The Hon. the PRESIDENT of the Senate.
_Fellow-citizens of the Senate, and House of
Representatives_:
It is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me that,
on meeting the great council of our nation, I am able to
announce to them, on grounds of reasonable certainty, that
the wars and troubles which for so many years afflicted our
sister nations, have at length come to an end; and that the
communications of peace and commerce are once more opening
among them. Whilst we devoutly return thanks to the
beneficent Being who has been pleased to breathe into them
the spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we are bound
with peculiar gratitude, to be thankful to him that our own
peace has been preserved through so perilous a season, and
ourselves permitted quietly to cultivate the earth, and to
practise and improve those arts which tend to increase our
comforts. The assurances, indeed, of friendly disposition,
received from all the powers with whom we have principal
relations, had inspired a confidence that our peace with
them would not have been disturbed. But a cessation of
irregularities which had affected the commerce of neutral
nations, and of the irritations and injuries produced by
them, cannot but add to this confidence, and strengthens,
at the same time, the hope that wrongs committed on
unoffending friends, under a pressure of circumstances,
will now be reviewed with candor, and will be considered as
founding just claims of restitution for the past, and new
assurances for the future.
Among our Indian neighbors, also, a spirit of peace and
friendship generally prevails; and I am happy to inform you
that the continued efforts to introduce among them the
implements and the practice of husbandry, and of the
household arts, have not been without success; that they
are becoming more and more sensible of the superiority of
this dependence for clothing and subsistence, over the
precarious resources of hunting and fishing; and already we
are able to announce that, instead of that constant
diminution of their numbers, produced by their wars and
their wants, some of them begin to experience an increase
of population.
To this state of general peace with which we have been
blessed, one only exception exists. Tripoli, the least
considerable of the Barbary States, had come forward with
demands unfounded either in right or in compact, and had
permitted itself to denounce war, on our failure to comply
before a given day. The style of the demands admitted but
one answer. I sent a small squadron of frigates into the
Mediterranean, with assurances to that power of our sincere
desire to remain in peace; but with orders to protect our
commerce against the threatened attack. The measure was
seasonable and salutary. The Bey had already declared war.
His cruisers were out. Two had arrived at Gibraltar. Our
commerce in the Mediterranean was blockaded, and that of
the Atlantic in peril. The arrival of our squadron
dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan cruisers,
having fallen in with and engaged the small schooner
Enterprise, commanded by Lieutenant Sterret, which had gone
as a tender to our larger vessels, was captured, after a
heavy slaughter of her men, without the loss of a single
one on our part. The bravery exhibited by our citizens on
that element will, I trust, be a testimony to the world
that it is not the want of that virtue which makes us seek
their peace, but a conscientious desire to direct the
energies of our nation to the multiplication of the human
race, and not to its destruction. Unauthorized by the
constitution, without the sanction of Congress, to go
beyond the line of defence, the vessel, being disabled from
committing further hostilities, was liberated with its
crew. The Legislature will doubtless consider whether, by
authorizing measures of offence also, they will place our
force on an equal footing with that of its adversaries. I
communicate all material information on this subject, that,
in the exercise of this important function confided by the
constitution to the Legislature exclusively, their judgment
may form itself on a knowledge and consideration of every
circumstance of weight.
I wish I could say that our situation with all the other
Barbary States was entirely satisfactory. Discovering that
some delays had taken place in the performance of certain
articles stipulated by us, I thought it my duty, by
immediate measures for fulfilling them, to vindicate to
ourselves the right of considering the effect of departure
from stipulation on their side. From the papers which will
be laid before you, you will be enabled to judge whether
our treaties are regarded by them as fixing at all the
measure of their demands, or, as guarding from the exercise
of force our vessels within their power; and to consider
how far it will be safe and expedient to leave our affairs
with them in their present posture.
I lay before you the result of the census lately taken of
our inhabitants, to a conformity with which we are now to
reduce the ensuing ratio of representation and taxation.
You will perceive that the increase of numbers, during the
last ten years, proceeding in geometrical ratio, promises a
duplication in little more than twenty-two years. We
contemplate this rapid growth, and the prospect it holds up
to us, not with a view to the injuries it may enable us to
do to others in some future day, but to the settlement of
the extensive country still remaining vacant within our
limits, to the multiplication of men susceptible of
happiness, educated in the love of order, habituated to
self-government, and valuing its blessings above all price.
Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers,
have produced an augmentation of revenue arising from
consumption, in a ratio far beyond that of population
alone; and, though the changes in foreign relations now
taking place, so desirably for the whole world, may for a
season affect this branch of revenue, yet, weighing all
probabilities of expense, as well as of income, there is
reasonable ground of confidence that we may now safely
dispense with all the internal taxes--comprehending excise,
stamps, auctions, licenses, carriages, and refined sugars;
to which the postage on newspapers may be added, to
facilitate the progress of information; and that the
remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide
for the support of Government, to pay the interest of the
public debts, and to discharge the principals within
shorter periods than the laws or the general expectation
had contemplated. War, indeed, and untoward events, may
change this prospect of things, and call for expenses which
the imposts could not meet. But sound principles will not
justify our taxing the industry of our fellow-citizens to
accumulate treasure for wars to happen we know not when,
and which might not, perhaps, happen, but from the
temptations offered by that treasure.
These views, however, of reducing our burdens, are formed
on the expectation that a sensible, and at the same time a
salutary, reduction may take place in our habitual
expenditures. For this purpose those of the civil
Government, the army, and navy, will need revisal. When we
consider that this Government is charged with the external
and mutual relations only of these States; that the States
themselves have principal care of our persons, our
property, and our reputation, constituting the great field
of human concerns, we may well doubt whether our
organization is not too complicated, too expensive; whether
offices and officers have not been multiplied
unnecessarily, and sometimes injuriously to the service
they were meant to promote. I will cause to be laid before
you an essay towards a statement of those who, under public
employment of various kinds, draw money from the Treasury,
or from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect
enumeration, the ramifications of office being too
multiplied and remote to be completely traced in a first
trial. Among those who are dependent on Executive
discretion, I have begun the reduction of what was deemed
unnecessary. The expenses of diplomatic agency have been
considerably diminished. The inspectors of internal
revenue, who were found to obstruct the accountability of
the institution, have been discontinued. Several agencies,
created by Executive authority, on salaries fixed by that
also, have been suppressed, and should suggest the
expediency of regulating that power by law, so as to
subject its exercise to Legislative inspection and
sanction. Other reformations of the same kind will be
pursued with that caution which is requisite, in removing
useless things, not to injure what is retained. But the
great mass of public offices is established by law, and
therefore by law alone can be abolished. Should the
Legislature think it expedient to pass this roll in review,
and try all its parts by the test of public utility, they
may be assured of every aid and light which Executive
information can yield. Considering the general tendency to
multiply offices and dependencies, and to increase expenses
to the ultimate term of burden which the citizens can bear,
it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which
presents itself for taking off the surcharge; that it never
may be seen here that, after leaving to labor the smallest
portion of its earnings on which it can subsist, Government
shall itself consume the whole residue of what it was
instituted to guard.
In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to
our direction, it would be prudent to multiply barriers
against their dissipation, by appropriating specific sums
to every specific purpose susceptible of definition; by
disallowing all applications of money varying from the
appropriation in object, or transcending it in amount; by
reducing the undefined field of contingencies, and thereby
circumscribing discretionary powers over money; and by
bringing back to a single department all accountabilities
for money, where the examinations may be prompt,
efficacious, and uniform.
An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last
year, as prepared by the Secretary of the Treasury, will,
as usual, be laid before you. The success which has
attended the late sales of the public lands shows that,
with attention, they may be made an important source of
receipt. Among the payments those made in discharge of the
principal and interest of the national debt, will show that
the public faith has been exactly maintained. To these will
be added an estimate of appropriations necessary for the
ensuing year. This last will, of course, be affected by
such modifications of the system of expense as you shall
think proper to adopt.
A statement has been formed by the Secretary of War, on
mature consideration, of all the posts and stations where
garrisons will be expedient, and of the number of men
requisite for each garrison. The whole amount is
considerably short of the present Military Establishment.
For the surplus no particular use can be pointed out. For
defence against invasion their number is as nothing; nor is
it conceived needful or safe that a standing army should be
kept up in time of peace, for that purpose. Uncertain as we
must ever be of the particular point in our circumference
where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only force
which can be ready at every point, and competent to oppose
them, is the body of neighboring citizens, as formed into a
militia. On these, collected from the parts most
convenient, in numbers proportioned to the invading force,
it is best to rely, not only to meet the first attack, but
if it threatens to be permanent, to maintain the defence
until regulars may be engaged to relieve them. These
considerations render it important that we should, at every
session, continue to amend the defects which from time to
time show themselves in the laws for regulating the
militia, until they are sufficiently perfect: nor should we
now, or at any time, separate, until we can say that we
have done every thing for the militia which we could do
were an enemy at our door.
The provision of military stores on hand will be laid
before you, that you may judge of the additions still
requisite.
With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations
should be carried, some difference of opinion may be
expected to appear; but just attention to the circumstances
of every part of the Union will doubtless reconcile all. A
small force will probably continue to be wanted for actual
service in the Mediterranean. Whatever annual sum beyond
that you may think proper to appropriate to naval
preparations, would perhaps be better employed in providing
those articles which may be kept without waste or
consumption, and be in readiness when any exigence calls
them into use. Progress has been made, as will appear by
papers now communicated, in providing materials for
seventy-four gun ships, as directed by law.
How far the authority given by the Legislature for
procuring and establishing sites for naval purposes, has
been perfectly understood and pursued in the execution,
admits of some doubt. A statement of the expenses already
incurred on that subject is now laid before you. I have, in
certain cases, suspended or slackened these expenditures,
that the Legislature might determine whether so many yards
are necessary as have been contemplated. The works at this
place are among those permitted to go on; and five of the
seven frigates directed to be laid up, have been brought
and laid up here, where, besides the safety of their
position, they are under the eye of the Executive
Administration, as well as of its agents; and where
yourselves also will be guided by your own view in the
legislative provisions respecting them, which may, from
time to time, be necessary. They are preserved in such
condition, as well the vessels as whatever belongs to them,
as to be at all times ready for sea at a short warning. Two
others are yet to be laid up, as soon as they shall receive
the repairs requisite to put them also into sound
condition. As a superintending officer will be necessary at
each yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto fixed by the
Executive, will be a more proper subject for legislation.
A communication will also be made of our progress in the
execution of the law respecting the vessels directed to be
sold.
The fortifications of our harbors, more or less advanced,
present considerations of great difficulty. While some of
them are on a scale sufficiently proportioned to the
advantages of their position, to the efficacy of their
protection, and the importance of the points within it,
others are so extensive, will cost so much in their first
erection, so much in their maintenance, and require such a
force to garrison them, as to make it questionable what is
best now to be done. A statement of those commenced or
projected; of the expenses already incurred; and estimates
of their future cost, as far as can be foreseen, shall be
laid before you, that you may be enabled to judge whether
any alteration is necessary in the laws respecting this
subject.
Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the
four pillars of our prosperity, are then most thriving when
left most free to individual enterprise. Protection from
casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes be seasonably
interposed. If, in the course of your observations or
inquiries, they should appear to need any aid within the
limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their
importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your
attention. We cannot, indeed, but all feel an anxious
solicitude for the difficulties under which our carrying
trade will soon be placed. How far it can be relieved,
otherwise than by time, is a subject of important
consideration.
The Judiciary system of the United States, and especially
that portion of it recently erected, will, of course,
present itself to the contemplation of Congress; and that
they may be able to judge of the proportion which the
institution bears to the business it has to perform, I have
caused to be procured from the several States, and now lay
before Congress, an exact statement of all the causes
decided since the first establishment of the courts, and of
those which were depending when additional courts and
judges were brought in to their aid.
And while on the Judiciary organization, it will be worthy
of your consideration whether the protection of the
inestimable institution of juries has been extended to all
the cases involving the security of our persons and
property. Their impartial selection also being essential to
their value, we ought further to consider whether that is
sufficiently secured in those States where they are named
by a marshal depending on Executive will, or designated by
the court, or by officers dependent on them.
I cannot omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the
subject of naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances
of human life, a denial of citizenship under a residence of
fourteen years, is a denial to a great proportion of those
who ask it; and controls a policy pursued, from their first
settlement, by many of these States, and still believed of
consequence to their prosperity. And shall we refuse to the
unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality which the
savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving
in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum on
this globe? The constitution, indeed, has wisely provided
that, for admission to certain offices of important trust,
a residence shall be required sufficient to develope
character and design. But might not the general character
and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to
every one manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his
life and fortunes permanently with us? with restrictions,
perhaps, to guard against the fraudulent usurpation of our
flag? an abuse which brings so much embarrassment and loss
on the genuine citizen, and so much danger to the nation of
being involved in war, that no endeavor should be spared to
detect and suppress it.
These, fellow-citizens, are the matters respecting the
state of the nation which I have thought of importance to
be submitted to your consideration at this time. Some
others of less moment, or not yet ready for communication,
will be the subject of separate Messages. I am happy in
this opportunity of committing the arduous affairs of our
Government to the collected wisdom of the Union. Nothing
shall be wanting on my part to inform, as far as in my
power, the legislative judgment, nor to carry that judgment
into faithful execution. The prudence and temperance of
your discussions will promote, within your own walls, that
conciliation which so much befriends rational conclusion;
and by its example will encourage among our constituents
that progress of opinion which is tending to unite them in
object and in will. That all should be satisfied with any
one order of things, is not to be expected; but I indulge
the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens
will cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts,
which have for their object to preserve the General and
State Governments in their constitutional form and
equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order and
obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and
practices of administration favorable to the security of
liberty and property, and to reduce expenses to what is
necessary for the useful purposes of Government.