. General
Kershaw was of most attractive appearance, soldierly and handsome, of
medium size, well set up, light hair and moustache, with clean-cut,
high-bred features.
Grant's movement was soon made known to Lee, and the latter prepared to
strike. It was his way, he waited not for the blow; better give it, was
a large part of his strategy. It was thought Grant could best be met by
a stroke as he marched. The Second and Third Corps were ordered forward
by the Plank Road. Our own two divisions, Field's and Kershaw's, the
latter commanding in McLaws's place, and Alexander's batteries were
near Gordonsville and ordered to move by the Plank Road to Parker's
Store. The route was changed at General Longstreet's request, and he
found a good guide in James Robinson, well known to our Quartermaster
Taylor, who lived at Orange Court House. We were at Richard's shop at
5 p. m. on May 5th, Rosser's cavalry then being engaged at that point
with part of Sheridan's; the latter moving off when we came up. The
march had been twenty-eight miles, and there orders from the Commanding
General were received for changing direction so as to unite with other
troops on the Plank Road. Directions conforming were issued to resume
march at midnight.
Both armies being now in quick motion, the collision was soon to come;
indeed, had already come with Heth's and Wilcox's divisions, ending
late that night after fierce battle. I make no attempt at detail of all
Confederate and Union movements, but the great battle of the Wilderness
is now to be fought and the important part in it taken by the First
Army Corps briefly sketched.
Strange to say, the two divisions of our Third Corps, Heth's and
Wilcox's, after their severe battle made no attempt at defensive field
work or trenching when firing ceased that night. In explanation, it is
said they expected to be withdrawn and consequently did no work nor
replenished their ammunition. But Hancock, accomplished general that
he was, suffered himself to fall into no such pit. He had his men at
work all night strengthening his position, and was thus enjoying the
soldier's high feeling of confidence; and then with the sun he let
fly at the troops in front of him, apparently inviting attack with no
ground defenses whatever. It was distressing to realize such failure
in the field work, and the result came near a great disaster.
Longstreet had moved at 1 a. m., the march being difficult and slow in
the dense forest by side tracks and deep furrowed roadways. At daylight
he was on the Plank Road and in close touch with Lee when Hancock
struck the two unprepared divisions. The situation when we came on
the scene, that of May 6th, was appalling. Fugitives from the broken
lines of the Third Corps were pouring back in disorder and it looked
as if things were past mending. But not so to James Longstreet; never
did his great qualities as a tenacious, fighting soldier shine forth
in better light. He instantly took charge of the battle, and threw his
two divisions across the Plank Road, Kershaw on the right, Field on
the left. None but seasoned soldiers like the First Corps could have
done even that much. I have always thought that in its entire splendid
history the simple act of forming line in that dense undergrowth, under
heavy fire and with the Third Corps men pushing to the rear through
the ranks, was perhaps its greatest performance for steadiness and
inflexible courage and discipline. Hill's men were prompt to collect
and reform in our rear and soon were ready for better work. General
Lee was under great excitement immediately on the left. He wanted to
lead some of our troops into action, but the Texas brigade was about
him and swore they would do nothing unless he retired. A confident
message from Longstreet through Colonel Venable that his line would
be restored within an hour also helped him to regain his calm; and
then at it we went in earnest, on both sides of the road. Hancock's
success had loosened his ranks somewhat, which helped us when we fell
on him. It was a hard shock of battle by six of our brigades, three
on each side of the road. No artillery came into play, the ground not
being fit for it. The enemy's advance was checked, then wavered, and
finally relinquished; our troops pushing forward into the recovered
lines. Longstreet had redeemed his promise to his commander. Meantime
sharp work had also been going on at the left by Lieutenant-General
Ewell--the never sleeping Ewell--and the prospects were bright.
R. H. Anderson, with Hill's corps, had come up and reported to
Longstreet, who posted part of it on the right. Latrobe, of our staff,
had received painful wounds in the thigh and hand, in this fight,
while pushing the men forward. It had taken several hours to achieve
this and a slight pause in the activities of the armies occurred. Gen.
M. L. Smith, an engineer from General Headquarters, had reported to
Longstreet and examined the situation on our right, where he discovered
the enemy's left somewhat exposed and inviting attack; and now came our
turn. General Longstreet, calling me, said: "Colonel, there is a fine
chance of a great attack by our right. If you will quickly get into
those woods, some brigades will be found much scattered from the fight.
Collect them and take charge. Form a good line and then move, your
right pushed forward and turning as much as possible to the left. Hit
hard when you start, but don't start until you have everything ready.
I shall be waiting for your gun fire, and be on hand with fresh troops
for further advance."
No greater opportunity could be given to an aspiring young staff
officer, and I was quickly at work. The brigades of Anderson, Mahone,
and Wofford were lined up in fair order and in touch with each other.
It was difficult to assemble them in that horrid Wilderness, but in
an hour we were ready. The word was given, and then with heavy firing
and ringing yells we were upon Hancock's exposed left, the brigades
being ably commanded by their respective officers. It was rolled back
line after line. I was well mounted, and despite the tangled growth
could keep with our troops in conspicuous sight of them, riding most
of the charge with Mahone's men and the Eighteenth Virginia. Some
correspondence will be found in the Appendix about it. A stand was
attempted by a reserve line of Hancock's, but it was swept off its
feet in the tumultuous rush of our troops, and finally we struck the
Plank Road lower down. On the other side of it was Wadsworth's corps in
disorder. (I had last seen him under flag of truce at Fredericksburg.)
Though the old General was, doing all possible to fight it, his men
would not stay. A volley from our pursuing troops brought down the
gallant New Yorker, killing both rider and horse.
There was still some life left in the General, and every care was given
him by our surgeon. Before they could get to him, however, some of
his valuables--watch, sword, glasses, etc.--had disappeared among the
troops. One of the men came up with, "Here, Colonel, here's his map."
It was a good general map of Virginia, and of use afterwards. We were
then so disorganized by the chase through the woods that a halt was
necessary to reform, and I hastened back to General Longstreet to press
for fresh troops. There was no need with him. He had heard our guns,
knew what was up, and was already marching, happy at the success, to
finish it with the eager men at his heels.
There was quite a party of mounted officers and men riding with
him--Generals Kershaw and Jenkins, the staff, and orderlies. Jenkins,
always enthusiastic, had thrown his arm about my shoulder, with,
"Sorrel, it was splendid; we shall smash them now." And turning back I
was riding by Longstreet's side, my horse's head at his crupper, when
firing broke out from our own men on the roadside in the dense tangle.
The Lieutenant-General was struck. He was a heavy man, with a very firm
seat in the saddle, but he was actually lifted straight up and came
down hard. Then the lead-torn coat, the orifice close to the right
shoulder pointed to the passage of the heavy bullet of those days. His
staff immediately dismounted him, at the foot of a branching tree,
bleeding profusely.
The shot had entered near the throat and he was almost choked with
blood. Doctor Cullen, his medical director, was quickly on the spot.
Even then the battle was in the leader's mind, and he sent word to
Major-General Field to go straight on. He directed me to hasten to
General Lee, report what had been accomplished, and urge him to
continue the movement he was engaged on; the troops being all ready,
success would surely follow, and Grant, he firmly believed, be driven
back across the Rapidan. I rode immediately to General Lee, and did
not again see my chief until his return to duty in October. The fatal
firing that brought him down also killed Captain Jenkins, Captain
Foley, and several orderlies. Jenkins was a loss to the army--brave,
ardent, experienced and highly trained, there was much to expect of
him.
The firing began among some of the Virginia troops that had rushed the
attack. Our detour was such that it was quite possible to expect the
capture of prisoners, and when Longstreet's party was seen, followed
by Jenkins's brigade and part of Kershaw's command, in the shaded
light of the dense tangle, a shot or two went off, then more, and
finally a strong fusilade. The officers of our party acted splendidly
in the effort to avert confusion and stop the deadly firing. General
Kershaw was conspicuous about it, and our signal officer, Captain
J. H. Manning, deliberately, calmly rode through the fire up to the
Virginians, holding up his hands and making signs that we were friends.
This happened between twelve and one o'clock. My report to General Lee
was, as instructed, immediate. I found him greatly concerned by the
wounding of Longstreet and his loss to the army. He was most minute
in his inquiries and was pleased to praise the handling of the flank
attack. Longstreet's message was given, but the General was not in
sufficient touch with the actual position of the troops to proceed with
it as our fallen chief would have been able to do; at least, I received
that impression, because activity came to a stop for the moment. A new
attack with stronger forces was settled on. It was to be made direct on
the enemy's works, lower down the Plank Road, in the hope of dislodging
him.
But meantime the foe was not idle. He had used the intervening hours in
strengthening his position and making really formidable works across
the road. When the Confederate troops assaulted them late in the
afternoon they met with a costly repulse, and with this the principal
operations on our part of the field ceased for the day; it was coming
on dark.