The fifth Congress, the first under the administration of Mr. John
Adams, was wholly occupied with measures of defence against France, and
incurred debt and taxes in these preparations which greatly impaired its
popularity, and contributed to the overthrow of the federal party: but
there was great necessity for these exertions at that time, and both
national honor, and national interest, and national safety required them
to be made. Besides the insults which went to our honor, and the
depredations which affected our commerce, there were threats of attack
and invasion not to be despised. The Directory, inflated with the
successes of Buonaparte in Italy, with the subjugation of several small
powers, the transformation of several principalities and kingdoms into
republics, the peace with the Emperor of Germany, the neutralization of
some kingdoms and the alliance of others: exalted with so much success,
and anxious to bring the United States into their system and especially
into the war with Great Britain, had recourse to all the means of
accomplishing its purpose--first, by entreaties; afterwards by insults
and outrages; and finally by threats of war. It is difficult for general
history to give a view of these proceedings, and it is only in
contemporary sources that they can be adequately studied. The Debates of
Congress are one, and the largest one, of these sources; documents on
which the debates are founded are another: and it is often desirable, in
after time, to produce these documents in greater extent than used in
the debate. That is the case with these debates on French affairs during
the time of which we speak, and the communications of our Ministers sent
to Paris furnish the documentary evidence necessary to complete
them--evidence too well known to require copious quotation at the time,
but now little known to the subsequent generation. This note then, in
the nature of an appendix to the debates of the fifth Congress, will
contain extracts from the dispatches of the Ministers of that day: and
first of General Pinckney.
Arriving at Paris the 5th of December 1796, he immediately waited on the
Minister of Exterior Relations (Citizen Charles De la Croix) in company
with Mr. Monroe, according to an appointment previously made, and had an
interview with him; of which he gives this account in a dispatch to Mr.
Pickering, Secretary of State: (_Extracts only are given._)
Mr. Monroe and myself, with my secretary, Major Rutledge,
about two o'clock, waited upon M. De la Croix, and I was
introduced by Mr. Monroe as the person appointed as his
successor. The Minister at first received us with great
stiffness, but afterwards, on our conversing on some
general subjects, he unbent and behaved with civility; and,
on receiving the official copies of our letter of credence
and recall, said he would deliver them, without delay, to
the Directory. He desired Major Rutledge to let him have
our names of baptism, and our ages, that cards of
hospitality might be made out, which he said were necessary
to reside here unmolested. This requisition was immediately
complied with, and he promised to send the cards the next
morning. When this interview was known, the reports which
had been spread abroad before my arrival, of my not being
received by the Directory, vanished, and the general idea
seemed to be that there would be no objection to receive me
as Minister from America. At 11 o'clock, on Monday,
December 12, Mr. Prevost (Mr. Monroe's secretary) called
upon me, and told me that Mr. Monroe had just received a
letter from M. De la Croix, and desired to know if I had
received one. I said no. He then showed me M. De la Croix's
to Mr. Monroe, which was as follows: [_Date, Dec. 9._
CITIZEN MINISTER: I hasten to lay before the Executive
Directory the copies of your letters of recall, and of the
letter of credence of Mr. Pinckney, whom the PRESIDENT OF
THE UNITED STATES has appointed to succeed you, in the
quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States
near the French Republic. The Directory has charged me to
notify you "that it will not acknowledge nor receive
another Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States,
until after the redress of the grievances demanded of the
American Government, and which the French Republic has a
right to expect from it." [_Date, Dec. 11._
I waited until next morning, expecting to receive a notification from M.
De la Croix, when, not hearing from him, I wrote him the following
letter:
CITIZEN MINISTER: Colonel Monroe has been so good as to
communicate to me your letter to him of the 21st Frimaire,
wherein you inform him that you had submitted to the
Executive Directory his letters of recall, and my letters
of credence as Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
States of America, and that the Directory had instructed
you to notify him "qu'il ne reconnoitra et ne recevra plus
de Ministre Plenipotentiaire des Etats Unis jusqu'après le
redressement des griefs demandé au Gouvernement Americain,
et que la République Françoise est en droit d'en attendre."
[That it will not acknowledge nor receive any Minister
Plenipotentiary from the United States, until after the
redress of the grievances demanded of the American
Government, and which the French Republic has a right to
expect from it.] This communication has filled me with real
sorrow, as I am thoroughly convinced that the sentiments of
America and its Government--for they are one--are
misunderstood, and that I am not permitted even to attempt
to explain them, or, in the terms of my letters of
credence, to endeavor "to efface unfavorable impressions,
to banish suspicions, and to restore that cordiality which
was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union."
Devoted, as I am, to the liberty, prosperity, and
independence of my own country, the freedom, happiness, and
perfect establishment of the French Republic, have always
been dear to me, and to have been instrumental in cementing
the good understanding which, from the commencement of
their alliance, has subsisted between the two nations,
would have been the height of my ambition. I most fervently
pray that there may be a speedy and candid investigation of
those points in which you differ from us, that affection
may banish distrust, and that the alliance of the two
Republics may be perpetual.
In your letter to Colonel Monroe you do not desire him to
make any communication to me, and I am indebted to his
politeness for the knowledge I have of the intentions of
the Directory. I submit to you, citizen Minister, that, as
the letters of recall had been received by Mr. Monroe, and
official copies of his letters of recall, and my letters of
credence, had been delivered to you, that the sentiments of
the Directory should be communicated by you immediately to
me, that I may, without delay, transmit them as from the
Executive of this Republic to the Government of the United
States; and that I may be informed by you, whether it is
the intention of the Directory that I should immediately
quit the territories of the Republic, or whether I and my
family may remain until I hear from my Government. As I
have not received the cards which, in your interview, you
said I ought to possess in order to enable me to reside
here, and that they should be transmitted to me next
morning, I am the more doubtful on this subject than I
should otherwise be. Accept my best wishes. [_Dec. 13._
This letter I sent by Major Rutledge, who delivered it to M. De la
Croix, and made the following report of what passed between them, which
he immediately reduced to writing:
"I this day waited upon M. De la Croix, the Minister for
Foreign Affairs, at two o'clock, as bearer of a letter from
General Pinckney. I was admitted immediately on sending in
my name, and delivered the letter. Having informed him from
whom it came, and that there was a French translation
annexed, he opened it and proceeded to read the letter in
my presence, which, when he had finished, he desired me to
return to General Pinckney as his answer: That the
Executive Directory knew of no Minister Plenipotentiary
from the United States of America, since the presentation
of Mr. Monroe's letters of recall, and that the Executive
Directory had charged him to notify to Mr. Monroe (here he
read the quotation contained in the letter) qu'il ne
reconnoitra et ne recevra plus de Ministre Plenipotentiaire
des Etats Unis, jusqu'après le redressement des griefs
demandé au Gouvernement Americain, et que la République
Françoise est en droit d'en attendre. Which notification
the Directory relied upon Mr. Monroe's imparting to his own
Government, as well as communicating to General Pinckney."
On the 25th of Frimaire, (15th of December,) about three
o'clock in the afternoon, a Mr. Giraudet called on me, and
said he was chief secretary in the Department of Foreign
Affairs; that he came on the part of the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, to signify to me that, with respect to my
letter to him, (which he produced, together with the
translation,) he could not directly communicate with me on
it, as such direct communication would be acknowledging me
as Minister, when the Directory had determined not to
receive me; that, as to the other part of my letter,
relative to remaining here, that he supposed I was
acquainted with the laws of France, as they applied to
strangers. I told him that I was not acquainted with the
local laws of the Republic; he said that there was a
decree which prevented all foreigners from remaining at
Paris without particular permission, which, as the
Directory did not mean to grant to me, of course the
general law would operate. I answered, that I could not
conceive the having a direct communication with me would
involve the consequences he stated; that if Mr. Monroe had
died before my arrival, the information that they would not
acknowledge me, must, of course, have been made to myself.
Mr. Monroe having received his letter of recall from our
Government, could not now act officially any more than if
he had ceased to exist; that I was indebted to Mr. Monroe's
politeness for the information I had received of the
intention of the Directory not to acknowledge me, but that
he had not intended it as an official communication. That,
with regard to the laws of France relative to strangers,
the law which he had cited did not apply to the requisition
of my letter, which was to know whether it was the
intention of the Directory that I should quit the
territories of the Republic; or whether I might remain here
until I should hear from my Government. He said he rather
believed that it was the intention that I should quit the
territories of the Republic; but, as it admitted of a
doubt, he would mention it to the Minister, with whom he
was to dine, and acquaint me with the result in the
evening. I told him I should be obliged to him, should it
be the intention of the Directory that I should quit the
Republic, to inform me in what time I was to set out, as my
baggage was not arrived from Bordeaux; that I meant not to
ask any personal favor, but to have the intention of the
Directory clearly expressed, as it related to me, in the
situation in which I came to France. He said he would, and
expressed a regret at being the bearer of disagreeable
information, and then departed. His behavior and manners
were very polite.
In the evening, about eight o'clock, he returned, and
informed me that, in answer to the doubt which had been
entertained in the morning, (a doubt, he observed, which
had proceeded from his own inattention to the words of M.
De la Croix,) the Minister could only reply that he
understood the Directory to mean the territory of the
Republic, and not Paris alone, which was to be quitted;
that as to the time in which it was necessary to depart,
the Minister could not designate it, but that he would have
another communication with the Directory, and that their
intentions should be made known to me in a more explicit
manner upon both points; that, at the same time, he must
inform me that, in all probability, M. De la Croix would
not be the organ through which they would be addressed, as
the Minister of the _Police Générale_ would be the officer
under whose department my case would come. I replied that I
apprehended M. De la Croix was the proper organ through
which information should come to me, as he knew the
capacity in which I had come to France; whereas, the
Minister of Police might regard me as a mere stranger, and
throw me into confinement; that it was in the power of the
Directory to receive me, or not: but they could not divest
themselves of the knowledge which they had of the public
character in which I came to France; and that, in that
character, I was entitled to the protection of the laws of
nations, whether the Directory received me or not. If they
permitted me to remain until I heard from my Government, I
was under the protection of those laws; if they ordered me
to quit the territories of the Republic, I was still
entitled to letters of safe conduct, and passports on my
journey out; that this was the case even with Ministers of
belligerent powers, much more ought it to apply between us,
who were at peace. Since this conversation, I have not
heard from the Directory, or any of the Ministers or their
agents. My situation, as you may easily conceive, is
unpleasant; but if I can ultimately render any services to
my country, I shall be fully compensated: at all events, it
shall be my study to avoid increasing the discontent of
this Government, without committing the honor, dignity, and
respect due to our own. Should I fail in doing this, or
should I err in the measures I pursue to accomplish it, the
failing will not be in my zeal, but should be charged to my
want of ability. At present, I think the ground I have
taken has puzzled them: they wish me gone, but they
apprehend that it would be too harsh a measure to send off,
in a peremptory manner, the Minister of my country; though
there is no saying what their conduct will ultimately be,
as I am informed that they have already sent off thirteen
foreign Ministers: and a late emigrant, now here, has
assured them that America is not of greater consequence to
them, nor ought to be treated with greater respect, than
Geneva or Genoa. Those who regard us as being of some
consequence, seem to have taken up an idea that our
Government acts upon principles opposed to the real
sentiments of a large majority of our people, and they are
willing to temporize until the event of the election of
President is known; thinking that, if one public character
is chosen, he will be attached to the interest of Great
Britain; and that, if another character is elected, he will
be (to use the expression of Du Pont de Nemours, in the
Council of Ancients) devoted to the interest of France;
entertaining the humiliating idea that we are a people
divided by party, the mere creatures of foreign influence,
and regardless of our national character, honor, and
interest.
I have seen Mr. Monroe very often since my arrival: his
conduct has been open and candid, and I believe he has made
me every communication which he thought would be of service
to our country. He undoubtedly felt himself hurt at his
being superseded; but I am convinced he has not, on that
account, left any thing undone which he thought would
promote the objects of my mission. The Directory and
Ministers had, for some time before they were informed of
his removal, treated him with great coolness; but as soon
as they heard of his recall, their attentions to him were
renewed. Should this Government attempt to make any further
communications to me, through him, he has promised me to
inform them that he cannot comply with their desire, as his
powers have ceased. I remain, with great respect, &c.
[_Dec. 15._
Major Rutledge having called on the Minister of Exterior Relations on
another affair, and finished, inquired of the Minister if he had heard
any thing further from the Directory, in relation to General Pinckney's
remaining where he was:
"He answered, with marks of great surprise, that he thought
he had already explained himself with sufficient clearness
on the subject; that he had signified to General Pinckney,
long since, the impossibility of his staying; that he
thought he had exercised much "condescendance" in having
been so long silent; which he had been induced to do by
General Pinckney's having complained of the delay of his
baggage, which, he supposed, must, by this time, have
arrived from Bordeaux; that, in short, he should be sorry
if his further stay should compel him to give information
to the Minister of the Police. To this I replied, that
General Pinckney had refused to regard himself in any other
light than the one in which he had entered France, which
had not been in a private capacity, but in a public
character; which circumstance had been officially announced
to the Directory, by his having delivered to the Minister
of Foreign Affairs a copy of his letters of credence and by
other acts. That this precluded all laws relative to
strangers from operating on him, and put him under the
protection of the law of nations, which he claimed in his
favor. That Mr. Giraudet had taken leave with a promise to
communicate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs the ground
which General Pinckney had taken. That he returned again in
the evening, and then said, that the Minister would again
lay General Pinckney's letter before the Directory, and
that their intentions should be made known to him as soon
as possible. All this had, no doubt, been faithfully
related to him by his secretary. He answered that General
Pinckney must have mistaken Mr. Giraudet as to his
intention of again laying his letter before the Directory.
I told him that it was impossible; for that I had been
present at both conversations, in which the material points
had passed in English, and been repeated in French. He then
said Mr. Giraudet had acted without his authority. I
replied, that General Pinckney had, however, waited until
this moment in expectation of hearing from him, agreeably
to Mr. Giraudet's promise; that he was very far from
intending to dispute the will of the Executive Directory;
what he wanted was a communication of their wishes in
writing. He said that it had already been given. I desired
to know when; he answered in the notification which he had
made, by their order, to Mr. Monroe; that it had contained
their sentiments on Mr. Pinckney's staying, inasmuch as
that his not being received, implied that he should depart.
I denied that it was a fair deduction; he insisted that it
was; I declared that it had not struck General Pinckney or
any person with whom he had conversed; but that, however,
if such was the construction which he had put upon it, I
flattered myself that he could have no objection to
throwing his idea upon paper, that General Pinckney might
have something more substantial, than the authenticity of
the word of his secretary to justify himself to his own
Government, for quitting a spot to which he had come in
obedience to their orders. The Minister here turned from me
with some warmth, and said that he should do no such thing;
that General Pinckney might make his own deductions; he
desired to have no more communication with him. I only
replied by a bow, satisfied to end a conversation which had
already lasted near half an hour; during which I had not
been admitted to the honor of a seat." [_Dec. 26._
The written order to quit the territory of the Republic did not come:
General Pinckney would not depart without it: the _Police Générale_ did
not molest him; two months elapsed, when Buonaparte having gained a
great victory over the Austrians in Italy, the day after the arrival of
the news of it in Paris, he received the following notification from the
Minister, De la Croix:
"The Executive Directory has charged me to make known to
you, that not having obtained special permission to reside
at Paris, you are amenable to the law which obliges
foreigners to quit the territory of the Republic. I had
the honor of informing you near two months ago, by the
principal Secretary of my department, of the intentions of
the Government in this respect. I cannot dispense with
notifying you of them to-day. Receive, sir, &c." [_Feb. 1,
1797._
To which General Pinckney immediately returned this answer:
CITIZEN MINISTER: I did not receive, until 3 o'clock
to-day, your note in date of the 6th inst., informing me
that the Directory had charged you to acquaint me, that not
having obtained particular permission to reside at Paris, I
was subject to the law which obliged strangers to quit the
territory of the Republic. I intimated to you some time
since, by the Secretary General of your department, and by
Major Rutledge, my Secretary, that I deemed a notification
of this sort, in writing, from you necessary, previous to
my departure. Having now received it, I shall, without
delay, prepare to go, and, in the meanwhile, will be
obliged to you for the necessary passports for myself and
family, with our baggage, to quit the Republic, in my way
to Holland. Accept, citizen Minister, &c.
This notification was addressed to "_Mr. Pinckney, Anglo-American_,"
upon which designation of his nationality, and the supposed motives for
giving the order to depart so suddenly after having been so long
delayed, General Pinckney remarks:
I should have made some observation on being termed
Anglo-American, but, on inquiry, I found it was customary
to call all my countrymen so, to distinguish us from the
inhabitants of St. Domingo and the other French West India
islands. I have received my passports, and shall, in two
days, set out for Amsterdam. I know not what has occasioned
this determination of the Directory after having permitted
me to remain here so long a time from their refusal to
acknowledge me. You will judge whether the answer of the
Senate and the House of Representatives to the President's
Speech, and the late successes in Italy have not concurred
to occasion it. Mr. De la Croix assured Major Rutledge,
that he acted by the express orders of the Directory in
this particular, and not from himself.
General Pinckney remained in Holland till the autumn of '97, when
_Messrs._ Marshall and Gerry were joined with him in an extraordinary
mission, and all three proceeded to Paris. Arrived there, they asked an
interview with the Minister of Foreign Relations, now changed to the
astute and supple Talleyrand--obtained it--and thus describe it in their
dispatch to Mr. Pickering, the Secretary of State:
The Minister, we found, was then engaged with the
Portuguese Minister, who retired in about ten minutes, when
we were introduced and produced the copy of our letters of
credence, which the Minister perused and kept. He informed
us "that the Directory had required him to make a report
relative to the situation of the United States with regard
to France, which he was then about, and which would be
finished in a few days, when he would let us know what
steps were to follow." We asked if cards of hospitality
were in the mean time necessary? He said they were, and
that they should be delivered to us; and he immediately
rung for his secretary and directed him to make them out.
This interview with Talleyrand being over, a game of intrigue,
impudence, venality and corruption was immediately commenced upon the
American Ministers, by the intimates and agents of Talleyrand, which has
but few parallels in history, and of which they give this account:
On Saturday, the 14th, Major Mountflorence (U. S. Consul
General in Paris,) informed General Pinckney that he had a
conversation with Mr. Osmond, the private and confidential
secretary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who told him
that the Directory were greatly exasperated at some parts
of the President's Speech at the opening of the last
session of Congress, and would require an explanation of
them from us. The particular parts were not mentioned. In
another conversation on the same day, the secretary
informed the Major that the Minister had told him it was
probable we should not have a public audience of the
Directory till such time as our negotiation was finished;
that probably persons might be appointed to treat with us,
but they would report to him, and he would have the
direction of the negotiation. The Major did not conceal
from Mr. Osmond his intention to communicate these
conversations to us.
In the morning of October the 13th, Mr. W., of the house of
----, called on General Pinckney and informed him that a
Mr. X., who was in Paris, and whom the General had seen, *
* * * was a gentleman of considerable credit and
reputation, * * * * and that we might place great reliance
on him.
In the evening of the same day, Mr. X. called on General
Pinckney, and after having sat some time, * * * * whispered
him that he had a message from M. Talleyrand to communicate
when he was at leisure. General Pinckney immediately
withdrew with him into another room; and when they were
alone, Mr. X. said that he was charged with a business in
which he was a novice; that he had been acquainted with M.
Talleyrand, * * * * and that he was sure he had a great
regard for [America] and its citizens; and was very
desirous that a reconciliation should be brought about with
France; that, to effect that end, he was ready, if it was
thought proper, to suggest a plan, confidentially, that M.
Talleyrand expected would answer the purpose. General
Pinckney said he should be glad to hear it. Mr. X. replied
that the Directory, and particularly two of the members of
it, were exceedingly irritated at some passages of the
President's Speech, and desired that they should be
softened, and that this step would be necessary previous to
our reception. That, besides this, a sum of money was
required for the pocket of the Directory and Ministers,
which would be at the disposal of M. Talleyrand; and that a
loan would also be insisted on. M. X. said if we acceded to
these measures, M. Talleyrand had no doubt that all our
differences with France might be accommodated. On inquiry,
M. X. could not point out the particular passages of the
speech that had given offence, nor the quantum of the loan,
but mentioned that the douceur for the pocket, was twelve
hundred thousand livres, about fifty thousand pounds
sterling. General Pinckney told him, that his colleagues
and himself, from the time of their arrival here, had been
treated with great slight and disrespect; that they
earnestly wished for peace and reconciliation with France;
and had been entrusted by their country with very great
powers to obtain these ends on honorable terms; that, with
regard to the propositions made, he could not even consider
of them before he had communicated them to his colleagues;
that, after he had done so, he should hear from him. After
a communication and consultation had, it was agreed that
General Pinckney should call on M. X. and request him to
make his propositions to us all: and, for fear of mistake
or misapprehension, that he should be requested to reduce
the heads into writing. Accordingly, on the morning of
October 19, General Pinckney called on M. X., who consented
to see his colleagues in the evening, and to reduce his
propositions to writing. He said his communication was not
immediately with M. Talleyrand, but through another
gentleman in whom M. Talleyrand had great confidence. This
proved afterwards to be M. Y.
At six in the evening, M. X. came and left with us the
first set of propositions, which, translated from the
French, are as follows: "A person who possesses the
confidence of the Directory, on what relates to the affairs
of America, convinced of the mutual advantages which would
result from the re-establishment of the good understanding
between the two nations, proposes to employ all of his
influence to obtain this object. He will assist the
Commissioners of the United States in all the demands which
they may have to make from the Government of France,
inasmuch as they may not be contradictory to those which he
proposes himself to make, and of which the principal will
be communicated confidentially. It is desired that, in the
official communications, there should be given a softening
turn to a part of the President's Speech to Congress, which
has caused much irritation. It is feared, that in not
satisfying certain individuals in this respect, they may
give way to all their resentment. The nomination of
Commissioners will be consented to on the same footing as
they have been named in the treaty of America with England,
to decide on the reclamations which individuals may make on
the Government of France, or on French individuals. The
payments which, agreeably to the decisions of the
Commissioners, shall fall to the share of the French
Government, are to be advanced by the American Government
itself. It is desired that the funds which, by this means,
shall enter again into the American trade, should be
employed in new supplies for the French colonies.
Engagements of this nature, on the part of individuals
reclaiming, will always hasten, in all probability, the
decisions of the French Commissioners; and, perhaps, it may
be desired that this clause should make a part of the
instructions which the Government of the United States
should give to the Commissioners they may choose. The
French Government desires, besides, to obtain a loan from
the United States; but so that that should not give any
jealousy to the English Government nor hurt the neutrality
of the United States. This loan shall be masked by
stipulating, that the Government of the United States
consents to make the advances for the payment of the debts
contracted by the agents of the French Government with the
citizens of the United States, and which are already
acknowledged, and the payment ordered by the Directory,
without having been yet effectuated. There should be
delivered a note to the amount of these debts. Probably
this note may be accompanied by ostensible pieces, which
will guarantee to the agents the responsibility of the
United States, in case any umbrage should cause an inquiry.
There shall also be first taken from this loan certain
sums for the purpose of making the customary distributions
in diplomatic affairs." The person of note mentioned in the
minutes, who had the confidence of the Directory, he said,
before us all, was M. Talleyrand. The amount of the loan he
could not ascertain precisely, but understood it would be
according to our ability to pay. The sum which would be
considered as proper, according to diplomatic usage, was
about twelve hundred thousand livres. He could not state to
us what parts of the President's speech were excepted to,
but said he would inquire and inform us. He agreed to
breakfast with Mr. Gerry the morning of the 21st, in order
to make such explanations as we had then requested, or
should think proper to request; but, on the morning of the
20th, M. X. called, and said that M. Y., the confidential
friend of M. Talleyrand, instead of communicating with us
through M. X., would see us himself and make the necessary
explanations. We appointed to meet him the evening of the
20th at seven o'clock, in General Marshall's room. At
seven, M. Y. and M. X. entered; and the first mentioned
gentleman, being introduced to us as the confidential
friend of M. Talleyrand, immediately stated to us the
favorable impression of that gentleman towards our
country--impressions which were made by the kindness and
civilities he had personally received in America. That,
impressed by his solicitude to repay these kindnesses, he
was willing to aid us in the present negotiation by his
good offices with the Directory, who were, he said,
extremely irritated against the Government of the United
States, on account of some parts of the President's speech,
and who had neither acknowledged nor received us, and
consequently have not authorized M. Talleyrand to have any
communications with us. The minister therefore could not
see us himself, but had authorized his friend M. Y. to
communicate to us certain propositions, and to receive our
answers to them; and to promise, on his part, that if we
would engage to consider them as the basis of the proposed
negotiation, he would intercede with the Directory to
acknowledge us, and to give us a public audience. M. Y.
stated to us explicitly and repeatedly, that he was clothed
with no authority; that he was not a diplomatic character;
that he was not * * * * he was only the friend of M.
Talleyrand, and trusted by him: that, with regard to
himself, he had * * * and he earnestly wished well to the
United States.
On reading the speech (Mr. Adams' to Congress,) M. Y.
dilated very much upon the keenness of the resentment it
had produced, and expatiated largely on the satisfaction he
said was indispensably necessary as a preliminary to
negotiation. "But, said he, gentlemen, I will not disguise
from you that this satisfaction being made, the essential
part of the treaty remains to be adjusted; il faut de
l'argent--il faut beaucoup d'argent;" _you must pay money,
you must pay a great deal of money_. He spoke much of the
force, the honor, and the jealous republican pride of
France; and represented to us strongly the advantage which
we should derive from the neutrality thus to be purchased.
He said that the receipt of the money might be so disguised
as to prevent its being considered as a breach of
neutrality by England; and thus save us from being
embroiled with that power. Concerning the twelve hundred
thousand livres little was said; that being completely
understood, on all sides, to be required for the officers
of the Government, and, therefore, needing no further
explanation. These propositions, he said, being considered
as the admitted basis of the proposed treaty, M. Talleyrand
trusted that, by his influence with the Directory, he could
prevail on the Government to receive us. We asked whether
we were to consider it as certain, that, without a previous
stipulation to the effect required, we were not to be
received. He answered that M. Talleyrand himself was not
authorized to speak to us the will of the Directory, and
consequently could not authorize him. The conversation
continued until half after nine, when they left us; having
engaged to breakfast with Mr. Gerry the next morning.
October the 21st, M. X. came before nine o'clock; M. Y. did
not come until ten: he had passed the morning with M.
Talleyrand. After breakfast the subject was immediately
resumed. He represented to us, that we were not yet
acknowledged or received; that the Directory were so
exasperated against the United States, as to have come to a
determination to demand from us, previous to our reception,
those disavowals, reparations, and explanations, which were
stated at large last evening. He said that M. Talleyrand
and himself were extremely sensible of the pain we must
feel in complying with this demand; but that the Directory
would not dispense with it; that, therefore, we must
consider it as the indispensable preliminary to obtain our
reception, unless we could find the means to change their
determination in this particular; that if we satisfied the
Directory in these particulars, a letter would be written
to us to demand the extent of our powers, and to know
whether we were authorized to place them precisely on the
same footing with England. We required an explanation of
that part of the conversation, in which M. Y. had hinted at
our finding means to avert the demand concerning the
President's speech. He answered, that he was not authorized
to state those means, but that we must search for them and
propose them ourselves. If, however, we asked his opinion
as a private individual, and would receive it as coming
from him, he would suggest to us the means which, in his
opinion, would succeed. On being asked to suggest the
means, he answered, _money_; that the Directory were
jealous of its own honor and of the honor of the nation;
that it insisted on receiving from us the same respect with
which we had treated the King; that this honor must be
maintained in the manner before required, unless we
substituted, in the place of these reparations, something,
perhaps more valuable, that was money. He said, further,
that if we desired him to point out the sum, which he
believed would be satisfactory, he would do so. We
requested him to proceed; and he said that there were
thirty-two millions of florins, of Dutch inscriptions,
worth ten shillings in the pound, which might be assigned
to us at twenty shillings in the pound; and he proceeded to
state to us the certainty that, after a peace, the Dutch
Government would repay us the money; so that we should
ultimately lose nothing, and the only operation of the
measure would be, an advance from us to France of
thirty-two millions, on the credit of the Government of
Holland. We asked him whether the fifty thousand pounds
sterling as a _douceur_ to the Directory, must be in
addition to this sum. He answered in the affirmative. We
told him that, on the subject of the treaty, we had no
hesitation in saying that our powers were ample; that, on
the other points proposed to us, we would retire into
another room, and return in a few minutes with our answer.
We committed immediately to writing the answer we
proposed, in the following words: "Our powers respecting a
treaty are ample; but the proposition of a loan, in the
form of Dutch inscriptions, or in any other form, is not
within the limits of our instructions; upon this point,
therefore, the Government must be consulted; one of the
American Ministers will, for the purpose, forthwith embark
for America; provided the Directory will suspend all
further captures on American vessels; and will suspend
proceedings on those already captured, as well where they
have been already condemned, as where the decisions have
not yet been rendered; and that where sales have been made,
but the money not yet received by the captors, it shall not
be paid until the preliminary questions, proposed to the
Ministers of the United States, be discussed and decided;"
which was read as a verbal answer, and we told them they
might copy it if they pleased. M. Y. refused to do so; his
disappointment was apparent; he said we treated the money
part of the proposition as if it had proceeded from the
Directory; whereas, in fact, it did not proceed even from
the Minister, but was only a suggestion from himself, as a
substitute to be proposed by us, in order to avoid the
painful acknowledgment that the Directory had determined to
demand of us. It was told him that we understood that
matter perfectly; that we knew the proposition was in form
to be ours; but that it came substantially from the
Minister. We asked what had led to our present
conversation? And General Pinckney then repeated the first
communication from M. X., (to the whole of which that
gentleman assented,) and we observed that those gentlemen
had brought no testimonials of their speaking any thing
from authority; but that, relying on the fair characters
they bore, we had believed them when they said they were
from the Minister, and had conversed with them, in like
manner, as if we were conversing with M. Talleyrand
himself; and that we could not consider any suggestion M.
Y. had made as not having been previously approved of; but
yet, if he did not choose to take a memorandum in writing
of our answer, we had no wish that he should do so; and
further, if he chose to give the answer to his proposition
the form of a proposition from ourselves, we could only
tell him that we had no other proposition to make, relative
to any advance of money on our part; that America had
sustained deep and heavy losses by the French depredations
on our commerce, and that France had alleged so [many]
complaints against the United States, that on those
subjects we came fully prepared, and were not a little
surprised to find France unwilling to hear us; and making
demands upon us which could never have been suspected by
our Government, and which had the appearance of our being
the aggressing party. M. Y. expressed himself vehemently on
the resentment of France; and complained that, instead of
our proposing some substitute for the reparations demanded
of us, we were stipulating certain conditions to be
performed by the Directory itself; that he could not take
charge of such propositions; and that the Directory would
persist in its demand of those reparations which he at
first stated. We answered that we could not help it; it was
for the Directory to determine what course its own honor
and the interests of France required it to pursue; it was
for us to guard the interest and honor of our country. M.
Y. observed that we had taken no notice of the first
proposition, which was to know whether we were ready to
make the disavowal, reparations, and explanations,
concerning the President's speech. We told him that we
supposed it to be impossible that either he, or the
Minister, could imagine that such a proposition could
require an answer; that we did not understand it as being
seriously expected; but merely as introductory to the
subjects of real consideration.
He spoke of the respect which the Directory required, and
repeated that it would exact as much as was paid to the
ancient kings. We answered that America had demonstrated to
the world, and especially to France, a much greater respect
for her present Government than for her former monarchy:
and that there was no evidence of this disposition which
ought to be required, that we were not ready to give. He
said that we should certainly not be received; and seemed
to shudder at the consequences. We told him, that America
had made every possible effort to remain on friendly terms
with France--that she was still making them, that if France
would not hear us, but would make war on the United States,
nothing remained for us but to regret the unavoidable
necessity of defending ourselves. [_Oct. 22._
No. 2.