VOLUME II.

Page 13, footnote. For modaya read modaya.

Page 20. The second footnote should be deleted, and in the story

the last paragraph but one should be:--Thereafter, this Prince and

Princess having caused that widow woman to be brought, and having

tried her judicially (naduwa ahala), subjected her to the thirty-two

tortures, etc.

Messrs. H. B. Andris and Co., of Kandy, have been good enough to

send me a list of the thirty-two tortures, compiled from Sinhalese

manuscripts. As I think such a list has not been published I append

it here, with the English equivalents.

The Thirty-two Tortures.

1. Katu-saemitiyen taelima. Flogging with the thorny scourge.

2. We-waelen taelima. Flogging with cane.

3. Atak digata aeti muguruwalin taelima. Beating with clubs (or

mallets) of the length of a hand.

4. Ata kaepima. Cutting off the hand.

5. Paya kaepima. Cutting off the foot.

6. At-pa de-kotasama kaepima. Cutting off both the hands and the feet.

7. Kana kaepima. Cutting off the ear.

8. Nasaya kaepima. Cutting off the nose.

9. Kan-nasa de-kotasama kaepima. Cutting off both the ears and

the nose.

10. Ise sama galawa ehi kadi-diya waekkerima. Removing the skin of

the head and pouring vinegar there.

11. Ise boralu ula sak patak men sudu-kerima. Rubbing gravel on the

head, and cleaning it like a chank or leaf (of a manuscript book).

12. Mukhaya de-kan langata ira tel-redi purawa gini tibima. Splitting

the mouth near the two ears, filling it with oiled cloth, and

setting fire [to this].

13. Siyalu sarira tel-piliyen wela gini tibima. Twining oiled cloth

round the whole body and setting fire [to it].

14. Hastayan tel-redi wela gini taebima. Twining oiled cloth on the

hands and setting fire [to it].

15. Sriwayehi patan hama galawa kendayehi taebima. Removing the skin,

beginning at the neck, and placing it on the calf.

16. Tana mattehi patan sama uguluwa isehi taebima. Causing the skin

to be plucked off, beginning at the top of the breasts, and

placing it on the head.

17. Bima howa dedena de-waelamiti yahul gasa wata-kota gini

dael-wima. Causing [the person] to lie on the ground, striking iron

pins through both elbows, and making flames of fire round [him].

18. Bili-katuwalin paehaera sam mas nahara uguluwa-daemima. Removing

skin, flesh, with fish-hooks, and causing the tendons to be plucked

completely out.

19. Kahawanu men sakala sarirayehi mas kaepima. Cutting the flesh

from the whole body [in pieces] like kahapanas (coins).

20. Sakala sariraya kendila ksharawu karan gaelwima. Making incisions

in the whole body and causing salt corrosiveness to sink [into

them].

21. Ek aelayakin bima howa kanehi yawul gasa karakaewima. Causing

[the person] to lie on the ground in a trench, striking iron pins

(or rods) in the ear, and turning them round.

22. Sarirayehi aeta-mas podi-kota piduru su[m]buluwak men

kerima. Bruising the flesh on the bones in the body, and making it

like a straw envelope.

23. Kakiyawana-lada tel aengehi isima. Sprinkling boiling oil on

the body.

24. Sayin pidita sunakhayan lawa mas anubawa-kerima. Devouring the

flesh by means of dogs suffering from starvation.

25. Katu-bere peralima. Rolling [the person] in the drum containing

thorns.

26. Sakrame karakaerima. Turning [the person] round on the wheel.

27. Æsak uguluwa anik aesata penwima. Plucking out an eye, and showing

it to the other eye.

28. Æha maeda yahul gasa karakaewima. Striking an iron pin into the

middle of the eye, and turning it round.

29. Ænga-mas kapa baeda kaewima. Cutting off the flesh of the body,

frying it, and making [the person] eat it.

30. Buta-seyyawen hinduwa nul gasa waeyen saehima. Setting [the person]

in the attitude in which goblins recline (i.e., on the back),

marking [the body by means of blackened] strings (as sawyers do),

and slicing off [the projecting parts] with the adze.

31. Diwas-ula induwima. Setting [the person] on the impaling stake.

32. Kaduwen isa kapa-daemima. Cutting off the head completely with

the sword.

Page 26, note. For Tisse de wele read Tisse de wele.

Page 32, line 19. After footnote add, and Part II, p. 164.

Page 34, line 36. For seven read four.

Page 36, note, and p. 116, note. For Sitana read Sitana.

Page 46, line 23. For the figure, read a "Sending" (sihaerumak). Other

Sendings are mentioned in vol. iii, pp. 178 and 250.

Page 47. To the first note, add, See also Cinq Cents Contes et

Apologues, vol. iii, p. 92.

Pages 70, 71. For tuttu read tuttu.

Page 80. Add, In Campbell's Santal Folk Tales, p. 127, a simpleton

who accompanied some thieves placed boiling rice and milk in the open

mouth of a man who said in his sleep, "I will eat."

Page 89, line 14. For through read though.

Page 97, footnote. For No. 263 read No. 262.

Page 108. Add, In Cinq Cents Contes et Apologues, vol. ii, p. 413,

a sheep with its wool on fire owing to a blow with a fire-brand, set

the hay on fire at the quarters of the royal elephants. In vol. iii,

p. 145, a ram set fire to a village in the same manner.

Page 119, note. For Honda read Honda.

Page 126, line 13. For the read her.

Page 136, footnotes, line 20. For 248 read 247.

Page 160, second footnote. For 212 and 241 read 211 and 240.

Page 165 and p. 169, footnotes. After 237 insert 240.

Page 168, footnotes. After 208 add 240.

Page 171. Add, In Campbell's Santal Folk Tales, p. 21, a man falsely

claimed the reward for killing a demon whom two brothers had shot;

when they exposed him he was beaten. On p. 59, a youth who was sent

in search of the bones of an elephant that he had thrown across the

Seven Seas, was joined by a giant who was fishing with a Palmira palm

as a rod and an elephant as a bait. Afterwards they added to their

party another who held a Banyan tree as a shade for his ploughmen.

Page 184, line 24. For ambuda baendaganda read ambuda baendagana.

Page 202, line 24. For four read three. According to Clough, the yama,

or watch, is one of four hours, but the Swapna-malaya makes it three:--

Dawasakata paeya saeta For a [whole] day, paeyas sixty

Weya, yamada atakata. Occur, and watches up to eight.

In tis paeyaka raekata From them, thirty paeyas for a night,

Yama satarak weya niyatata. [Or] watches four, occur for certain.

Page 213. Regarding the Ridi, Tavernier remarked (Voyages, 1679, i,

p. 589), "This money is called Larin, and is of the same standard

as our écus. Five pieces are worth our écu." On p. 591, vol. ii, he

noted that, "The rupee of gold ... is worth in the country [India]

fourteen rupees of silver. We reckon the rupee of silver at thirty

sols. Thus the rupee of gold comes to 21 livres of France.... All the

gold and silver which enters on the lands of the Great Mogol is refined

to the highest standard (au dernier tître) before being coined."

Our sovereign contains 113 grains of fine gold; and as the full

weight of the gold rupee or muhr (mohur) of the Mughal rulers was

175 grains, its full value as fine gold was £1 11s. of our money. At

the mean weight of the gold (167.22 grs.) in 46 coins, as recorded in

Hobson-Jobson, p. 438, the value would be £1 9s. 7 1/4d. By Tavernier's

reckoning (at 21 livres) the full value was £1 11s. 6d. One-fourteenth

of £1 11s. is 26.57d.; this was therefore the value of the silver

rupee of the Mughals, which had the same weight as the gold coin. With

the muhr at £1 11s. 6d. the value of the rupee would be 2s. 3d. At

26.57/30d., the French sol was worth 0.885d. Bernier remarked (Travels,

Constable's translation, p. 200) that the value of the silver rupee was

about 30 sols, and on p. 223, about 29 sols, Tavernier also agreeing

that the actual value should be under 30 sols; in the latter case the

sol would be equal to 0.916d. Taking the average value at 0.9d., and

20 sols to a livre, the value of the livre was 1s. 6d. Three livres

were equal to one écu (4s. 6d.), one-fifth of which, as noted above,

would make the value of the larin 10.8d. This was not an accurate

estimate of its value, since according to Tavernier (i, p. 136) 46

livres 1 1/2 deniers (each = one-twelfth of a sol) were the exact

equivalent of a Persian toman of that period, which was thus worth £3

9s. 2 1/4d. of our money; and as 80 larins made one toman (i, p. 136;

ii, p. 590) the true value of the larin in Persia (and India) in the

middle of the seventeenth century was 10.375d. This would require the

silver in it to weigh 76.08 grains. According to Dr. J. G. Da Cunha,

Sir John Chardin stated that the value was two and a half shahis, or

11 sols 3 deniers, that is, 10.122d.; but by Tavernier's reckoning (i,

p. 135) two and a half shahis would be worth 10.406d. Tavernier added

that from Baghdad to Ceylon all business was done in larins. W. Barret

writing in 1584 on Money and Measures (Hakluyt), remarked of them,

"These be the best currant money in all the Indies."

Dr. Davy stated (Travels, etc., p. 181) that fifty ridis were equal

to about twenty-nine shillings (1820); thus the value of the coin

was then only about seven pence in Ceylon.

Although Prof. Rhys Davids mentioned (Coins and Measures of Ceylon,

p. 35) that five ridis were spoken of [about 1870] as the equivalent

of a rix-dollar--both coins being then out of circulation--thus making

the value of the ridi less than fivepence, he gave the weight of three

of these coins as being from 72 1/2 to 74 1/2 grains. Dr. Da Cunha

gave a weight of 68 1/2 to 72 grains (Contributions, etc., part 3,

p. 10). With an allowance for wear, it is therefore probable that

the Persian weight of 76 grains was adhered to in Ceylon, and also

in India.

In answer to my inquiry, Messrs. H. B. Andris and Co., of Kandy,

have confirmed the statement made to me elsewhere, that the later

value of the ridi in Ceylon was one-third of a rupee,--"panam pahayi

salli hatarayi," five panams and four sallis.

Prof. Rhys Davids noted that Pyrard stated the value of those made

early in the seventeenth century in the Maldives, to be about eight

sols, that is, 7.2d. It is not clear why the money had the low values

recorded above, unless the quality of the silver had deteriorated. In

Ceylon, in Knox's time all the coins were tested in the fire.

According to the Mahavansa, King Bhuvaneka-Bahu VI in about A.D. 1475

constructed a relic casket out of seven thousand coins which are termed

rajata in the Pali original, and ridi in the Sinhalese edition, both

words meaning silver. As there appear to have been comparatively few

other silver coins in the country, none, so far as is known, having

been coined since the beginning of the previous century, these were

probably larins.

The next reference to the coin in Ceylon goes back to about the same

date; it is given by Mr. Pieris (Ceylon: the Portuguese Era, i, p. 50),

apparently taken from the manuscript history of de Queiroz. King

Dharma Parakrama-Bahu in 1518 related to the Portuguese Governor of

Colombo that in his youth a certain man who had killed another did

not possess the fifty larins which would have ransomed his life,

and therefore he was executed. One would understand from this that

these coins were plentiful in the island before A.D. 1500.

In the same work (i, p. 298) it is recorded that in 1596 the Portuguese

captured five elephants laden with larins. Diogo do Couto mentioned

that while besieged in Kotte in 1565, the Portuguese made some larins,

"there being craftsmen of that calling" (Ferguson's translation,

p. 233), thus confirming Knox's statement that this money was coined

in Ceylon.

The Massa or Masurama which is mentioned so frequently in the stories

is probably in most cases a copper coin, but gold and silver massas

were also issued. In vol. iii, pp. 136, 137, line 31, 150, 1. 24, 387,

1. 29, the coins appear to have been gold massas. It is apparently

the gold massa which is referred to in Mah. ii, 81, v. 45, where it

is stated that King Wijaya-Bahu (A.D. 1236-1240) paid 84,000 gold

kahapanas to transcribers of "the sacred book of the law." Perhaps,

also, in the stories the kahapanas may have been golden massas or

double massas. Compare vol. i, p. 348, and vol. iii, p. 263, line 33,

and see below.

The commoner or standard coins of all three denominations have

practically the same weight, which in the heavier examples is usually

about 66 or 67 grains, though a few gold and silver coins exceed

this weight, two silver ones of Nissanka-Malla, from Mahiyangana

wihara, for which I am indebted to Prof. C. G. Seligmann, averaging

77 1/2 grains. Out of 150 copper coins only one turned the scale at 69

grains. If we assume that the Indian copper scale of General Cunningham

was followed, and that, with allowance for wear and oxidation, the

correct original weight of all three classes was 72 grains, a massa

of fine gold would be worth 12s. 8.92d. of our money. Compared with

the Persian larin, the value of the silver massa of 72 grains, if

fine silver, would be 9.82d., or 1/15.56 of the gold one. Respecting

the copper coin, Dr. Davy stated early last century (Travels, p. 245)

that the ridi (or larin) was then equivalent to sixty-four "Kandian

challies," that is, as he also terms them, "Dambadinia challies,"

the common village name of the copper massas; at this ratio the

silver massa of 72 grains would be equivalent to 60.57 copper massas,

each being worth 0.162d., or about one-sixth of a penny. [333] Late

in the fifteenth century the Indian ratio of the value of copper to

silver appears, according to Thomas, to have been 64 to 1, and at

the beginning of the sixteenth, according to Whiteway, 80 to 1. [334]

I have met with no villager who knew what the coins termed kahawanuwa

(kahapana) and masurama were.

Messrs. H. B. Andris and Co., of Kandy, have been good enough to

send me the following table of the old values of Sinhalese coins,

kindly supplied by the "High Priest" of the Malwatta Wihara, at Kandy,

on what authority I am unaware:--

4 salli = 1 tuttuwa.

8 tuttu = 1 massa. [? 20 tuttu].

5 mahu (or masu) = 1 kahawanuwa. [? 2 masu].

In the latter half of last century, twelve salli, or four tuttu, made

one copper panama, sixteen of which went to a rupee; the intrinsic

value of this being 1s. 10 1/2d., the salliya was worth 0.117d.,

or nearly half a farthing. In the absence of more ancient data,

applying this value to the coins in the table the ancient tuttuwa

would be worth 0.468d., the massa 3.744d., and the silver kahawanuwa,

1s. 6.72d., a little less than the value of two silver massas of 72

grains. A double silver massa, which would appear to be this coin,

has been discovered by Col. Lowsley; [335] its weight was not stated.

With regard to the values of other coins, Capt. Percival wrote in

1803 that the rix-dollar "goes for about two shillings sterling;

and four of them are equivalent to a star pagoda [the Tamil varakam,

Sin. waragan], a Madras coin worth about eight shillings sterling"

[in Ceylon; in India its official value was always three and a half

rupees].

Page 229. Add, In Cinq Cents Contes et Apologues, vol. iii, p. 226,

a man observed that birds that visited an island, inaccessible to man,

in which there were great quantities of jewels, roosted at night in

tall trees planted by him. He prepared some exquisite food for them

with which they satiated themselves, afterwards vomiting pearls that

covered the whole ground. He collected them, and became very wealthy.

Page 238, line 11. For paelas read hæliyas (large pots); and delete

the following note in brackets.

Page 257, first note. See also Campbell's Santal Folk Tales, pp. 8

and 9. In the same work, p. 25 ff., there is an account of a boy one

span in height. See also ante, note to p. 107, vol. i.

Page 261. Add, In Campbell's Santal Folk Tales, p. 19, some tigers

who wanted to catch two men who had taken refuge on a palm tree,

asked how they had ascended; they replied that they stood on each

other's shoulders. When the tigers did the same, one of the men called

to the other to give him his battle-axe, so that he might hamstring

the tailless tiger (which was at the bottom). It jumped aside, and

all fell down, and ran off.

Page 266, note. For Bastda or Bastdara read Banda or Bandara.

Page 274. Add, In Campbell's Santal Folk Tales, p. 12, a man who

was in a tree was carried away in a bag by a demon. He escaped by

putting a stone in it during the temporary absence of the demon, and

was brought a second time. When the demon's daughter admired his long

hair he informed her that it became long by being pounded, on which

she put her head down to have her hair lengthened; he then killed her,

cooked her, and the demon and his friends who came for the feast ate

her. The man wore the daughter's clothes and was not recognised.

Page 281, line 37. For tadak read tadak.

Page 303. K. Raja-Sinha had a three-tiered hat (Knox, p. 34).

Page 319, line 24, and Index. For Amrapali, read Amrapali.

Page 321, note. For ewidinawa read aewidinawa. According to

Mr. Gunasekara's Grammar, p. 452, this means, "the bees come as far

as two miles."

Page 324, line 12. After two feet insert (do paya).

Page 344, line 37. Add, In vol. ii, p. 125, a lion was killed by the

poisonous breath of a man-snake, and in vol. iii, p. 70, a lion and

elephant perished in the same manner.

Page 374, line 11. For 137 read 117.

Page 398. Add, In Campbell's Santal Folk Tales, p. 12, a horse thief

saddled and rode a tiger until daylight, thinking it a horse. On p. 46

it was a simpleton who rode. The tiger unwillingly returned with a

jackal and bear, each holding the preceding one's tail. When they

reached the thicket where the man was supposed to be, the tiger's

courage gave way, and he bolted, dragging the others after him. A

variant is given on p. 49, also.

Page 408, line 7. For While read while.

Page 433, line 7 of Sinhalese text. For deggatten read daeggatten.

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