Mr. MCDOWELL could not reconcile it to himself to give a silent vote on
the passage of this important bill. He had heard no reason assigned for
the introduction of this bill, either when the original proposition was
before the House, or since; and, therefore, though the bill might pass
by a large majority, he should give his vote against it. It had been
said, by the gentleman from Massachusetts, that this bill was intended
to secure the property of the citizens of the United States from
capture. How was this to be done? This bill will not lay an embargo,
and, therefore, cannot prevent our vessels from falling into the hands
of the French, or any other nation, who chooses to attack them. If
gentlemen wished to effect their object, they ought to propose a general
embargo; but when he found gentlemen indisposed to this, he could
scarcely believe them serious in their wishes to prevent the property of
our citizens from being taken. By this bill our merchants are
prohibited from trading to any of the ports of France or her
dependencies. This he neither thought politic or just. He thought there
was no cause for going this length at present. It would be seen by the
estimate on the table, the great amount of exports sent to those
countries, and this bill would not only destroy the trade to France and
her dependencies, but affect also all our other trade. Gentlemen better
acquainted with commerce than he pretended to be, would be able to
ascertain the effects of this regulation with more precision than he
could do; but it appeared to him that this regulation would put the
whole of our exports within the power of Great Britain. He hoped,
therefore, gentlemen would consider the inconveniences which would be
produced by this measure, and not suffer their passions, which are so
highly irritated against France, to lead our citizens into serious
difficulties, for the sake of doing her some injury. There could be no
doubt, that the moment France received the information of the passage of
this bill, all negotiation would be put an end to, and they will lay
their hands on all the property belonging to citizens of this country,
which they can meet with. He was of opinion that the prudence of
merchants alone would be sufficient to regulate the business, without
Legislative interference. Mr. McD. hoped, therefore, the bill would be
passed, and called the yeas and nays upon it.
Mr. SEWALL said, it was very true, as the gentleman from North Carolina
observed, that no general reasons had been given in favor of this bill;
and he did not know that any opportunity had occurred in which they
could with propriety have been given. Certainly if a measure meets with
general approbation, and passes without argument and without discussion,
it must have been carried for the best reasons. Reasons, said he, are
not strengthened by debate; general consent indicates the strongest
reasons in favor of a measure that can be assigned.
The gentleman from North Carolina has supposed that the only arguments
in favor of this bill was, that it would be the means of protecting the
commerce of our citizens; that argument, he agreed, was forcible, but he
confessed he relied upon this measure very much affecting our enemy. It
occurred to the committee that this measure might very much distress the
French West Indies, which are the harbor of a nest of pirates, which
continually assail our commerce. It is true, he said, that our commerce
is also annoyed in the European seas, but in a much greater degree from
vessels fitted out from the West Indies; the privateers from these
islands depredate our commerce upon our coast, and if no measures are
taken to prevent it, they might soon be expected on our shores. Any
measure, therefore, which can be taken, consistent with our political
situation, ought to be taken to prevent this mischief. This would not be
carrying on hostility, but would withdraw from our enemies the means of
supporting their hostility. Gentlemen have objected to this bill
because they conceive it will not have this effect; he was, on the
contrary, in favor of it, because he believed it would have the effect.
Mr. S. considered our trade with France as at present annihilated, as
well as that with Spain and Holland, in a great degree; and France must
hereafter, if this bill passes into a law, carry on her trade with this
country by means of vessels belonging to the Hanse Towns, Sweden, or
Denmark; and having reduced France to the necessity of changing her
measures with regard to the neutral powers of Europe, she might,
perhaps, be induced to change her conduct with respect to the United
States, or perhaps with respect to all the neutral powers. He thought
this measure recommended by these political considerations. Whether it
would produce all the effect which had been mentioned, he could not
tell, but it was well calculated to produce it. And the only objection
to the measure appeared to be, that it would produce commercial
disadvantages to our merchants; but since the adoption of the decree of
the French Directory, which directs that all neutral vessels, with
British produce or manufactures on board, shall be confiscated as good
prizes, and which goes to the destruction of nearly all our trade, this
objection would have but little weight, as a trade thus carried on would
stand but a very small chance of producing any profit. Some merchants,
indeed, are of opinion that our trade to France and her dependencies has
for a long time past been attended with loss instead of profit. It was
evident, he said, that the decree to which he had alluded had already
had the effect in this country to lower the price of our produce, as
many vessels employed in that trade are now employed in a different
manner.
Mr. GALLATIN must confess, without pretending to be a very good judge of
the subject, that this measure appeared to him at least of a doubtful
nature. The object of it is said to be to distress France and the French
West Indies as much as possible. How far this could be effected, or
whether the attempt to distress our enemy might not distress ourselves
more than the enemy, he was not able to ascertain with precision. With
respect to France herself, he did not see that it could have any effect.
As to the West Indies, Guadaloupe, which he supposed was the place
principally aimed at, was so situated with respect to neutral islands
that she could always procure supplies of provisions from them. The only
place, then, which would be affected by this regulation would be St.
Domingo, and there he believed it might have some effect. If the
intercourse between this country and that was stopped, it might be
distressed for want of provisions; but in doing this he was persuaded we
should also injure ourselves, by annihilating our commerce and sinking
the price of our produce. With respect to our commerce, in six weeks or
two months, all the trade which our merchants now carry on to French
ports would be transferred to other neutral nations. The Danes and
Swedes will come into our ports and carry our produce to the French
islands; so that the only difference, after that time, will be that the
carrying trade which we now have will be transferred to those powers.
France will be supplied by way of Holland or Hamburg, and as the freight
and other expenses attending the trade will of course be greater than if
the commerce was carried on direct, it may be expected the price here
will be low. It would be the same with respect to provisions. If the
measure would be likely to distress France or her islands to any
considerable degree, so as the better to bring her to terms of
accommodation, he should not object to it. The inconveniences attending
it must be encountered by our citizens; but seeing its effects on our
enemy would be doubtful, and upon ourselves certain, he should vote
against the bill.
Effectually to prevent provisions being carried to the West Indies, the
exportation of them ought to be forbidden, both in our own vessels and
in all others. Without this we cannot prevent our provisions from being
exported by means of neutral vessels to French ports.
So far as related to his own constituents, Mr. G. said, they are not
immediately concerned in this question, as they do not export their
produce either to the West Indies or any port of Europe, but to New
Orleans, by the Mississippi. He stated the matter as it struck him, and
left other gentlemen to enlarge upon it.
Mr. RUTLEDGE allowed that the bill was liable to the objection which had
been urged by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and which might be made
against every measure which would be proposed for the defence of the
country; it might be said of it that it will produce some inconvenience
to our constituents, and bear hard upon the commercial and agricultural
interests; but he believed no measure could be devised which would prove
so injurious to France, and as little inconvenient to America, as
suspending the commercial intercourse between the two countries.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania thinks the bill under consideration will
prove fruitless, because the vessels of Sweden and Denmark may carry our
produce to the French West Indies; this could not be contemplated as a
probable event; in the convulsed state in which almost all the
commercial States of Europe are, neutral bottoms will be in too great
demand in Europe to permit of their seeking freights in America. If,
however, they shall come here, and the Danes and Swedes become our
carriers, we can then adopt the regulation suggested by the gentleman
from Pennsylvania; we can then prohibit our intercourse with the French,
even by means of neutrals; or as that may be impracticable, inasmuch as
we shall not have any control over a neutral vessel after she leaves our
ports, we can lay a general embargo.
Mr. R. thought gentlemen were greatly mistaken who imagined the present
measure would lower the prices of our produce. He did not believe they
would fall in consequence of the present bill or any which could be
passed. He did not believe a declared war would lower the price of our
grain. For some time past, an _ex parte_ war has existed; the French
have made war in every sea upon our commerce, which for months past has
been bleeding at every pore. Government has not protected the trade of
the country, but has, by preventing our vessels from arming, deprived
our merchants of the use of the means their wealth afforded, of
protecting themselves; thus insurance and seamen's wages have been
higher, and the price of produce lower than they probably will be in a
state of declared war. The grain of the State he had the honor of
representing sells for less than it has done for twenty years past, or
at any period of the last war; rice, which is the great staple of the
country, and which, a few years ago, sold at six dollars the hundred
weight, now sells but for a dollar and a half, and Indian corn, which
article, the year before last, sold at a dollar a bushel, now sells for
twenty-five cents only.
The gentleman from North Carolina has insisted, that because our trade
to France and her dependencies, for the two last years, has been great,
we ought not to stop it. He thinks that merchants understand their
interests better than we do, and that if they, who are in the habit of
calculating risks, think it proper to prosecute a trade with France,
that we ought not to restrain them. Mr. R. allowed that our exports to
France the year before the last had been great, but said that our
returns had been small indeed; of the great number of valuable cargoes
sent to St. Domingo, very few have been paid for. The proclamations of
persons in authority in that island, and other deceptive contrivances,
have allured much of our property to its ports, but, arriving there, it
has been arbitrarily taken at a price fixed by the government, and
payment made by bills upon France, which have not been paid, and are now
lying protested at Paris, to the amount of many millions of dollars. So
that our exports, which the gentleman says France has taken, have been
literally _taken_, very little of it having been paid for. Upon such
terms it was impossible to suppose this commerce would continue, and it
is fallacious in the extreme to calculate, as a permanent trade, that
which a peculiar state of things has occasioned with the French islands
for some years past, and which we are now suffering for having engaged
in.
Mr. R. said he was not apprehensive of giving umbrage to any honest
merchant or fair trader, when he declared it as his opinion, that a
trade with France would not and could not be carried on at present but
by persons sinking under pecuniary embarrassments. Like gamblers upon
the threshold of ruin, they adventure and put at hazard the remnants of
their fortune to increase the chances of recovering what had been
previously lost. The trade, he also believed, was in a great degree
carried on for some time past by bankrupts, who, by means of bank
facilities, and other credits fraudulently obtained, were enabled to
speculate in a sea of danger and risk, into which they would not have
gone if they had had any thing to lose. In such a state of things, it
would be wise and expedient for Government to interfere, and say to the
merchants who are willing to continue trading with France, although you
may be disposed to continue this commerce, because it is carried on upon
a borrowed capital, and because it is insured in Europe, yet we will put
a stop to it, for we must take care of our sailors. When they are abused
and imprisoned, and their captains publicly whipped in French ports, it
is our duty to protect and preserve them from a continuance of such
injuries. Mr. R. concluded with observing, that the present bill would
occasion much distress to the French islands; would be the means of
preserving many of our vessels and seamen, and answer other very
valuable purposes. He hoped therefore it would pass.
Mr. OTIS said, as neither of the gentlemen who had spoken on this
subject had expressed an opinion which had a primary influence on his
mind, he would beg leave to declare it in a few words. It was
undoubtedly desirable, that this country should have a free commerce
with all the world; but, under our present circumstances, with relation
to France, no intercourse will be maintained with that country by the
fair American merchant. He will not venture his property either to
France, or to any of her dependencies. None but merchants who may have
exclusive privileges in the ports of France, will now carry on this
trade. He had no doubt that Citizen Hedouville, and other agents of the
Directory, would give exclusive privileges to a certain description of
dealers at the expense of the fair trader. Protections of this kind had
been given, he believed, to favorite traders in every considerable port
in the United States; and were not the proposed regulations to be
adopted, these persons would be growing fat and rich, while the whole
body of merchants would be suffering from the injustice and violence of
the French. He did not think it would be prudent to leave room for
encouragements of this kind to any of our citizens. For, while they are
in the habit of receiving large favors from the agents of the French
Government, they will be likely to feel a stronger attachment to the
interests of that country than of their own; and a stronger temptation
could not be offered to them than a monopoly of the French trade.
Mr. O. inquired whether, in a state of war, it was not usual and proper
for all nations to restrain their subjects from a direct trade with
their enemies? And are we not in war? Have we not passed a variety of
bills which gentlemen have declared amount to war? This very morning, a
bill has been passed, which, according to their construction, reaches
the climax of war measures. If, then, we are now in a state of war, it
will be inexpedient to continue to carry on this traffic. But, it is
said, if we restrain our own citizens, it will be carried on by neutral
nations. To a certain degree, it might be supposed that this would be
the case; but this is one of the losses incident to a state of war. We
must expect that a part of our carrying trade will be transferred to
neutrals for a time; but though this will affect the mercantile part of
the community, it will not wound the agricultural interest so deeply as
a total suspension of commerce. If neutral vessels come hither for
produce, the price will not fall so low as it otherwise would do, and
the farmers will be the better able to bear the burdens which a war must
necessarily lay upon them.
Mr. W. C. CLAIBORNE said, it was his intention to vote in favor of the
passage of this bill for two reasons. The first was, we have many
vessels and much property afloat on the ocean, which we cannot
adequately defend, and which is now constantly depredated upon. This
measure will keep many of our vessels at home. The second was, that it
would tend to increase our revenue, which at this time is a very
desirable thing; for he was of opinion, that the neutral powers of
Europe would become the carriers of our produce to the West Indies.
Denmark, Sweden, and the Dutch all possess islands in the West Indies in
the neighborhood of the French Islands, and if they come and fetch away
our produce, the duty on tonnage will be increased; and the duties
arising from imposts will not be lessened, as they will doubtless bring
with them the produce of Europe when they come out to this country.
The question on the passage of the bill was then taken, and stood--yeas
55, nays 25.
MONDAY, June 4.
Mr. MACON informed the House of the death of his colleague, Mr. BRYAN,
at nine o'clock this morning. The House, in consequence, entered into a
resolution appointing the members of North Carolina a committee to
manage the funeral of the deceased, and stating that the House do attend
the same. This committee afterwards reported that the funeral would take
place at nine o'clock in the morning.[35]
_Seditious Practices._
Mr. SEWALL, from the committee for the protection of commerce and the
defence of the country, reported a bill for the prevention and restraint
of dangerous and seditious practices, which was committed for Wednesday.
[This bill proposes, that any alien resident, or who shall come to
reside within the United States, who hath been convicted of any felony,
or other infamous crime, or who shall be a notorious fugitive from
justice, upon any charge of treasonable or seditious practices, in any
foreign State or country, or whose continuance within the United States
shall be, in the opinion of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
injurious to the public peace and safety, may be deemed and adjudged a
dangerous person, and may be required to depart from the country, and be
apprehended and removed therefrom. And if any person, whether alien or
citizen, shall secretly or openly combine, or conspire together, with an
intention of opposing any measures of the Government of the United
States, which are or shall be directed by the proper authority, or to
defeat the operation of any law of the United States, or to discourage
or prevent any person holding any place or office in or under the
Government of the United States, from undertaking or executing his trust
or duty; and if any person, with intent as aforesaid, shall by any
writing, printing, or advised speaking, threaten such officer or person
in public trust, with any danger to his character, person, or property,
or shall counsel or advise, or attempt to procure any insurrection,
riot, or unlawful assembly or combination as aforesaid, whether such
conspiring, &c., shall have the proposed effect or not, shall and may be
punished, upon the conviction of the offence, by a fine not exceeding
---- dollars, and by binding, with sufficient surety for good behavior,
or by imprisonment for a term not exceeding ---- years; and if the
person so convicted shall be an alien, he may be farther adjudged, in
lieu of such binding or imprisonment, to be banished and removed from
the territory of the United States.]
TUESDAY, June 5.
Mr. RUTLEDGE proposed a resolution to the following effect, which was
unanimously agreed to:
"_Resolved_, That the members of this House, from a desire
of showing their respect to the late Nathan Bryan, Esq.,
member of this House, deceased, will go into mourning for
one month, by wearing a crape on the left arm."
_Relations with France._
A Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, as
follows:
_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives:_
I now transmit to both Houses the communications from our
Envoys at Paris, received since the last which have been
presented by me to both Houses.