Those first three days were for many of us, who did not know the mild
autumn months, the most pleasant we spent on the Peninsula. The last
weeks of May had something of the quality of an old English summer, and
the seven plagues of the Peninsula had not yet attained the intolerable
violence of June and July. True, the inhabited portion of the narrow
land we won had already become in great part a wilderness; the myrtle,
and rock-rose, and tangled cistus, and all that wealth of spring flowers
in which the landing parties had fallen and died in April, had long been
trodden to death, and there were wide stretches of yellow desert where
not even the parched scrub survived. But in the two and a half miles of
bare country which lay between the capes and the foot-hills of Achi Baba
was one considerable oasis of olives and stunted oaks, and therein, on
the slopes of the bridge, was our camp fortunately set. The word 'camp'
contains an unmerited compliment to the place. The manner of its birth
was characteristic of military arrangements in those days. When we were
told, on that first mysterious midnight, to dig ourselves a shelter
against the morning's 'searching,' we were far from imagining that what
we dug would be our Peninsular 'home' and haven of rest from the
firing-line for many months to come. And so we made what we conceived to
be the quickest and simplest form of shelter against a quite temporary
emergency--long, straight, untraversed ditches, running parallel to and
with but a few yards between each other. No worse form of permanent
dwelling-place could conceivably have been constructed, for the men were
cramped in these places with a minimum of comfort and a maximum of
danger. No man could climb out of his narrow drain without casting a
shower of dust from the crumbling parapet on to his sleeping neighbour
in the next ditch; and three large German shells could have destroyed
half the regiment. Yet there were many such camps, most of them lacking
the grateful concealment of our trees. Such targets even the Turkish
artillery must sometimes hit, There were no dug-outs in the accepted
sense of the Western Front, no deep, elaborate, stair-cased chambers,
hollowed out by miners with miners' material. _Our_ dug-outs _were_
dug-outs in truth, shallow excavations scooped in the surface of the
earth. The only roof for a man against sun and shells was a waterproof
sheet stretched precariously over his hole. It is sufficient testimony
to the indifference of the Turkish artillery that with such naked
concentrations of men scattered about the Peninsula, casualties in the
rest-camps were so few.
Each officer had his own private hole, set democratically among the
men's; and an officers' mess was simply made by digging a larger hole,
and roofing it with _two_ waterproof sheets instead of one. There was no
luxury among the infantry there, and the gulf which yawns between the
lives of officer and man in France as regards material comfort was
barely discernible in Gallipoli. Food was dull and monotonous: for weeks
we had only bully-beef and biscuits, and a little coarse bacon and tea,
but it was the same for all, one honourable equality of discomfort. At
first there were no canteen facilities, and when some newcomer came from
one of the islands with a bottle of champagne and another of chartreuse,
we drank it with 'bully' and cast-iron biscuit. Drinking water was as
precious as the elixir of life, and almost as unobtainable, but officer
and man had the same ration to eke out through the thirsty day. Wells
were sunk, and sometimes immediately condemned, and when we knew the
water was clear and sweet to taste, it was hard to have it corrupted
with the metallic flavour of chemicals by the medical staff. Then indeed
did a man learn to love water; then did he learn discipline, when he
filled his water-bottle in the morning with the exiguous ration of the
day, and fought with the intolerable craving to put it to his lips and
there and then gurgle down his fill.
In the spring nights it was very cold, and men shivered in their single
blanket under the unimaginable stars; but very early the sun came up,
and by five o'clock all the camp were singing; and there were three
hours of fresh coolness when it was very good to wash in a canvas
bucket, and smoke in the sun before the torrid time came on; and again
at seven, when the sun sat perched on the great rock of Samothrace, and
Imbros was set in a fleecy marvel of pink and saffron clouds, there were
two hours of pure physical content; but these, I think, were more nearly
perfect than the morning because they succeeded the irritable fevers of
the day. Then the crickets in the branches sang less tediously, and the
flies melted away, and all over the Peninsula the wood fires began to
twinkle in the dusk, as the men cooked over a few sticks the little
delicacies which were preserved for this hour of respite. When we had
done we sat under our olive-tree in the clear twilight, and watched the
last aeroplanes sail home to Rabbit Islands, and talked and argued till
the glow-worms glimmering in the scrub, and up the hill the long roll of
the Turks' rapid fire, told us that darkness was at hand, and the chill
dew sent us into our crannies to sleep.
So we were not sorry for three days of quiet in the camp before we went
up the hill; Harry alone was all eagerness to reach the firing-line with
the least possible delay. But then Harry was like none of us; indeed,
none of us were like each other. It would have been strange if we had
been. War-chroniclers have noted with an accent of astonishment the
strange diversity of persons to be found in units of the New Army, and
the essential sameness of their attitude to the war. As though a man
were to go into the Haymarket and be surprised if the first twelve
pedestrians there were not of the same profession; were then to summon
them to the assistance of a woman in the hands of a rough, and be still
surprised at the similarity of their methods.
We were, in truth, a motley crowd, gathered from everywhere; but when we
sat under that olive-tree we were very much alike--with the single
exception of Harry.
Egerton, our company commander, a man of about thirty, with a round face
and a large head, was a stockbroker by profession, and rather
improbably, an old Territorial by pastime. He was an excellent company
commander, but would have made a still more admirable second-in-command,
for his training in figures and his meticulous habits in such things as
the keeping of accounts were just what is required of a
second-in-command, and were lamentably deficient in myself. The
intricacies of Acquittance Rolls and Imprest Accounts, and page 3 of the
Soldier's Pay-Book, were meat and drink to him, and in general I must
confess that I shamefully surrendered such delicacies to him.
Harry Penrose had the 14th Platoon. Of the other three subalterns
perhaps the most interesting was Hewett. He, like Harry, had been at
Oxford before the war, though they had never come together there. He was
a fair, dreamy person, of remarkably good looks. Alone of all the 'young
Apollos' I have known did he at all deserve that title. Most of these
have been men of surpassing stupidity and material tastes, but Hewett
added to his physical qualifications something of the mental refinement
which presumably one should expect of even a modern Apollo. Intensely
fastidious, he frankly detested the war, and all the dirt and disgust he
must personally encounter. Like Harry, he was an idealist--but more so;
for he could not idealize the war. But the shrinking of his spirit had
no effect on his conduct: he was no less courageous than Harry or any
one else, and no less keen to see the thing through. Only, at that time,
he was a little less blind. A year senior to Harry, he had taken Greats
in 1914, and though his degree had been disappointingly low he had not
yet lost the passionate attachment of the 'Greats' man to philosophy and
thoughts of the Ultimate Truths. Sometimes he would try to induce one of
us to talk with him of his religious and philosophical doubts; but in
that feverish place it was too difficult for us, and usually he brooded
over his problems alone.
Eustace, of the 16th Platoon, was a journalist by repute, though it was
never discovered to what journal, if any, he was specially attached. His
character was more attractive than his appearance, which was long,
awkward, and angular; and if he had ever been to school, he would have
been quite undeservedly unpopular for not playing games:
undeservedly--because one could not conceive of him as playing any game.
Physically, indeed, he was one of Nature's gawks; intellectually he was
nimble, not to say athletic, with an acute and deeply logical mind. As a
companion, more especially a companion in war, he was made tedious by a
habit of cynicism and a passion for argument. The cynicism, I think, had
developed originally from some early grievance against Society, had been
adopted as an effective pose, and had now become part of his nature.
Whatever its origin it was wearing to us, for in the actual scenes of
war one likes to cling to one's illusions while any shred of them
remains, and would rather they faded honourably under the gentle
influence of time than be torn to fragments in a moment by reasoned
mockery. But Eustace was never tired of exhibiting the frailty and
subterfuge of all men, particularly in their relations to the war; the
_Nation_ arrived for him as regularly as the German submarines would
allow, and all his views were in that sense distinctly 'National.' If
any of us were rash enough to read that paper ourselves, we were
inevitably provoked to some comment which led to a hot wrangle on the
Public Schools, or Kitchener, or the rights of the war, and the pleasant
calm of the dusk was marred. For Eustace could always meet us with a
powerfully logical case, and while in spirit we revolted against his
heresies, we were distressed by the appeal they made to our reluctant
reasons. Harry, the most ingenuous of us all and the most devoted to his
illusions, was particularly worried by this conflict. It seemed very
wrong to him that a man so loyal and gallant in his personal relations
with others should trample so ruthlessly on their dearest opinions.
Burnett was of a very different type. Tall and muscular, with reddish
hair and vivid blue eyes, he looked (as he wanted to look) a 'man of
action' by nature and practice. He had 'knocked about' for some years in
Africa and Australia (a process which had failed equally to establish
his fortunes or soften his rough edges), and from the first he affected
the patronizing attitude of the experienced campaigner. The little
discomforts of camp life were nothing to him, for were they not part of
his normal life? And when I emerged from my dug-out pursued by a
centipede of incredible ferocity, he held forth for a long time on the
best method of dispatching rattlesnakes in the Umgoga, or some such
locality. By degrees, however, as life became more unbearable, the
conviction dawned upon us that he was no less sensible to heat and
hunger and thirst than mere 'temporary' campaigners, and rather more
ready to utter his complaints. Finally, the weight of evidence became
overwhelming, and it was whispered at the end of our first week at
Gallipoli that 'Burnett was bogus.' The quality of being 'bogus' was in
those days the last word in military condemnation; and in Burnett's case
events showed the verdict to be lamentably correct.
So we were a strangely assorted crowd, only alike, as I have said, in
that we were keen on the winning of this war and resolved to do our
personal best towards that end. Of the five of us, Hewett and Eustace
had the most influence on Harry. Me he regarded as a solid kind of wall
that would never let him down, or be guilty of any startling deviations
from the normal. By Hewett he was personally and spiritually attracted;
by Eustace alternately fascinated and disturbed. And it was a very bad
day for Harry when Hewett's death removed that gentle, comfortable
influence.