MONDAY, December 5, 1796.
This being the day appointed by the constitution for the annual meeting
of Congress, in the House of Representatives, the following named
members appeared and took their seats, viz:
_From New Hampshire._--ABIEL FOSTER, NICHOLAS GILMAN, JOHN S. SHERBURNE,
and JEREMIAH SMITH.
_From Massachusetts._--FISHER AMES, THEOPHILUS BRADBURY, HENRY DEARBORN,
DWIGHT FOSTER, NATHANIEL FREEMAN, Jr., SAMUEL LYMAN, WILLIAM LYMAN, JOHN
READ, GEORGE THATCHER, JOSEPH B. VARNUM, and PELEG WADSWORTH.
_From Rhode Island._--FRANCIS MALBONE.
_From Connecticut._--JOSHUA COIT, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH, ROGER GRISWOLD,
NATHANIEL SMITH, and ZEPHANIAH SWIFT.
_From New York._--THEODORUS BAILEY, WILLIAM COOPER, EZEKIEL GILBERT,
HENRY GLENN, JONATHAN N. HAVENS, JOHN E. VAN ALLEN, PHILIP VAN
CORTLANDT, and JOHN WILLIAMS.
_From New Jersey._--JONATHAN DAYTON, AARON KITCHELL, and ISAAC SMITH.
_From Pennsylvania._--ALBERT GALLATIN, SAMUEL MACLAY, FREDERICK AUGUSTUS
MUHLENBERG, JOHN RICHARDS, SAMUEL SITGREAVES, and JOHN SWANWICK.
_From Delaware._--JOHN PATTON.
_From Maryland._--GEORGE DENT, WILLIAM HINDMAN, and RICHARD SPRIGG, Jr.
_From Virginia._--JOHN CLOPTON, ISAAC COLES, GEORGE JACKSON, JAMES
MADISON, ANTHONY NEW, and ROBERT RUTHERFORD.
_From Kentucky._--CHRISTOPHER GREENUP.
_From North Carolina._--THOMAS BLOUNT and MATTHEW LOCKE.
_From South Carolina._--WILLIAM SMITH.
_From Georgia._--ABRAHAM BALDWIN.
The following new members appeared, produced their credentials, were
qualified, and took their seats, viz:
_From Tennessee._--ANDREW JACKSON.
_From Maryland._--WILLIAM CRAIK, in place of JEREMIAH CRABB, resigned.
_From Connecticut._--JAMES DAVENPORT, in place of JAMES HILLHOUSE,
appointed a Senator of the United States.
The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Governor of
Pennsylvania, with the return of the election of GEORGE EGE, to serve as
a member of the House in place of DANIEL HEISTER, resigned.
A quorum, consisting of a majority of the whole number, being present,
it was ordered that the Clerk wait on the Senate, to inform them that
this House was ready to proceed to business; but it appeared that the
Senate had not been able to form a quorum by one member, and had
adjourned.
Mr. WILLIAM SMITH presented a petition from Thomas Lloyd, proposing to
take, in short-hand, and publish the Debates of Congress at $1,000 per
session salary. The expense of printing, &c. he estimated at $540, for
which he would furnish the House with five hundred copies of that work;
engaging to use every possible precaution, and pay prompt attention.
Mr. S. referred to the unfavorable reception of a proposal of this
nature at the last session, and supposed this would not be more
successful; however, he moved that it be referred to a committee.
The motion was agreed to, and Mr. W. SMITH, Mr. GALLATIN, and Mr. SWIFT,
were appointed to examine the petition, and report thereon to the House.
TUESDAY, December 6.
Several other members, to wit: from Vermont, ISRAEL SMITH; from New
Jersey, MARK THOMPSON; from Pennsylvania, RICHARD THOMAS; from Virginia,
CARTER B. HARRISON, JOHN HEATH, and ABRAHAM VENABLE; and from North
Carolina, JESSE FRANKLIN, WILLIAM BARRY GROVE, JAMES HOLLAND, and
NATHANIEL MACON, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
The SPEAKER observed, that, as there were several returns of new
elections of members to serve in this session, it was proper that,
pursuant to a rule of the House, a Committee of Elections be appointed.
A committee was accordingly appointed, of Mr. VENABLE, Mr. SWIFT, Mr.
DENT, Mr. DEARBORN, Mr. BLOUNT, Mr. MUHLENBERG, and Mr. A. FOSTER.
Mr. MACON moved that a Committee of Revisal and Unfinished Business of
last session be appointed, pursuant to the Standing Rules and Orders of
the House, observing that, as the session would be but short, it would
be necessary to be early in the appointment of committees.
Whereon Mr. GILMAN, Mr. R. SPRIGG, Jr., and Mr. MACON were appointed.
Notice was received that a quorum of the Senate was formed.
On motion, it was, therefore, resolved, that a committee of three
members be appointed to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, in
conjunction with a committee from the Senate, to inform him that a
quorum of both Houses was assembled, and ready to receive any
communications that he may please to make. Mr. AMES, Mr. MADISON, and
Mr. SITGREAVES, were accordingly appointed.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House that they had
formed a quorum: whereupon the Clerk went to the Senate with the
resolution of this House. The Secretary soon after returned, informing
the House that the Senate had concurred in the resolution, and formed a
committee for that purpose.
Mr. AMES, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported that
the committee had waited on the PRESIDENT, who was pleased to signify to
them that he would make a communication to both Houses of Congress
to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, in the Representatives' Chamber.
WEDNESDAY, December 7.
Another member, to wit, SAMUEL SEWALL, from Massachusetts, in place of
BENJAMIN GOODHUE, appointed a Senator of the United States, appeared,
produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.
A message was sent to the Senate, informing them that this House was
ready, agreeably to appointment, to receive communications from the
PRESIDENT; whereon the Senate attended, and took their seats. At 12
o'clock the PRESIDENT attended, and, after taking his seat, rose and
delivered the following Address:
_Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of
Representatives_:
In recurring to the internal situation of our country,
since I had last the pleasure to address you, I find ample
reason for a renewed expression of that gratitude to the
Ruler of the Universe, which a continued series of
prosperity, has so often and so justly called forth.
To an active external commerce, the protection of a Naval
force is indispensable: this is manifest with regard to
wars in which a State is itself a party. But besides this,
it is in our own experience, that the most sincere
neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the
depredations of nations at war. To secure respect to a
neutral flag, requires a Naval force, organized and ready
to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may even
prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging
belligerent powers from committing such violations of the
rights of the neutral party as may, first or last, leave no
other option. From the best information I have been able to
obtain, it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean,
without a protecting force, will always be insecure, and
our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers
of them have but just been relieved.
These considerations invite the United States to look to
the means, and to set about the gradual creation of a Navy.
The increasing progress of their navigation promises them,
at no distant period, the requisite supply of seamen; and
their means in other respects favor the undertaking. It is
an encouragement likewise that their particular situation
will give weight and influence to a moderate Naval force in
their hands. Will it not, then, be advisable to begin,
without delay, to provide and lay up the materials for the
building and equipping of ships of war, and to proceed in
the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall
render it practicable without inconvenience; so that a
future war of Europe may not find our commerce in the same
unprotected state in which it was found by the present?
Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed
their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The
object is of too much consequence not to ensure a
continuance of their efforts in every way which shall
appear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on public
account are inexpedient. But where the state of things in a
country leaves but little hope that certain branches of
manufacture will for a great length of time obtain, when
these are of a nature essential to the furnishing and
equipping of the public force in time of war; are not
establishments for procuring them on public account, _to
the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service_,
recommended by strong considerations of national policy, as
an exception to the general rule? Ought our country to
remain in such cases dependent on foreign supply,
precarious, because liable to be interrupted? If the
necessary articles should in this mode cost more in time of
peace, will not the security and independence thence
arising form an ample compensation? Establishments of this
sort, commensurate only with the calls of the public
service in time of peace, will, in time of war, easily be
extended in proportion to the exigencies of the Government,
and may even, perhaps, be made to yield a surplus for the
supply of our citizens at large, so as to mitigate the
privations from the interruption of their trade. If
adopted, the plan ought to exclude all those branches which
are already, or likely soon to be established in the
country, in order that there may be no danger of
interference with pursuits of individual industry.
It will not be doubted that with reference either to
individual or national welfare, agriculture is of primary
importance. In proportion as nations advance in population,
and other circumstances of maturity, this truth becomes
more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soil more
and more an object of public patronage. Institutions for
promoting it grow up, supported by the public purse; and to
what object can it be dedicated with greater propriety?
Among the means which have been employed to this end, none
have been attended with greater success than the
establishment of Boards, composed of proper characters,
charged with collecting and diffusing information, and
enabled by premiums, and small pecuniary aids, to encourage
and assist a spirit of discovery and improvement. This
species of establishment contributes doubly to the increase
of improvement, by stimulating to enterprise and
experiment, and by drawing to a common centre the results
every where of individual skill and observation, and
spreading them thence over the whole nation. Experience
accordingly has shown that they are very cheap instruments
of immense national benefits.
I have heretofore proposed to the consideration of Congress
the expediency of establishing a National University, and
also a Military Academy. The desirableness of both these
institutions has so constantly increased with every new
view I have taken of the subject, that I cannot omit the
opportunity of once for all recalling your attention to
them.
The Assembly to which I address myself is too enlightened
not to be fully sensible how much a flourishing state of
the arts and sciences contributes to national prosperity
and reputation. True it is that our country, much to its
honor, contains many seminaries of learning highly
respectable and useful; but the funds upon which they rest
are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the
different departments of liberal knowledge for the
institution contemplated, though they would be excellent
auxiliaries.
Amongst the motives to such an institution the assimilation
of the principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen,
by the common education of a portion of our youth from
every quarter, well deserves attention. The more
homogeneous our citizens can be made in these particulars,
the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a
primary object of such a national institution should be the
education of our youth in the science of Government. In a
Republic, what species of knowledge can be equally
important? and what duty more pressing on its Legislature,
than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who
are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the
country?
The institution of a Military Academy is also recommended
by cogent reasons. However pacific the general policy of a
nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate
stock of military knowledge for emergencies. The first
would impair the energy of its character, and both would
hazard its safety, or expose it to greater evils when war
could not be avoided: besides, that war might often not
depend upon its own choice. In proportion as the observance
of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from the necessity
of practising the rules of the military art, ought to be
its care in preserving and transmitting by proper
establishments the knowledge of that art. Whatever argument
may be drawn from particular examples, superficially
viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince
that the art of war is at once comprehensive and
complicated; that it demands much previous study; and that
the possession of it, in its most improved and perfect
state, is always of great moment to the security of a
nation. This, therefore, ought to be a serious care of
every Government; and for this purpose an Academy, where a
regular course of instruction is given, is an obvious
expedient, which different nations have successfully
employed.
The compensations to the officers of the United States in
various instances, and in none more than in respect to the
most important stations, appear to call for Legislative
revision. The consequences of a defective provision are of
serious import to the Government.
If private wealth is to supply the defect of public
retribution, it will greatly contract the sphere within
which the selection of character for office is to be made,
and will proportionally diminish the probability of a
choice of men, able, as well as upright. Besides, that it
would be repugnant to the vital principles of our
Government virtually to exclude from public trusts,
talents, and virtue, unless accompanied by wealth.
While in our external relations some serious inconveniences
and embarrassments have been overcome, and others lessened,
it is with much pain and deep regret I mention that
circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately
occurred. Our trade has suffered, and is suffering,
extensive injuries in the West Indies, from the cruisers
and agents of the French Republic; and communications have
been received from its Minister here which indicate the
danger of a further disturbance of our commerce, by its
authority, and which are, in other respects, far from
agreeable.
It has been my constant, sincere, and ardent wish, in
conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial
harmony and a perfectly friendly understanding with that
Republic. This wish remains unabated; and I shall persevere
in the endeavor to fulfil it to the utmost extent of what
shall be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to
the rights and honor of our country; nor will I easily
cease to cherish the expectation that a spirit of justice,
candor, and friendship on the part of the Republic will
eventually ensure success.
My solicitude to see the Militia of the United States
placed on an efficient establishment has been so often and
so ardently expressed that I shall but barely recall the
subject to your view on the present occasion; at the same
time that I shall submit to your inquiry, whether our
harbors are yet sufficiently secured.
The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in
the midst of the Representatives of the people of the
United States, naturally recalls the period when the
administration of the present form of government commenced;
and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my
country on the success of the experiment; nor to repeat my
fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe
and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that His providential
care may still be extended to the United States; that the
virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved; and
that the Government which they have instituted for the
protection of their liberties may be perpetual.