But we will concede that every creature bore a charmed life, that it

might not perish by famine or violence till it had propagated its

kind. We should then expect to observe that species had distributed

themselves over the globe in lines either tortuous or direct, single

or branching, broad or narrow, but all diverging from a common centre.

Yet nothing of the kind is found. On the contrary, the species of the

new world differ from those of the old, the species of one continent

from those of another[18]. The marsupials of Australia and Polynesia

are generically distinct from all other animals on the globe except the

opossum. The elephant of Africa is not the same species as the elephant

of India: so with the lion, so with the rhinoceros. The apes and

baboons of the old world are nowhere to be found in America, nor the

American monkeys anywhere in the old world. In Madagascar, separated

from Africa by less than the breadth of England, all the species

except one, and nearly all the genera, are peculiar[19]. Everywhere

species are found limited in their range by natural barriers, such

as climate, rivers, mountains, oceans. Are we to suppose that the

prisoners could scramble into their prisons, and then suddenly became

incapable of scrambling out again? Everywhere, as a rule, this range

is consistent with the hypothesis of an origin central to the range,

inconsistent with that of an origin distant from it. Where, as on

mountain ranges, we find, contrary to the general rule, the same

species in different localities, the migration from the door of the ark

loses all semblance of probability, unless we are pleased to imagine

that creatures, now without the instinct of migration, for a long time

possessed it, and roamed about the world through many a sultry plain

to pick out a hill-side here and there with a temperature suited to

their constitutions. But the exceptional phenomenon, otherwise so hard

to account for, Darwin has admirably explained, by pointing out that

species adapted to a low temperature would naturally have occupied

lowlands in the Glacial Period, from which, as the cold gradually grew

less and less intense, they would as naturally have retired, some of

them northwards, others to the cool heights of various mountains.

That there was a Glacial Period, when great icebergs travelled over

England, a period geologically as but of yesterday, though enormously

more remote than any historical dates, is now beyond all question.

Equally beyond question is it that countless ages and generations

of living beings on the earth preceded that Glacial Period. And,

added to this, we find that there are forms of life just where they

would have been left by the effect of that period, had there been

an unbroken succession from that time to this, and just where it is

most unlikely they should be found, had they been forced to travel

to those habitations from the door of the ark within the practically

insignificant period of 4300 years.

But still further, we may compare the world of life before the Flood

with the world of life since. And here surely it needs not the genius

of Darwin or Lyell or Owen to perceive the conclusiveness of the

argument which their genius has pointed out and enforced. For instance,

where the marsupials now live, there lived marsupials in ages long

before Noah, as the fossil remains testify. The fossils are fossil

marsupials, but marsupials of species now extinct. So that the ‘door of

the ark’ theory requires us to believe that the marsupials found their

way to Australia, leaving no traces of their route on land, crossing

seas which they never subsequently recrossed, and planting themselves

precisely in that region which other marsupials, generically the same

but specifically different, had occupied before them.

We are to believe this of countless other species in all parts of the

world. We are to believe that they slowly and in many generations

worked their way back to these quasi-ancestral homes, and yet neglected

to occupy vast tracts equally or even better adapted to their wants.

We must believe also that some of the fleetest, strongest, and most

sagacious animals, as the horse and the elephant, failed to trace

out the abodes of their ancient representatives, since America, when

discovered a few years ago, possessed these quadrupeds only in fossil

and in no living species[20].

There is indeed one animal, whose powers of contrivance would account

for its distribution over the globe, even supposing it to have begun

with a single family, not more than 4300 years ago, and to have ranged

from a single centre. Man is that animal. Yet, if all the other

facts that bear on the universality of the Noachian Deluge were in

an agreement with it as entire as their irreconcileability is utter

and complete, still the circumstances of the human race alone would

disable us from believing that the Flood of Noah’s epoch extended

over all the globe. With other animals it might be advanced that the

different species and main varieties had been represented in the ark

and were thence disseminated; but in the case of man we are precluded

from such an explanatory device by the express terms of the diluvian

record. If the Noachian Flood was universal, then from Noah alone

must be descended all the races of man now upon the earth: all the

great and curious variations they display must have been evolved, not

in countless generations as Darwinism supposes, but in some two or

three hundred or less. From Noah alone must have sprung within a mere

handful of centuries races so widely unlike one another as Greeks

and Negroes, Jews and Egyptians, Saxons and Ojibbeways, Caffirs and

Hottentots, Fuegians and Patagonians, Californians and Chinese, Arabs

and Esquimaux. In the same archipelago we have the Malay, the Papuan,

and the dwarf snub-nosed Negrito. To give the contrast between the

two former in the words of Mr. Wallace[21]:--‘The Malay is of short

stature, brown-skinned, straight-haired, beardless, and smooth-bodied.

The Papuan is taller, is black-skinned, frizzly-haired, bearded, and

hairy-bodied. The former is broad-faced, has a small nose, and flat

eyebrows; the latter is long-faced, has a large and prominent nose,

and projecting eyebrows. The Malay is bashful, cold, undemonstrative,

and quiet; the Papuan is bold, impetuous, excitable, and noisy.

The former is grave, and seldom laughs; the latter is joyous and

laughter-loving,--the one conceals his emotions, the other displays

them.’ Such is the description and contrast of two types of mankind

geographically separated from one another by an interval of not more

than 300 miles; yet the line which separates these two races of the

human family is almost exactly coincident with that deep-sea line

which forms the boundary between two great zoological provinces.

Either, then, in these two distinct but neighbouring localities, the

whole multitude of species, man included, must have been undergoing

variation simultaneously for tens of thousands of years, or else the

differences in the whole multitude, man included, must have been

already established, or nearly so, when first they stepped forth

in singular procession from the door of the ark. But the former

alternative, which is the Darwinian, is consistent with the record of

the Noachian Flood in implying that the inundation was only partial;

while the latter alternative contradicts the record in an essential

point on which it is perfectly explicit, by necessitating the presence

in the ark of more than one human family.

As long as we are content to speak of 4000 years or so, some one might

be tempted to fancy, however erroneously, that such a period would be

adequate to produce the existing varieties of mankind, because there

is some evidence of comparatively rapid changes of colour having

taken place under the influence of climate, and because a new type of

features appears to be forming itself with a noticeable progress under

the absolutely unique circumstances which have governed the recent

colonization of North America. Unique those circumstances are, because

never before has there been so much mingling of the blood of different

nations and races in a new and unoccupied field, with much to stimulate

and nothing to curb or repress variation. Never before have men’s minds

and bodies in every faculty been so taxed and strained to activity

by the very superabundance of their resources, the virgin soil of a

new country, an inherited civilization, enormous and ever-enlarging

facilities for doing, for living, moving, and learning--facilities

sometimes that cannot be declined or escaped from, though they ‘fret

the pigmy body to decay, and o’er-inform the tenement of clay.’

But, in truth, there is no question of 4000 years in the matter; for

there were black people in the time of Herodotus and in the time

of Solomon. Already in the time of Moses there existed a race in

Palestine so different from the Israelites, that the first Hebrew

explorers were daunted by the sight of them, although, in fact, they

were looking on a race no longer in its prime, but one that was dying

out. Egyptian monuments, dating back to the same period and earlier,

give representations of Africans, Asiatics, and Europeans, with

their physical characteristics then as now unmistakeably distinct;

they portray the Negro as the Negro still is both in colour and in

features[22].

If it took only 800 years, then, which is the interval between the

Flood and the birth of Moses, to originate and establish types so

distinct as Jews, Egyptians, Negroes, and Anakim, all gathered together

in a little corner of the world, might not Nature, having done so

much in so short a time for the highest animal, do a little more in a

longer time for lower animals, and so supply that origin of species

by variation for which Mr. Darwin contends? Would not the obvious

inference be that Nature had done so, if it were not fancied that

such an origin of species was still more repugnant to the Book of

Genesis than even a limitation of the area covered by the Flood? But

the Darwinian theory, happily for itself, is not dependent upon any

supposition so incredible as one which would warrant us in expecting

among the descendants, for example, of William the Conqueror, people

as little like one another as John Bull and John Chinaman, Uncle Sambo

and the last of the Mohicans. There are circumstances of immense

weight to convince us that certain marked divisions of mankind

originated in the regions which they are now occupying. There are

other circumstances preponderating for the common origin of mankind.

Darwinism has at length shown how these phenomena can be reconciled, by

simply connecting the history of man with that vast duration of life

upon the globe which geological science has unveiled. The likenesses

among races of men demand a common parentage for all those races; the

unlikenesses can only be accounted for on the view of an isolation

immensely protracted of one race from another. Thus the primary origin

is common to all; the secondary origin is peculiar to each: but now

that the primary origin has been proved to be so vastly more remote

than was once supposed, the secondary origin recedes of itself into a

far distant past, to give time for differences to arise and develope,

since, if the actually existing unlikenesses were only skin-deep,

instead of affecting, as they do, the bones of the skeleton and the

whole fibre of the mind, they would still be too great to admit a

common derivation of the whole human family from the patriarch Noah.

What Geology teaches to demonstration is, that all parts of the dry

land have been not once only but many times under the waters of the

ocean; but it teaches likewise to demonstration that at least for many

and many an age, almost beyond our powers of conceiving duration of

time, there has been no total submergence of the land. That interchange

of lake and sea with isle and continent which is now going on under our

eyes, has been going on for ages innumerable. By this and kindred means

human beings, like all kinds of animals and all kinds of plants, have

at intervals experienced severance into groups and isolation. Thus has

mankind been broken up into distinct families, at first with no line

of demarcation except the geographical, but gradually in successive

generations becoming more and more unlike in manners, morals, language,

features, intelligence, and civilization. But since the era of the

Noachian Deluge neither has there been time for Nature, with her slow

though certain processes, to effect so great a reconstruction of

barriers as to break up the human family, if till then continuous and

united; nor, if there had been time for the geographical severance,

would there have been time for the constitutional changes.

Among the ancients some believed that the sun, moon, and stars were in

reality about the size which they appear to the unassisted eyesight;

others supposed the vault of the sky to be a revolving dome of solid

crystal pierced with little holes through which men saw in starry

shapes the fire of the ethereal region beyond it. Persons with such

ideas of space and physical science might not readily have accepted on

the moment the Copernican system of astronomy. In the same way persons

with a narrow and limited view of the duration of time may find a

difficulty in receiving arguments based on or implying the enormous

extent of it, which all sciences are now combining to demonstrate.

But this mental incapacity, the result of false education and early

prejudice, may be defied to resist any real investigation of the facts

or study of what has been written upon them. Let any man of mature mind

and average intellect read through Sir John Lubbock’s ‘Prehistoric

Times,’ Mr. Darwin’s ‘Origin of Species,’ and Sir Charles Lyell’s

‘Principles of Geology,’ and retain if he can the opinion that our

globe was first peopled about 6000 years ago, and subsequently all

but depopulated by an universal Flood. Let him see, indeed, whether

he can read Sir Charles Lyell’s account of the progress of opinion

and controversy on these subjects and refrain from blushing. He

will recognize in that account a turmoil and clamour of fools and

philosophers, of laymen and divines. He will have to set to the credit

of intelligent humanity and enlightened Christendom a long tissue of

pious frauds, jesuitical defences, arguments based on imaginary facts,

and facts perverted by imagination, till he comes down to the present

time and finds a great multitude of all classes at length agreed in

affirming that life has endured on the globe with unbroken continuity

through a past as yet unfathomable. His own mind, he will perceive,

has actually reached maturity without having admitted the voice of

this multitude, although, to apply almost literally the words of his

great Master, ‘If these should hold their peace, the stones would cry

out[23].’

The world and its wonders are of no mushroom growth, although even

the mushroom, which is commonly supposed to spring up in a single

night, requires a much longer period, often many weeks, for its

production[24]. The Book of Genesis itself most clearly warns any

careful reader against attempting to build a chronology upon the brief

memoranda of names and dates which for other reasons are inserted in

it. For, taking them simply as they stand, Shem, the son of Noah,

is represented as long surviving the birth of Isaac, while Abraham,

the father of Isaac, appears as the contemporary of a vast number of

different and strange tribes and nations--Egyptians, Philistines,

Canaanites, Syrians, and many more, besides the Chaldeans from among

whom he came. To find a parallel to all this, we should imagine our

own Edward III, instead of dying in 1377 as he did, living on and

on to the present day, a forgotten old man, not noticed in the page

of history throughout 500 eventful years, during which the whole of

Europe was becoming peopled with descendants of himself and his

father, men speaking languages mutually unintelligible, holding creeds

mutually abhorrent, with strange diversities in dress, manners and

government, and some prevented by national custom from even eating at

the same table with guests of another neighbouring and kindred tribe.

In vain should we search through history for any actual parallel,

for any instance of developments so extraordinary, and estrangements

so complete, occurring within a space of only 500 years. If all the

nations spoken of as contemporary with Abraham were only 500 years

distant from the Flood, as the Book of Genesis shows them to have

been, we may be certain that they could trace back their lineage,

independently of Noah and his family, far beyond the era of the Deluge.

The monumental evidence of Egyptian chronology carries us back to a

Pharaoh reigning some three or four hundred years before that date[25].

The Book of Genesis introduces us to another Pharaoh reigning some

400 years after it. Are we to set aside the monumental evidence, and

make this later Pharaoh a descendant of Noah, reigning as a powerful

monarch, while Abraham, the rightful heir of a patriarchal monarchy

over all the earth, was nothing but a wandering shepherd? Religion,

morals, civilization, as far as we know anything about them in those

ages, whether we regard their advancement in some quarters or their

decay in others, all protest against having their progress cramped into

those four or five hundred years. They protest against being ascribed

with all their conspicuous diversities to the offspring of one man,

whose son, grandson, great-grandson and great-great-grandson, Shem,

Arphaxad, Salah, and Eber, were actually still living during all these

supposed revolutions[26].

Indeed, if we go back from our 400 to our 4000 years, the protests on

these points are almost equally forcible. In the matter of language,

estimate how many generations must have passed away before the children

of a common parent came to vary in speech as much as Chinese, Russians,

Englishmen, and clucking Hottentots. Form some estimate of the time

required for the rise and growth of civilization, not only in the

old-world centres of Nineveh and Babylon and Egyptian Thebes, but in

the separate and independent centres of Mexico and Peru. Explain,

moreover, what, on the hypothesis of a common Noachian descent, must

be called the rise and growth of barbarism. Show, if it be possible,

how, amidst the rapid strides of civilization, side by side with the

advancement of taste, literature, and science, the descendants of

Noah in some cases degenerated from all culture, sank away from all

morality, lost all religion, forgot all useful arts, even those most

essential to the lowest degree of comfort, the kindling of fire, the

use of metals, the construction of dwellings, while they learned the

habits and acquired something more than the innocent shamelessness of

brutes--learned to prefer the flesh of their own species to any other,

learned to make a duty in some regions of putting their parents to

death, in others, of eating their dead bodies[27]. Such customs we

have on record four centuries before Christ, such customs on record as

existing nineteen centuries after. Will any one attempt to persuade us

that the savages of Andaman and the Feejee Islands are cousins, through

an ancestor no more remote than Noah, of Chatham and Wilberforce, and

Lesseps and Brunel?

Traditions of a Deluge, it is true, are found almost everywhere. The

reason doubtless is that almost everywhere some tremendous calamity of

this description has at one time or another occurred. Inundations on

a small scale are common and frequent, but on a scale great enough to

surprise the imagination and become traditional in the memories of a

people, they would naturally be rare and infrequent in the extreme, so

that the fact of such an experience belonging to the history of so many

different races, is but another proof, or at least another indication,

of the antiquity of man. If stress is to be laid on the points of

similarity between the traditions, as proving that every land has been

ravaged by the waters of a flood, equal stress may in fairness be laid

on the points of difference, as proving that not one common universal

Deluge is spoken of, but many separate and partial floods, distinct in

time, in place, and in results. If stress again is to be laid on the

tradition because it is common to so many tribes, let equal importance

be granted to the traditions of time among the Chaldeans and the

Egyptians, the Chinese and the Hindus, who reckon the years of their

uninterrupted histories by tens of thousands[28].

Finally, we may ask, where are the traces of so tremendous and

unparalleled a convulsion as one that could wrap the whole world in

water, and hold all its dædal beauty for many months in that drowned

condition, till a tempest still more furious and unparalleled drave

heaven and earth, the clouds and ocean, once more asunder? We know

how the little trilobite in the Devonian seas behaved in its hour of

peril millions of years back; we know what food men ate long ages

before the Flood, what weapons they used, what houses they built, what

animals they tamed; but what became of man and beast and bird and

forest in the supposed universal Deluge, no one knows. The signs and

natural monuments of the catastrophe, which should have been visible

or discoverable on every side, can nowhere be ascertained,--things

that the waters should have swept away or torn down they have left

undisturbed, shell-mounds and glacier moraines and boulderstones on the

mountain-side; while the great museum of the dead which they should

have formed, one would think, over all the earth, to constitute one

striking and indisputable geological date, as well as a world-wide

monument of religion, is nowhere to be found.

What became of flower and herb, of creatures that live between the

zones of high and low water, of mollusk and coral and fish that require

an appropriate depth and a fitting temperature in their liquid homes,

it will be useless to speculate, if, after all that has been urged

upon other points, there are some who still think that the description

in Genesis is the description of a Flood that prevailed over all the

world, and intend still to believe in such a Flood, and to teach it

as a part of religious doctrine, notwithstanding any argument or

scientific proof to the contrary. For them we can do no more than

commend to their daily reflection a few lines from the lives of two

famous men:--‘In spite,’ says Dr. Wilson, ‘alike of the science and the

devout religious spirit of Columbus, the Salamanca divines pronounced

the idea of the earth’s spherical form heterodox, and a belief in

antipodes incompatible with the historical traditions of our faith:

since to assert that there were inhabited lands on the opposite side of

the globe would be to maintain that there were nations not descended

from Adam, it being impossible for them to have passed the intervening

ocean. This would therefore be to discredit the Bible, which expressly

declares that all men are descended from one common parent[29].’ And

thus another author describes a well-known incident in the life of

Galileo:--‘Clad in a penitent’s sackcloth, the mighty, self-relying

philosopher and genius fell upon his knees, and, with his hands laid

on the Holy Evangelists, declared that he abjured, detested, and

would never again teach, the doctrine of the sun’s stability and the

earth’s motion. Having confirmed his oath in writing, and promised to

perform the enjoined penance, he rose from his knees a pardoned man;

and turning about to one of his friends, stamped on the ground, and

pronounced in an emphatic whisper, “Eppure si muove[30],”--but still it

_does_ move.’

As the antipodes exist, as the earth goes round the sun, and as the

Bible continues to be true, in spite of the theologians and inquisitors

at Salamanca and at Rome, so will it continue to be true and full

of truth, when at length it shall be acknowledged, as it will be,

that there is nothing universal about the Noachian Deluge except the

disbelief in its universality.

INSTINCT AND REASON.

Essays on Darwinism · 第 3 / 11 段