In eny lond under the Sonne,[1126]

Ther is ful many a thing begonne

Which were betre to be left;

That hath be schewed nou and eft.

Bot if a Prince wolde him reule[1127]

Of the Romeins after the reule,

In thilke time as it was used,[1128]

This vice scholde be refused,

Wherof the Princes ben assoted.

Bot wher the pleine trouthe is noted, 2340

Ther may a Prince wel conceive,

That he schal noght himself deceive,

Of that he hiereth wordes pleine;

For him thar noght be reson pleigne,

That warned is er him be wo.

And that was fully proeved tho,

Whan Rome was the worldes chief,

The Sothseiere tho was lief,

Which wolde noght the trouthe spare,

Bot with hise wordes pleine and bare 2350

To Themperour hise sothes tolde,

As in Cronique is yit withholde,[1129]

Hierafterward as thou schalt hiere

Acordende unto this matiere.

[Sidenote: [THE ROMAN TRIUMPH.]]

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 165=]

To se this olde ensamplerie,

That whilom was no flaterie

[Sidenote: [1130]Hic narrat super eodem, qualiter nuper Romanorum

Imperator, cum ipse triumphator in hostes a bello Rome

rediret, tres sibi laudes in signum sui triumphi precipue

debebantur: primo quatuor equi albissimi currum in quo

sedebat veherent, secundo tunica Iovis pro tunc indueretur,

tercio sui captiui prope currum ad vtrumque latus cathenati

deambularent. Set ne tanti honoris adulacio eius animum

in superbiam extolleret, quidam scurra linguosus iuxta

ipsum in curru sedebat, qui quasi continuatis vocibus

improperando ei dixit, ‘Notheos,’ hoc est nosce teipsum,

‘quia si hodie fortuna[1133] tibi prospera fuerit,[1134]

cras forte[1135] versa rota mutabilis aduersabitur.’]

Toward the Princes wel I finde;

Wherof so as it comth to mynde,

Mi Sone, a tale unto thin Ere,

Whil that the worthi princes were 2360

At Rome, I thenke forto tellen.

For whan the chances so befellen

That eny Emperour as tho[1131]

Victoire hadde upon his fo,

And so forth cam to Rome ayein,

Of treble honour he was certein,

Wherof that he was magnefied.

The ferste, as it is specefied,

Was, whan he cam at thilke tyde,

The Charr in which he scholde ryde 2370

Foure whyte Stiedes scholden drawe;

Of Jupiter be thilke lawe

The Cote he scholde were also;

Hise prisoners ek scholden go

Endlong the Charr on eyther hond,

And alle the nobles of the lond[1132]

Tofore and after with him come

Ridende and broghten him to Rome,

In thonk of his chivalerie

And for non other flaterie. 2380

And that was schewed forth withal;

Wher he sat in his Charr real,

Beside him was a Ribald set,

Which hadde hise wordes so beset,[1136]

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 166=]

To themperour in al his gloire

He seide, ‘Tak into memoire,

For al this pompe and al this pride

Let no justice gon aside, (2400*)

Bot know thiself, what so befalle.

For men sen ofte time falle 2390

Thing which men wende siker stonde:

Thogh thou victoire have nou on honde,

Fortune mai noght stonde alway;

The whiel per chance an other day

Mai torne, and thou myht overthrowe;

Ther lasteth nothing bot a throwe.’

With these wordes and with mo

This Ribald, which sat with him tho,

To Themperour his tale tolde:

And overmor what evere he wolde, 2400

Or were it evel or were it good,

So pleinly as the trouthe stod,

He spareth noght, bot spekth it oute;

And so myhte every man aboute

The day of that solempnete

His tale telle als wel as he

To Themperour al openly.

And al was this the cause why;

That whil he stod in that noblesse,[1137]

He scholde his vanite represse 2410

With suche wordes as he herde.

[Sidenote: [THE EMPEROR AND HIS MASONS.]]

Lo nou, hou thilke time it ferde[1138]

Toward so hih a worthi lord:

[Sidenote: Hic eciam contra adulacionem scribit quod

primo die quo nuper Imperator intronizatus extitit,

latomi sui ab ipso constanter peterent, de quali lapide

sue sepulture tumulum fabricarent; vt sic futuram mortem

commemorans vanitates huius seculi transitorias facilius

reprimeret.[1139]]

For this I finde ek of record,

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 167=]

Which the Cronique hath auctorized.

What Emperour was entronized,

The ferste day of his corone,

Wher he was in his real Throne

And hield his feste in the paleis

Sittende upon his hihe deis 2420

With al the lust that mai be gete,

Whan he was gladdest at his mete,

And every menstral hadde pleid,

And every Disour hadde seid[1140]

What most was plesant to his Ere,

Than ate laste comen there

Hise Macons, for thei scholden crave

Wher that he wolde be begrave,[1141]

And of what Ston his sepulture

Thei scholden make, and what sculpture 2430

He wolde ordeine therupon.

Tho was ther flaterie non

The worthi princes to bejape;

The thing was other wise schape[1142]

With good conseil; and otherwise

Thei were hemselven thanne wise,

And understoden wel and knewen.

Whan suche softe wyndes blewen

Of flaterie into here Ere,

Thei setten noght here hertes there; 2440

Bot whan thei herden wordes feigned,

The pleine trouthe it hath desdeigned

Of hem that weren so discrete.

So tok the flatour no beyete[1143]

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 168=]

Of him that was his prince tho:

And forto proven it is so,

A tale which befell in dede

In a Cronique of Rome I rede.

[Sidenote: [CAESAR’S ANSWER.]]

Cesar upon his real throne

[Sidenote: Hic inter alia gesta Cesaris narrat vnum

exemplum precipue contra illos qui, cum in aspectu

principis aliis sapienciores apparere vellent, quandoque

tamen simulate sapiencie talia committunt, per que ceteris

stulciores in fine comprobantur.]

Wher that he sat in his persone 2450

And was hyest in al his pris,

A man, which wolde make him wys,

Fell doun knelende in his presence,

And dede him such a reverence,

As thogh the hihe god it were:

Men hadden gret mervaille there

Of the worschipe which he dede.

This man aros fro thilke stede,

And forth with al the same tyde

He goth him up and be his side[1144] 2460

He set him doun as pier and pier,[1145]

And seide, ‘If thou that sittest hier

Art god, which alle thinges myht,

Thanne have I do worschipe ariht[1146]

As to the god; and other wise,

If thou be noght of thilke assisse,

Bot art a man such as am I,

Than mai I sitte faste by,

For we be bothen of o kinde.’[1147]

Cesar ansuerde and seide, ‘O blinde, 2470

Thou art a fol, it is wel sene

Upon thiself: for if thou wene

I be a god, thou dost amys

To sitte wher thou sest god is;

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 169=]

And if I be a man, also

Thou hast a gret folie do,

Whan thou to such on as schal deie

The worschipe of thi god aweie

Hast yoven so unworthely.

Thus mai I prove redely, 2480

Thou art noght wys.’ And thei that herde

Hou wysly that the king ansuerde,

It was to hem a newe lore;

Wherof thei dradden him the more,

And broghten nothing to his Ere,

Bot if it trouthe and reson were.[1148]

So be ther manye, in such a wise

That feignen wordes to be wise, (2500*)

And al is verray flaterie

To him which can it wel aspie. 2490

[Sidenote: [FLATTERERS OF A KING.]]

The kinde flatour can noght love

Bot forto bringe himself above;

[Sidenote: Nota, qualiter isti circa Principem adulatores

pocius a Curia expelli, quam ad regie maiestatis munera

acceptari, Policia suadente deberent.]

For hou that evere his maister fare,

So that himself stonde out of care,

Him reccheth noght: and thus fulofte

Deceived ben with wordes softe

The kinges that ben innocent.

Wherof as for chastiement

The wise Philosophre seide,

What king that so his tresor leide 2500

Upon such folk, he hath the lesse,

And yit ne doth he no largesse,

Bot harmeth with his oghne hond

Himself and ek his oghne lond,

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 170=]

And that be many a sondri weie.

Wherof if that a man schal seie,

As forto speke in general,

Wher such thing falleth overal

That eny king himself misreule,

The Philosophre upon his reule 2510

In special a cause sette,

Which is and evere hath be the lette

In governance aboute a king

Upon the meschief of the thing,

And that, he seith, is Flaterie.

Wherof tofore as in partie

What vice it is I have declared;

For who that hath his wit bewared

Upon a flatour to believe,

Whan that he weneth best achieve 2520

His goode world, it is most fro.

And forto proeven it is so

Ensamples ther ben manyon,

Of whiche if thou wolt knowen on,

It is behovely forto hiere

What whilom fell in this matiere.

[Sidenote: [AHAB AND MICAIAH.]]

Among the kinges in the bible

I finde a tale, and is credible,

[Sidenote: Hic loquitur vlterius de consilio adulantum,

quorum fabulis principis aures organizate veritatis auditum

capere nequiunt. Et narrat exemplum de Rege Achab, qui

pro eo quod ipse prophecias fidelis Michee recusauit

blandiciisque adulantis[1150] Zedechie adhesit, Rex Sirie

Benedab in campo bellator ipsum diuino iudicio deuictum

interfecit.]

Of him that whilom Achab hihte,

Which hadde al Irahel to rihte;[1149] 2530

Bot who that couthe glose softe

And flatre, suche he sette alofte

In gret astat and made hem riche;

Bot thei that spieken wordes liche

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 171=]

To trouthe and wolde it noght forbere,

For hem was non astat to bere,

The court of suche tok non hiede.

Til ate laste upon a nede,

That Benedab king of Surie

Of Irahel a gret partie,[1151] 2540

Which Ramoth Galaath was hote,

Hath sesed; and of that riote

He tok conseil in sondri wise,

Bot noght of hem that weren wise.

And natheles upon this cas

To strengthen him, for Josaphas,[1152]

Which thanne was king of Judee,

He sende forto come, as he

Which thurgh frendschipe and alliance

Was next to him of aqueintance; 2550

For Joram Sone of Josaphath

Achabbes dowhter wedded hath,

Which hihte faire Godelie.

And thus cam into Samarie

King Josaphat, and he fond there

The king Achab: and whan thei were

Togedre spekende of this thing,

This Josaphat seith to the king,

Hou that he wolde gladly hiere

Som trew prophete in this matiere,[1153] 2560

That he his conseil myhte yive

To what point that it schal be drive.[1154]

And in that time so befell,

Ther was such on in Irahel,

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 172=]

Which sette him al to flaterie,

And he was cleped Sedechie;

And after him Achab hath sent:

And he at his comandement

Tofore him cam, and be a sleyhte

He hath upon his heved on heyhte 2570

Tuo large hornes set of bras,

As he which al a flatour was,

And goth rampende as a leoun

And caste hise hornes up and doun,

And bad men ben of good espeir,

For as the homes percen their,

He seith, withoute resistence,

So wiste he wel of his science

That Benedab is desconfit.

Whan Sedechie upon this plit 2580

Hath told this tale to his lord,

Anon ther were of his acord

Prophetes false manye mo

To bere up oil, and alle tho

Affermen that which he hath told,

Wherof the king Achab was bold

And yaf hem yiftes al aboute.

But Josaphat was in gret doute, (2600*)

And hield fantosme al that he herde,

Preiende Achab, hou so it ferde, 2590

If ther were eny other man,

The which of prophecie can,

To hiere him speke er that thei gon.

Quod Achab thanne, ‘Ther is on,[1155]

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 173=]

A brothell, which Micheas hihte;

Bot he ne comth noght in my sihte,

For he hath longe in prison lein.

Him liketh nevere yit to sein[1156]

A goodly word to mi plesance;

And natheles at thin instance 2600

He schal come oute, and thanne he may

Seie as he seide many day;

For yit he seide nevere wel.’

Tho Josaphat began somdel

To gladen him in hope of trouthe,

And bad withouten eny slouthe

That men him scholden fette anon.

And thei that weren for him gon,

Whan that thei comen wher he was,[1157]

Thei tolden unto Micheas 2610

The manere hou that Sedechie

Declared hath his prophecie;

And therupon thei preie him faire

That he wol seie no contraire,

Wherof the king mai be desplesed,

For so schal every man ben esed,

And he mai helpe himselve also.

Micheas upon trouthe tho

His herte sette, and to hem seith,[1158]

Al that belongeth to his feith 2620

And of non other feigned thing,

That wol he telle unto his king,[1159]

Als fer as god hath yove him grace.

Thus cam this prophete into place

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 174=]

Wher he the kinges wille herde;

And he therto anon ansuerde,

And seide unto him in this wise:

‘Mi liege lord, for mi servise,

Which trewe hath stonden evere yit,

Thou hast me with prisone aquit: 2630

Bot for al that I schal noght glose

Of trouthe als fer as I suppose;

And as touchende of this bataille,[1160]

Thou schalt noght of the sothe faile.

For if it like thee to hiere,

As I am tauht in that matiere,

Thou miht it understonde sone;[1161]

Bot what is afterward to done

Avise thee, for this I sih.

I was tofor the throne on hih, 2640

Wher al the world me thoghte stod,[1162]

And there I herde and understod

The vois of god with wordes cliere

Axende, and seide in this manere:

“In what thing mai I best beguile

The king Achab?” And for a while

Upon this point thei spieken faste.

Tho seide a spirit ate laste,

“I undertake this emprise.”

And god him axeth in what wise. 2650

“I schal,” quod he, “deceive and lye

With flaterende prophecie

In suche mouthes as he lieveth.”

And he which alle thing achieveth

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 175=]

Bad him go forth and don riht so.

And over this I sih also

The noble peple of Irahel[1163]

Dispers as Schep upon an hell,

Withoute a kepere unarraied:

And as thei wente aboute astraied, 2660

I herde a vois unto hem sein,

“Goth hom into your hous ayein,

Til I for you have betre ordeigned.”’

Quod Sedechie, ‘Thou hast feigned

This tale in angringe of the king.’

And in a wraththe upon this thing

He smot Michee upon the cheke;

The king him hath rebuked eke,

And every man upon him cride:

Thus was he schent on every side, 2670

Ayein and into prison lad,

For so the king himselve bad.

The trouthe myhte noght ben herd;

Bot afterward as it hath ferd,

The dede proveth his entente:

Achab to the bataille wente,

Wher Benedab for al his Scheld

Him slouh, so that upon the feld

His poeple goth aboute astray.

Bot god, which alle thinges may, 2680

So doth that thei no meschief have;

Here king was ded and thei ben save,

And hom ayein in goddes pes

Thei wente, and al was founde les

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 176=]

That Sedechie hath seid tofore.

So sit it wel a king therfore

To loven hem that trouthe mene;

For ate laste it wol be sene (2700*)

That flaterie is nothing worth.[1164]

Bot nou to mi matiere forth, 2690

As forto speken overmore[1165]

After the Philosophres lore,

The thridde point of Policie

I thenke forto specifie

[Sidenote: [THE THIRD POINT OF POLICY. JUSTICE.]]

ix. _Propter transgressos leges statuuntur in orbe,_

_Ut viuant iusti Regis honore viri._

_Lex sine iusticia populum sub principis vmbra_

_Deuiat, vt rectum nemo videbit iter._

What is a lond wher men ben none?

What ben the men whiche are al one

[Sidenote: Hic tractat de tercia Principum regiminis[1166]

Policia, que Iusticia nominata est, cuius condicio legibus

incorrupta vnicuique quod suum est equo pondere distribuit.]

Withoute a kinges governance?

What is a king in his ligance,

Wher that ther is no lawe in londe?

What is to take lawe on honde, 2700

Bot if the jugges weren trewe?

These olde worldes with the newe

Who that wol take in evidence,

Ther mai he se thexperience,

What thing it is to kepe lawe,

Thurgh which the wronges ben withdrawe

And rihtwisnesse stant commended,

Wherof the regnes ben amended.

For wher the lawe mai comune

The lordes forth with the commune,[1167] 2710

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 177=]

Ech hath his propre duete;

And ek the kinges realte

Of bothe his worschipe underfongeth,

To his astat as it belongeth,

Which of his hihe worthinesse

Hath to governe rihtwisnesse,

As he which schal the lawe guide.

And natheles upon som side

His pouer stant above the lawe,

To yive bothe and to withdrawe 2720

The forfet of a mannes lif;

But thinges whiche are excessif

Ayein the lawe, he schal noght do

For love ne for hate also.

The myhtes of a king ben grete,

Bot yit a worthi king schal lete

[Sidenote: Imperatoriam maiestatem non solum armis, set

eciam legibus oportet esse armatam.]

Of wrong to don, al that he myhte;

For he which schal the poeple ryhte,

It sit wel to his regalie

That he himself ferst justefie 2730

Towardes god in his degre:

For his astat is elles fre

Toward alle othre in his persone,

Save only to the god al one,

Which wol himself a king chastise,

Wher that non other mai suffise.

So were it good to taken hiede

That ferst a king his oghne dede

Betwen the vertu and the vice

Redresce, and thanne of his justice 2740

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 178=]

So sette in evene the balance

Towardes othre in governance,

That to the povere and to the riche

Hise lawes myhten stonde liche,

He schal excepte no persone.

Bot for he mai noght al him one

In sondri places do justice,[1168]

He schal of his real office

With wys consideracion

Ordeigne his deputacion[1169] 2750

Of suche jugges as ben lerned,

So that his poeple be governed

Be hem that trewe ben and wise.

For if the lawe of covoitise

Be set upon a jugges hond,

Wo is the poeple of thilke lond,

For wrong mai noght himselven hyde:

Bot elles on that other side,

If lawe stonde with the riht,

The poeple is glad and stant upriht. 2760

Wher as the lawe is resonable,

The comun poeple stant menable,[1170]

And if the lawe torne amis,

The poeple also mistorned is.

[Sidenote: [JUSTICE OF MAXIMIN.]]

And in ensample of this matiere

[Sidenote: Nota hic de iusticia Maximini Imperatoris, qui

cum alicuius prouincie custodem sibi substituere volebat,

primo de sui nominis fama proclamacione facta ipsius

condicionem diligencius inuestigabat.]

Of Maximin a man mai hiere,

Of Rome which was Emperour,

That whanne he made a governour

Be weie of substitucion

Of Province or of region, 2770

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 179=]

He wolde ferst enquere his name,

And let it openly proclame

What man he were, or evel or good.

And upon that his name stod

Enclin to vertu or to vice,[1171]

So wolde he sette him in office,

Or elles putte him al aweie.

Thus hield the lawe his rihte weie,

Which fond no let of covoitise:

The world stod than upon the wise, 2780

As be ensample thou myht rede;

And hold it in thi mynde, I rede.

[Sidenote: [GAIUS FABRICIUS.]]

In a Cronique I finde thus,

Hou that Gayus Fabricius,

Which whilom was Consul of Rome,

[Sidenote: Hic ponit exemplum de iudicibus incorruptis. Et

narrat qualiter Gayus Fabricius nuper Rome Consul aurum

a Sampnitibus sibi oblatum renuit, dicens quod nobilius

est aurum possidentes dominio subiugare, quam ex auri

cupiditate dominii libertatem amittere.]

Be whom the lawes yede and come,

Whan the Sampnites to him broghte

A somme of gold, and him besoghte (2800*)

To don hem favour in the lawe,

Toward the gold he gan him drawe, 2790

Wherof in alle mennes lok

A part up in his hond he tok,[1172]

Which to his mouth in alle haste

He putte, it forto smelle and taste,[1173]

And to his yhe and to his Ere,

Bot he ne fond no confort there:

And thanne he gan it to despise,

And tolde unto hem in this wise:

‘I not what is with gold to thryve,

Whan non of all my wittes fyve 2800

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 180=]

Fynt savour ne delit therinne.

So is it bot a nyce Sinne

Of gold to ben to covoitous;

Bot he is riche and glorious,

Which hath in his subjeccion

Tho men whiche in possession[1174]

Ben riche of gold, and be this skile;

For he mai aldai whan he wile,

Or be hem lieve or be hem lothe,

Justice don upon hem bothe.’ 2810

Lo, thus he seide, and with that word

He threw tofore hem on the bord

The gold out of his hond anon,

And seide hem that he wolde non:[1175]

So that he kepte his liberte

To do justice and equite,

Withoute lucre of such richesse.

Ther be nou fewe of suche, I gesse;

For it was thilke times used,

That every jugge was refused 2820

Which was noght frend to comun riht;

Bot thei that wolden stonde upriht

For trouthe only to do justice

Preferred were in thilke office

To deme and jugge commun lawe:

Which nou, men sein, is al withdrawe.

To sette a lawe and kepe it noght

Ther is no comun profit soght;

Bot above alle natheles

The lawe, which is mad for pes, 2830

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 181=]

Is good to kepe for the beste,

For that set alle men in reste.

[Sidenote: [THE EMPEROR CONRAD.]]

The rihtful Emperour Conrade

[Sidenote: Hic narrat de iusticia nuper Conradi

Imperatoris, cuius tempore alicuius reuerencia persone,

aliqua seu precum interuencione quacunque vel auri

redempcione, legum Statuta commutari seu redimi nullatenus

potuerunt.]

To kepe pes such lawe made,

That non withinne the cite

In destorbance of unite

Dorste ones moeven a matiere.

For in his time, as thou myht hiere,

What point that was for lawe set

It scholde for no gold be let,[1176] 2840

To what persone that it were.

And this broghte in the comun fere,

Why every man the lawe dradde,

For ther was non which favour hadde.

[Sidenote: [THE CONSUL CARMIDOTIRUS.]]

So as these olde bokes sein,

I finde write hou a Romein,

[Sidenote: Nota exemplum de constancia iudicis; vbi narrat

de Carmidotiro Rome nuper Consule, qui cum sui statuti

legem nescius offendisset, Romanique super hoc penam sibi

remittere voluissent, ipse propria manu, vbi nullus alius

in ipsum vindex fuit, sui criminis vindictam executus est.]

Which Consul was of the Pretoire,

Whos name was Carmidotoire,

He sette a lawe for the pes,

That non, bot he be wepneles,[1177] 2850

Schal come into the conseil hous,

And elles as malicious

He schal ben of the lawe ded.

To that statut and to that red

Acorden alle it schal be so,

For certein cause which was tho:

Nou lest what fell therafter sone.[1178]

This Consul hadde forto done,[1179]

And was into the feldes ride;

And thei him hadden longe abide, 2860

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 182=]

That lordes of the conseil were,

And for him sende, and he cam there

With swerd begert, and hath foryete,[1180]

Til he was in the conseil sete.

Was non of hem that made speche,

Til he himself it wolde seche,

And fond out the defalte himselve;

And thanne he seide unto the tuelve,

Whiche of the Senat weren wise,

‘I have deserved the juise, 2870

In haste that it were do.’

And thei him seiden alle no;

For wel thei wiste it was no vice,

Whan he ne thoghte no malice,

Bot onliche of a litel slouthe:

And thus thei leften as for routhe

To do justice upon his gilt,

For that he scholde noght be spilt.

And whanne he sih the maner hou

Thei wolde him save, he made avou 2880

With manfull herte, and thus he seide,

That Rome scholde nevere abreide

His heires, whan he were of dawe,

That here Ancestre brak the lawe.

Forthi, er that thei weren war,

Forth with the same swerd he bar

The statut of his lawe he kepte,[1181]

So that al Rome his deth bewepte. (2900*)

[Sidenote: [EXAMPLE OF CAMBYSES.]]

In other place also I rede,

Wher that a jugge his oghne dede 2890

[Sidenote: =P. iii. 183=]

[Sidenote: Nota quod falsi iudices mortis pena puniendi sunt.

Narrat enim qualiter Cambises Rex Persarum quendam iudicem

corruptum excoriari viuum fecit, eiusque pelle cathedram

iudicialem operiri constituit: ita quod filius suus super patris

pellem postea pro tribunali cessurus iudicii equitatem euidencius

memoraretur.]

Ne wol noght venge of lawe broke,

The king it hath himselven wroke.

The grete king which Cambises

Was hote, a jugge laweles

He fond, and into remembrance

He dede upon him such vengance:

Out of his skyn he was beflain

Al quyk, and in that wise slain,

So that his skyn was schape al meete,[1182]

And nayled on the same seete[1183] 2900

Wher that his Sone scholde sitte.

Avise him, if he wolde flitte

The lawe for the coveitise,

Ther sih he redi his juise.

Thus in defalte of other jugge

The king mot otherwhile jugge,

To holden up the rihte lawe.

And forto speke of tholde dawe,

To take ensample of that was tho,

I finde a tale write also, 2910

Hou that a worthi prince is holde

The lawes of his lond to holde,

Ferst for the hihe goddes sake,

And ek for that him is betake

The poeple forto guide and lede,

Which is the charge of his kinghede.

The complete works of John Gower, volume 3 · 第 18 / 54 段