THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

MONDAY, December 3, 1798.

This being the day appointed by the constitution for the annual meeting

of Congress, a number of members of the House of Representatives

assembled in their Chamber.

The following are the names of the members present:

_From New Hampshire._--ABIEL FOSTER, JONATHAN FREEMAN, WILLIAM GORDON,

and PELEG SPRAGUE.

_From Massachusetts._--DWIGHT FOSTER, SAMUEL LYMAN, HARRISON G. OTIS,

GEO. THATCHER, JOSEPH B. VARNUM, and PELEG WADSWORTH.

_From Rhode Island._--THOMAS TILLINGHAST.

_From Connecticut._--SAMUEL W. DANA, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH, and ROGER

GRISWOLD.

_From New York._--DAVID BROOKS, HENRY GLENN, JONATHAN N. HAVENS, and

HEZEKIAH L. HOSMER.

_From New Jersey._--JONATHAN DAYTON, (the Speaker.)

_From Pennsylvania._--DAVID BARD, JOHN CHAPMAN, WILLIAM FINDLAY, ALBERT

GALLATIN, JOHN A. HANNA, BLAIR MCCLENACHAN, and RICHARD THOMAS.

_From Maryland._--GEORGE DENT.

_From Virginia._--JOHN CLOPTON, JOHN DAWSON, DAVID HOLMES, JAMES MACHIR,

and DANIEL MORGAN.

_From North Carolina._--MATTHEW LOCKE, NATHANIEL MACON, and RICHARD

STANFORD.

_From Tennessee._--WILLIAM CHARLES COLE CLAIBORNE.

_From Georgia._--ABRAHAM BALDWIN.

Three new members, to wit: JONATHAN BRACE, returned to serve in this

House as a member for Connecticut, in the room of Joshua Coit, deceased;

ROBERT WALN, returned to serve as a member for Pennsylvania, in the room

of John Swanwick, deceased; and JOSEPH EGGLESTON, returned to serve as a

member for Virginia, in the room of William B. Giles, who has resigned

his seat; appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats in

the House.

A little after 12 o'clock the SPEAKER of the House took his chair, the

names of all the members were called over by the Clerk, and there

appearing only forty persons, (fourteen short of a quorum,) a motion was

made to adjourn, and the House adjourned accordingly till to-morrow at

11 o'clock.

TUESDAY, December 4.

Several other members, to wit: from Massachusetts, STEPHEN BULLOCK; from

New Jersey, JAMES H. IMLAY; from Pennsylvania, JOHN WILKES KITTERA; from

Maryland, GEORGE BAER, Jr., WILLIAM CRAIK, and SAMUEL SMITH; from

Virginia, ANTHONY NEW, ABRAM TRIGG, JOHN TRIGG, and ABRAHAM VENABLE;

from North Carolina, THOMAS BLOUNT; and from South Carolina, WILLIAM

SMITH; appeared and took their seats in the House.

A new member, to wit: ROBERT BROWN, returned to serve in this House as a

member for Pennsylvania, in the room of Samuel Sitgreaves, appointed a

Commissioner of the United States under the sixth article of the Treaty

of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, with Great Britain, appeared, and

took his seat in the House.

But a quorum of the whole number not being present, the House adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, December 5.

Several other members, to wit: from Massachusetts, ISAAC PARKER, JOHN

READ, SAMUEL SEWALL, and WILLIAM SHEPARD; from Connecticut, NATHANIEL

SMITH; from New York, LUCAS ELMENDORPH, JOHN E. VAN ALLEN, and JOHN

WILLIAMS; from New Jersey, JAMES SCHUREMAN; and from South Carolina,

ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER and JOHN RUTLEDGE, Jr., appeared, and took their

seats in the House.

And a quorum consisting of a majority of the whole number, being

present,

The oath or affirmation, to support the Constitution of the United

States, as prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to regulate the time

and manner of administering certain oaths," was administered by Mr.

SPEAKER to the following new members, to wit: JONATHAN BRACE, ROBERT

BROWN, ROBERT WALN, and JOSEPH EGGLESTON, who took their seats in the

House on the third and fourth instant.

_Ordered_, That a message be sent to the Senate to inform them that a

quorum of this House is assembled, and ready to proceed to business.

SATURDAY, December 8.

Several other members, to wit: from Connecticut, WILLIAM EDMOND; from

Maryland, JOHN DENNIS and WILLIAM HINDMAN; and from Virginia, THOMAS

EVANS and WALTER JONES, appeared and took their seats in the House.

The House having been called to order, and the journal read, the SPEAKER

observed that the hour was nearly arrived at which the President had

proposed to make his communications to both Houses, and read a

resolution which was usually entered into on such occasions, informing

the Senate that this House is formed, and ready to receive any

communications which the President may be pleased to make to them. The

resolution was adopted, and a message having been sent to the Senate

therewith, the members soon after entered and took the places prepared

for them.

At twelve o'clock, Lieutenant General WASHINGTON, with his Secretary,

Colonel LEAR, Major Generals PINCKNEY and HAMILTON, entered the Hall,

and took their places on the right of the SPEAKER'S chair. The British

and Portuguese Ministers, and the British and Danish Consuls, with their

Secretaries, had their places assigned them on the left of the chair.

_President's Speech._

A few minutes after 12, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, accompanied

by his Secretary, and the Heads of the several Departments of the

Government, appeared. The PRESIDENT having taken his seat, and the

officers of Government theirs, near the general officers, he rose and

addressed the two Houses as follows:

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of

Representatives:_

While with reverence and resignation we contemplate the

dispensations of Divine Providence, in the alarming and

destructive pestilence with which several of our cities and

towns have been visited, there is cause for gratitude and

mutual congratulations that the malady has disappeared, and

that we are again permitted to assemble in safety at the

seat of Government, for the discharge of our important

duties. But, when we reflect that this fatal disorder has,

within a few years, made repeated ravages in some of our

principal seaports, and with increased malignancy; and,

when we consider the magnitude of the evils arising from

the interruption of public and private business, whereby

the national interests are deeply affected, I think it my

duty to invite the Legislature of the Union to examine the

expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of

the health laws of the respective States; for, these being

formed on the idea that contagious sickness may be

communicated through the channels of commerce, there seems

to be a necessity that Congress, who alone can regulate

trade, should frame a system which, while it may tend to

preserve the general health, may be compatible with the

interests of commerce and the safety of the revenue.

While we think on this calamity, and sympathize with the

immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to

the Supreme Being our annual oblations of gratitude for a

liberal participation in the ordinary blessings of His

Providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude, I cannot

omit to add one of the first importance to our well-being

and safety: I mean that spirit which has arisen in our

country against the menaces and aggression of a foreign

nation. A manly sense of national honor, dignity, and

independence, has appeared, which, if encouraged and

invigorated by every branch of the Government, will enable

us to view, undismayed, the enterprises of any foreign

power, and become the sure foundation of national

prosperity and glory.

The course of the transactions in relation to the United

States and France, which have come to my knowledge during

your recess, will be made the subject of a future

communication. That communication will confirm the ultimate

failure of the measures which have been taken by the

Government of the United States towards an amicable

adjustment of differences with that power. You will, at the

same time, perceive that the French Government appears

solicitous to impress the opinion that it is averse to a

rupture with this country, and that it has, in a qualified

manner, declared itself willing to receive a Minister from

the United States, for the purpose of restoring a good

understanding. It is unfortunate for professions of this

kind that they should be expressed in terms which may

countenance the inadmissible pretension of a right to

prescribe the qualifications which a Minister of the United

States should possess; and that while France is asserting

the existence of a disposition, on her part, to conciliate

with sincerity the differences which have arisen, the

sincerity of a like disposition on the part of the United

States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been

given, should even be indirectly questioned. It is also

worthy of observation that the decree of the Directory,

alleged to be intended to restrain the depredations of

French cruisers on our commerce, has not given, and cannot

give, any relief; it enjoins them to conform to all the

laws of France relative to cruising and prizes, while these

laws are themselves the sources of the depredation of which

we have so long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained.

The law of France enacted in January last, which subjects

to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their

cargoes, if any portion of the latter are of British fabric

or produce, although the entire property belongs to

neutrals, instead of being rescinded, has lately received a

confirmation, by the failure of a proposition for its

repeal. While this law, which is an unequivocal act of war

on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues in

force, those nations can see in the French Government only

a power regardless of their essential rights, of their

independence and sovereignty; and, if they possess the

means, they can reconcile nothing with their interests and

honor but a firm resistance.

Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct

of France which ought to change or relax our measures of

defence; on the contrary, to extend and invigorate them is

our true policy. We have no reason to regret that these

measures have been thus far adopted and pursued; and, in

proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and

incalculable situation of Europe, we shall discover new and

cogent motives for the full development of our energies and

resources.

But, in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear

war, in the necessary protection of our rights and honor,

we shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire

of peace. An efficient preparation for war can alone ensure

peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly

cultivated, and harmony between us and France may be

restored at her option. But to send another Minister,

without more determinate assurances that he would be

received, would be an act of humiliation to which the

United States ought not to submit. It must, therefore, be

left to France, if she is indeed desirous of accommodation,

to take the requisite steps. The United States will

steadily observe the maxims by which they have hitherto

been governed. They will respect the sacred rites of

embassy. And with a sincere disposition on the part of

France to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the

injuries heretofore inflicted on our commerce, and to do

justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the

restoration of a friendly intercourse. In making to you

this declaration, I give a pledge to France and to the

world that the Executive authority of this country still

adheres to the humane and pacific policy which has

invariably governed its proceedings, in conformity with the

wishes of the other branches of the Government and of the

people of the United States. But considering the late

manifestations of her policy towards foreign nations, I

deem it a duty deliberately and solemnly to declare my

opinion, that, whether we negotiate with her or not,

vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable.

These alone will give to us an equal treaty, and ensure its

observance.

Among the measures of preparation which appear expedient, I

take the liberty to recall your attention to the Naval

Establishment. The beneficial effects of the small naval

armament provided under the acts of the last session, are

known and acknowledged. Perhaps no country ever experienced

more sudden and remarkable advantages from any measure of

policy than we have derived from the arming for our

maritime protection and defence. We ought, without loss of

time, to lay the foundation for an increase of our Navy to

a size sufficient to guard our coast, and protect our

trade. Such a naval force as it is doubtless in the power

of the United States to create and maintain, would also

afford to them the best means of general defence, the safe

transportation of troops and stores to every part of our

extensive coast. To accomplish this important object, a

prudent foresight requires that systematical measures be

adopted for procuring, at all times, the requisite timber

and other supplies. In what manner this shall be done, I

leave to your consideration.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:_

I have directed an estimate of the appropriations which

will be necessary for the service of the ensuing year to be

laid before you, accompanied with a view of the public

receipts and expenditures to a recent period. It will

afford you satisfaction to infer the great extent and

solidity of the public resources, from the prosperous state

of the finances, notwithstanding the unexampled

embarrassments which have attended commerce. When you

reflect on the conspicuous examples of a patriotism and

liberality which have been exhibited by our mercantile

fellow-citizens, and how great a proportion of the public

resources depends on their enterprise, you will naturally

consider, whether their convenience cannot be promoted and

reconciled with the security of the revenue, by a revision

of the system by which the collection is at present

regulated.

During your recess, measures have been steadily pursued for

effecting the valuations and returns directed by the act of

the last session preliminary to the assessment and

collection of a direct tax. No other delays or obstacles

have been experienced except such as were expected to arise

from the great extent of our country, and the magnitude and

novelty of the operation, and enough has been accomplished

to assure a fulfilment of the views of the Legislature.

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of

Representatives:_

I cannot close this Address, without once more adverting to

our political situation, and inculcating the essential

importance of uniting in the maintenance of our dearest

interests: and I trust that, by the temper and wisdom of

your proceedings, and by a harmony of measures, we shall

secure to our country that weight and respect to which it

is so justly entitled.

Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16) · 第 125 / 272 题