THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States, and President of
the Senate.
JOHN LANGDON and SAMUEL LIVERMORE, from New Hampshire.
BENJAMIN GOODHUE, from Massachusetts.
THEODORE FOSTER and WILLIAM BRADFORD, from Rhode Island.
JAMES HILLHOUSE and URIAH TRACY, from Connecticut.
ISAAC TICHENOR, from Vermont.
JOHN LAURANCE, from New York.
WILLIAM BINGHAM, from Pennsylvania.
HENRY LATIMER, from Delaware.
JOHN E. HOWARD, from Maryland.
STEVENS T. MASON, from Virginia.
ALEXANDER MARTIN and TIMOTHY BLOODWORTH, from North Carolina.
JOHN HUNTER, from South Carolina.
JOSIAH TATTNALL, from Georgia.
The Senators whose names are subjoined produced their credentials on the
4th day of March last, and took their seats in the Senate, viz: Mr.
FOSTER, Mr. GOODHUE, Mr. HILLHOUSE, Mr. HOWARD, Mr. LATIMER, Mr. MASON,
Mr. ROSS, and Mr. TICHENOR.
WILLIAM COOKE, appointed a Senator by the State of Tennessee, produced
his credentials, and the oath required by law being administered, he
took his seat in the Senate.
_Ordered_, That the Secretary wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES, and acquaint him that a quorum of the Senate is assembled.
_Ordered_, That the Secretary acquaint the House of Representatives that
a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and ready to proceed to business.
A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate, that a
quorum of the House is assembled, and have elected JONATHAN DAYTON their
Speaker.
A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the
House have appointed a joint committee on their part, together with such
committee as the Senate may appoint, to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES, and inform him that a quorum of the two Houses is
assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he may be
pleased to make to them.
_Resolved_, That the Senate do concur in the appointment of a joint
committee, and that Messrs. LIVERMORE and LANGDON be the joint committee
on the part of the Senate.
Mr. LIVERMORE reported, from the joint committee, that they had waited
on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and had notified him that a
quorum of the two Houses is assembled; and that the PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES acquainted the committee that he would meet the two Houses
in the Representatives' Chamber, at 12 o'clock to-morrow.
TUESDAY, May 16.
WILLIAM BLOUNT, from the State of Tennessee; THEODORE SEDGWICK, from the
State of Massachusetts; and JOHN VINING, from the State of Delaware,
severally attended.
A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the
House are now ready to meet the Senate in the Chamber of that House, to
receive such communications as the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES shall
be pleased to make to them. Whereupon,
The Senate repaired to the Chamber of the House of Representatives, for
the purpose above expressed.
The Senate returned to their own Chamber, and a copy of the Speech of
the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, this day addressed to both Houses of
Congress, was read.
_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives_:
The personal inconveniences to the members of the Senate,
and of the House of Representatives, in leaving their
families and private affairs, at this season of the year,
are so obvious, that I the more regret the extraordinary
occasion which has rendered the convention of Congress
indispensable.
It would have afforded me the highest satisfaction to have
been able to congratulate you on a restoration of peace to
the nations of Europe, whose animosities have endangered
our tranquillity; but we have still abundant cause of
gratitude to the Supreme Dispenser of national blessings,
for general health and promising seasons; for domestic and
social happiness; for the rapid progress and ample
acquisitions of industry, through extensive territories;
for civil, political, and religious liberty. While other
States are desolated with foreign war, or convulsed with
intestine divisions, the United States present the pleasing
prospect of a nation governed by mild and equal laws,
generally satisfied with the possession of their rights;
neither envying the advantages nor fearing the power of
other nations; solicitous only for the maintenance of order
and justice, and the preservation of liberty; increasing
daily in their attachment to a system of government in
proportion to their experience of its utility; yielding a
ready and general obedience to laws flowing from the
reason, and resting on the only solid foundation--the
affections of the people.
It is with extreme regret that I shall be obliged to turn
your thoughts to other circumstances, which admonish us
that some of these felicities may not be lasting; but, if
the tide of our prosperity is full, and a reflux
commencing, a vigilant circumspection becomes us, that we
may meet our reverses with fortitude, and extricate
ourselves from their consequences with all the skill we
possess, and all the efforts in our power.
In giving to Congress information of the state of the
Union, and recommending to their consideration such
measures as appear to me to be necessary or expedient,
according to my constitutional duty, the causes and the
objects of the present extraordinary session will be
explained.
After the President of the United States received
information that the French Government had expressed
serious discontents at some proceedings of the Government
of these States, said to affect the interests of France, he
thought it expedient to send to that country a new
Minister, fully instructed to enter on such amicable
discussions and to give such candid explanations as might
happily remove the discontents and suspicions of the French
Government and vindicate the conduct of the United States.
For this purpose he selected from among his fellow-citizens
a character whose integrity, talents, experience, and
services, had placed him in the rank of the most esteemed
and respected in the nation. The direct object of this
mission was expressed in his letter of credence to the
French Republic, being "to maintain that good understanding
which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted
between the two nations, and to efface unfavorable
impressions; banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality
which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly
union;" and his instructions were to the same effect,
"faithfully to represent the disposition of the Government
and people of the United States (their disposition being
one) to remove jealousies and obviate complaints, by
showing that they were groundless; to restore that mutual
confidence which had been so unfortunately and injuriously
impaired, and to explain the relative interests of both
countries and the real sentiments of his own."
A Minister thus specially commissioned, it was expected,
would have proved the instrument of restoring mutual
confidence between the two Republics; the first step of the
French Government corresponded with that expectation. A few
days before his arrival at Paris, the French Minister of
Foreign Relations informed the American Minister, then
resident at Paris, of the formalities to be observed by
himself in taking leave, and by his successor preparatory
to his reception. These formalities they observed; and on
the ninth of December presented officially to the Minister
of Foreign Relations, the one a copy of his letters of
recall, the other a copy of his letters of credence. These
were laid before the Executive Directory: two days
afterwards, the Minister of Foreign Relations informed the
recalled American Minister that the Executive Directory had
determined not to receive another Minister Plenipotentiary
from the United States until after the redress of
grievances demanded of the American Government, and which
the French Republic had a right to expect from it. The
American Minister immediately endeavored to ascertain
whether, by refusing to receive him, it was intended that
he should retire from the territories of the French
Republic, and verbal answers were given that such was the
intention of the Directory. For his own justification he
desired a written answer; but obtained none until towards
the last of January; when receiving notice in writing to
quit the territories of the Republic, he proceeded to
Amsterdam, where he proposed to wait for instruction from
this Government. During his residence at Paris, cards of
hospitality were refused him, and he was threatened with
being subjected to the jurisdiction of the Minister of
Police, but with becoming firmness he insisted on the
protection of the law of nations, due to him as the known
Minister of a foreign power. You will derive further
information from his despatches, which will be laid before
you.
As it is often necessary that nations should treat, for the
mutual advantage of their affairs, and especially to
accommodate and terminate differences, and as they can
treat only by Ministers, the right of embassy is well
known, and established by the law and usage of nations; the
refusal on the part of France to receive our Minister is
then the denial of a right; but the refusal to hear him,
until we have acceded to their demands, without discussion,
and without investigation, is to treat us neither as
allies, nor as friends, nor as a sovereign State.
With this conduct of the French Government, it will be
proper to take into view the public audience given to the
late Minister of the United States, on his taking leave of
the Executive Directory. The speech of the President[16]
discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a
Minister; because more dangerous to our independence and
union; and at the same time studiously marked with
indignities towards the Government of the United States. It
evinces a disposition to separate the people of the United
States from the Government; to persuade them that they have
different affections, principles, and interests, from those
of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chosen
to manage their common concerns; and thus to produce
divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be
repelled with a decision which shall convince France, and
the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated
under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority,
fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign
influence; and regardless of national honor, character, and
interest.
I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these
transactions, if it had been possible to conceal them; but
they have passed on the great theatre of the world, in the
face of all Europe and America, and with such circumstances
of publicity and solemnity that they cannot be disguised,
and will not soon be forgotten; they have inflicted a wound
in the American breast; it is my sincere desire, however,
that it may be healed. It is my desire, and in this I
presume I concur with you, and with our constituents, to
preserve peace and friendship with all nations; and
believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the
United States absolutely forbid the repetition of advances
for securing these desirable objects with France, I shall
institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and shall not
fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation, on terms
compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honor of
the nation. If we have committed errors, and these can be
demonstrated, we shall be willing to correct them. If we
have done injuries, we shall be willing, on conviction, to
redress them; and equal measures of justice we have a right
to expect from France and every other nation.
The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and
France being at present suspended, the Government has no
means of obtaining official information from that country;
nevertheless, there is reason to believe that the Executive
Directory passed a decree, on the second of March last,
contravening, in part, the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, of
one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, injurious to
our lawful commerce, and endangering the lives of our
citizens. A copy of this decree will be laid before you.
While we are endeavoring to adjust all our differences with
France by amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in
Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the personal
injuries to our citizens, and general complexion of
affairs, render it my indispensable duty to recommend to
your consideration effectual measures of defence.
The commerce of the United States has become an interesting
object of attention, whether we consider it in relation to
the wealth and finances, or the strength and resources of
the nation. With a sea-coast of near two thousand miles in
extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation, and
commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply
their industry and enterprise to these objects. Any serious
and permanent injury to commerce, would not fail to produce
the most embarrassing disorders; to prevent it from being
undermined and destroyed, it is essential that it receive
an adequate protection.
The Naval Establishment must occur to every man who
considers the injuries committed on our commerce, the
insults offered to our citizens, and the description of
vessels by which these abuses have been practised. As the
sufferings of our mercantile and seafaring citizens cannot
be ascribed to the omission of duties demandable,
considering the neutral situation of our country, they are
to be attributed to the hope of impunity, arising from a
supposed inability on our part to afford protection. To
resist the consequences of such impressions on the minds of
foreign nations, and to guard against the degradation and
servility which they must finally stamp on the American
character, is an important duty of Government.
A Naval power, next to the Militia, is the natural defence
of the United States. The experience of the last war would
be sufficient to show, that a moderate Naval force, such as
would be easily within the present abilities of the Union,
would have been sufficient to have baffled many formidable
transportations of troops from one State to another, which
were then practised. Our sea-coasts, from their great
extent, are more easily annoyed and more easily defended by
a Naval force than any other. With all the materials our
country abounds; in skill, our naval architects and
navigators are equal to any; and commanders and seamen will
not be wanting.
But although the establishment of a permanent system of
Naval defence appears to be requisite, I am sensible it
cannot be formed so speedily and extensively as the present
crisis demands. Hitherto I have thought proper to prevent
the sailing of armed vessels, except on voyages to the East
Indies, where general usage, and the danger from pirates,
appeared to render permission proper; yet the restriction
has originated solely from a wish to prevent collusions
with the powers at war, contravening the act of Congress of
June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, and not
from any doubt entertained by me of the policy and
propriety of permitting our vessels to employ means of
defence, while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It
remains for Congress to prescribe such regulations as will
enable our seafaring citizens to defend themselves against
violations of the law of nations; and, at the same time,
restrain them from committing acts of hostility against the
powers at war. In addition to this voluntary provision for
defence by individual citizens, it appears to me necessary
to equip the frigates, and provide other vessels of
inferior force to take under convoy such merchant vessels
as shall remain unarmed.
The greater part of the cruisers whose depredations have
been most injurious, have been built, and some of them
partially equipped in the United States. Although an
effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I
have thought it my duty to present the subject generally
to your consideration. If a mode can be devised by the
wisdom of Congress to prevent the resources of the United
States from being converted into the means of annoying our
trade, a great evil will be prevented. With the same view I
think it proper to mention that some of our citizens
resident abroad have fitted out privateers, and others have
voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them,
and committed spoliations on the commerce of the United
States. Such unnatural and iniquitous practices can be
restrained only by severe punishments.
But besides a protection of commerce on the seas, I think
it highly necessary to protect it at home, where it is
collected in our most important ports. The distance of the
United States from Europe, and the well-known promptitude,
ardor, and courage of the people, in defence of their
country, happily diminish the probability of invasion:
nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory
incursions, the situation of some of our principal seaports
demands your consideration; and as our country is
vulnerable in other interests besides those of its
commerce, you will seriously deliberate whether the means
of general defence ought not to be increased by an addition
to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements
for forming a provisional army.
With the same view, and as a measure, which even in a time
of universal peace ought not to be neglected, I recommend
to your consideration a revision of the laws for
organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, to render
that natural and safe defence of the country efficacious.
Although it is very true, that we ought not to involve
ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep
ourselves always distinct and separate from it if we can,
yet to effect this separation, early, punctual, and
continual information of the current chain of events, and
of the political projects in contemplation, is no less
necessary than if we were directly concerned in them. It is
necessary in order to the discovery of the efforts made to
draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparations
against them. However we may consider ourselves, the
maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider
the United States of America as forming a weight, in that
balance of power in Europe, which can never be forgotten or
neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but
it would be doing wrong to one half of Europe, at least, if
we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It
is a natural policy for a nation that studies to be
neutral, to consult with other nations engaged in the same
studies and pursuits. At the same time that measures ought
to be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and
Sweden, one of which is expired, and the other near
expiring, might be renewed.
_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:
It is particularly your province to consider the state of
the public finances; and to adopt such measures respecting
them as exigencies shall be found to require. The
preservation of public credit, the regular extinguishment
of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray any
extraordinary expenses, will of course call for your
serious attention. Although the imposition of new burdens
cannot be in itself agreeable, yet there is no ground to
doubt that the American people will expect from you such
measures as their actual engagements, their present
security, and future interests demand.
_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives_:
The present situation of our country imposes an obligation
on all the departments of Government to adopt an explicit
and decided conduct. In my situation, an exposition of the
principles by which my administration will be governed
ought not to be omitted.
It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world,
what has been before observed, that endeavors have been
employed to foster and establish a division between the
Government and people of the United States. To investigate
the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not
necessary; but to repel by decided and united councils
insinuations so derogatory to the honor, and aggressions so
dangerous to the constitution, union, and even
independence, of the nation, is an indispensable duty.
It must not be permitted to be doubted, whether the people
of the United States will support the Government
established by their voluntary consent, and appointed by
their free choice, or whether by surrendering themselves to
the direction of foreign and domestic factions, in
opposition to their own Government, they will forfeit the
honorable station they have hitherto maintained.
For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned
the interests of my country, devoted the best part of my
life to obtain and support its independence, and constantly
witnessed the patriotism, fidelity, and perseverance of my
fellow-citizens, on the most trying occasions, it is not
for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which my heart has
been so long engaged.
Convinced that the conduct of the Government has been just
and impartial to foreign nations; that those internal
regulations, which have been established by law for the
preservation of peace, are in their nature proper, and that
they have been fairly executed; nothing will ever be done
by me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon
principles, which have been so deliberately and uprightly
established, or to surrender in any manner the rights of
the Government. To enable me to maintain this declaration,
I rely upon God with entire confidence, on the firm and
enlightened support of the National Legislature, and upon
the virtue and patriotism of my fellow-citizens.