To this array of feminine virtue and feminine authorship, La

A HAPPY HALF-CENTURY

AND OTHER ESSAYS

A

HAPPY HALF-CENTURY

_AND OTHER ESSAYS_

BY

AGNES REPPLIER, LITT. D.

[Illustration]

BOSTON AND NEW YORK

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

The Riverside Press Cambridge

1908

COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY AGNES REPPLIER

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

_Published September 1908_

TO

J. WILLIAM WHITE

PREFACE

The half-century, whose more familiar aspects this little book is

designed to illustrate, has spread its boundary lines. Nothing is so

hard to deal with as a period. Nothing is so unmanageable as a date.

People will be born a few years too early; they will live a few years

too long. Events will happen out of time. The closely linked decades

refuse to be separated, and my half-century, that I thought so compact,

widened imperceptibly while I wrote.

I have filled my canvas with trivial things, with intimate details,

with what now seem the insignificant aspects of life. But the

insignificant aspects of life concern us mightily while we live; and

it is by their help that we understand the insignificant people who

are sometimes reckoned of importance. A hundred years ago many men and

women were reckoned of importance, at whose claims their successors

to-day smile scornfully. Yet they and their work were woven into the

tissue of things, into the warp and woof of social conditions, into the

literary history of England. An hour is not too precious to waste upon

them, however feeble their pretensions. Perhaps some idle reader in the

future will do as much by us.

A. R.

CONTENTS

A HAPPY HALF-CENTURY 1

THE PERILS OF IMMORTALITY 16

WHEN LALLA ROOKH WAS YOUNG 32

THE CORRESPONDENT 51

THE NOVELIST 73

ON THE SLOPES OF PARNASSUS 94

THE LITERARY LADY 116

THE CHILD 138

THE EDUCATOR 155

THE PIETIST 177

THE ACCURSED ANNUAL 196

OUR ACCOMPLISHED GREAT-GRANDMOTHER 217

THE ALBUM AMICORUM 234

“A Happy Half-Century,” “The Perils of Immortality,” and “The

Correspondent” appeared first in _Harper’s Magazine_, “Our Accomplished

Great-Grandmother” in _Harper’s Bazar_, and “On the Slopes of

Parnassus” in the _Atlantic Monthly_; they are here reprinted by

permission of the publishers of those magazines.

A HAPPY HALF-CENTURY

This damn’d unmasculine canting age!

CHARLES LAMB.

There are few of us who do not occasionally wish we had been born in

other days, in days for which we have some secret affinity, and which

shine for us with a mellow light in the deceitful pages of history.

Mr. Austin Dobson, for example, must have sighed more than once to see

Queen Anne on Queen Victoria’s throne; and the Rt. Hon. Cecil Rhodes

must have realized that the reign of Elizabeth was the reign for him.

There is a great deal lost in being born out of date. What freak of

fortune thrust Galileo into the world three centuries too soon, and

held back Richard Burton’s restless soul until he was three centuries

too late?

For myself, I confess that the last twenty-five years of the eighteenth

century and the first twenty-five years of the nineteenth make up my

chosen period, and that my motive for so choosing is contemptible.

It was not a time distinguished--in England at least--for wit or

wisdom, for public virtues or for private charm; but it _was_ a time

when literary reputations were so cheaply gained that nobody needed

to despair of one. A taste for platitudes, a tinge of Pharisaism, an

appreciation of the commonplace,--and the thing was done. It was in

the latter half of this blissful period that we find that enthusiastic

chronicler, Mrs. Cowley, writing in “Public Characters” of “the proud

preëminence which, in all the varieties of excellence produced by the

pen, the pencil, or the lyre, the ladies of Great Britain have attained

over contemporaries in every other country in Europe.”

When we search for proofs of this proud preëminence, what do we find?

Roughly speaking, the period begins with Miss Burney, and closes

with Miss Terrier and Miss Jane Porter. It includes--besides Miss

Burney--one star of the first magnitude, Miss Austen (whose light never

dazzled Mrs. Cowley’s eyes), and one mild but steadfast planet, Miss

Edgeworth. The rest of Great Britain’s literary ladies were enjoying

a degree of fame and fortune so utterly disproportionate to their

merits that their toiling successors to-day may be pardoned for wishing

themselves part of that happy sisterhood. Think of being able to find a

market for an interminable essay entitled “Against Inconsistency in our

Expectations”! There lingers in all our hearts a desire to utter moral

platitudes, to dwell lingeringly and lovingly upon the obvious; but

alas! we are not Mrs. Barbaulds, and this is not the year 1780. Foolish

and inconsequent we are permitted to be, but tedious, never! And think

of hearing one’s own brother burst into song, that he might fondly

eulogize our

Sacred gifts whose meed is deathless praise,

Whose potent charm the enraptured soul can raise.

There are few things more difficult to conceive than an enthusiastic

brother tunefully entreating his sister to go on enrapturing the world

with her pen. Oh, thrice-favoured Anna Letitia Barbauld, who could warm

even the calm fraternal heart into a glow of sensibility.

The publication of “Evelina” was the first notable event in our happy

half-century. Its freshness and vivacity charmed all London; and Miss

Burney, like Sheridan, had her applause “dashed in her face, sounded

in her ears,” for the rest of a long and meritorious life. Her second

novel, “Cecilia,” was received with such universal transport, that in

a very moral epilogue of a rather immoral play we find it seriously

commended to the public as an antidote to vice:--

Let sweet Cecilia gain your just applause,

Whose every passion yields to nature’s laws.

Miss Burney, blushing in the royal box, had the satisfaction of hearing

this stately advertisement of her wares. Virtue was not left to be its

own reward in those fruitful and generous years.

Indeed, the most comfortable characteristic of the period, and the one

which incites our deepest envy, is the universal willingness to accept

a good purpose as a substitute for good work. Even Madame d’Arblay,

shrewd, caustic, and quick-witted, forbears from unkind criticism of

the well-intentioned. She has nothing but praise for Mrs. Barbauld’s

poems, because of “the piety and worth they exhibit”; and she rises to

absolute enthusiasm over the anti-slavery epistle, declaring that its

energy “springs from the real spirit of virtue.” Yet to us the picture

of the depraved and luxurious West Indian ladies--about whom it is

safe to say good Mrs. Barbauld knew very little--seems one of the most

unconsciously humorous things in English verse.

Lo! where reclined, pale Beauty courts the breeze,

Diffused on sofas of voluptuous ease.

* * * * *

With languid tones imperious mandates urge,

With arm recumbent wield the household scourge.

There are moments when Mrs. Barbauld soars to the inimitable, when

she reaches the highest and happiest effect that absurdity is able to

produce.

With arm recumbent wield the household scourge

is one of these inspirations; and another is this pregnant sentence,

which occurs in a chapter of advice to young girls: “An ass is much

better adapted than a horse to show off a lady.”

To point to Hannah More as a brilliant and bewildering example of

sustained success is to give the most convincing proof that it was a

good thing to be born in the year 1745. Miss More’s reputation was

already established at the dawning of my cherished half-century, and,

for the whole fifty years, her life was a series of social, literary,

and religious triumphs. In her youth, she was mistaken for a wit. In

her old age, she was revered as a saint. In her youth, Garrick called

her “Nine,”--gracefully intimating that she embodied the attributes of

all the Muses. In her old age, an acquaintance wrote to her: “You who

are secure of the approbation of angels may well hold human applause

to be of small consequence.” In her youth, she wrote a play that

everybody went to see. In her old age, she wrote tracts that everybody

bought and distributed. Prelates composed Latin verses in her honour;

and when her “Estimate of the Religion of the Fashionable World” was

published anonymously, the Bishop of London exclaimed in a kind of

pious transport, “Aut Morus, aut Angelus!” Her tragedy, “Percy,” melted

the heart of London. Men “shed tears in abundance,” and women were

“choked with emotion” over the “affecting circumstances of the Piece.”

Sir William Pepys confessed that “Percy” “broke his heart”; and that he

thought it “a kind of profanation” to wipe his eyes, and go from the

theatre to Lady Harcourt’s assembly. Four thousand copies of the play

were sold in a fortnight; and the Duke of Northumberland sent a special

messenger to Miss More to thank her for the honour she had done his

historic name.

As a novelist, Hannah was equally successful. Twenty thousand copies of

“Cœlebs in Search of a Wife” were sold in England, and thirty thousand

in America. “The Americans are a very approving people,” acknowledged

the gratified authoress. In Iceland “Cœlebs” was read--so Miss More

says--“with great apparent profit”; while certain very popular tracts,

like “Charles the Footman” and “The Shepherd of Salisbury Plain,”

made their edifying way to Moscow, and were found by the missionary

Gericke in the library of the Rajah of Tanjore. “All this and Heaven,

too!” as a reward for being born in 1745. The injustice of the thing

stings us to the soul. Yet it was the unhesitating assumption of

Heaven’s co-partnership which gave to Hannah More the best part of

her earthly prestige, and made her verdicts a little like Protestant

Bulls. When she objected to “Marmion” and “The Lady of the Lake” for

their lack of “practical precept,” these sinless poems were withdrawn

from Evangelical book-shelves. Her biographer, Mr. Thompson, thought

it necessary to apologize for her correspondence with that agreeable

worldling, Horace Walpole, and to assure us that “the fascinations of

Walpole’s false wit must have retired before the bright ascendant of

her pure and prevailing superiority.” As she waxed old, and affluent,

and disputatious, it was deemed well to encourage a timid public with

the reminder that her genius, though “great and commanding,” was

still “lovely and kind.” And when she died, it was recorded that “a

cultivated taste for moral scenery was one of her distinctions”;--as

though Nature herself attended a class of ethics before venturing to

allure too freely the mistress of Barley Wood.

It is in the contemplation of such sunlight mediocrity that the

hardship of being born too late is felt with crushing force. Why

cannot we write “Letters on the Improvement of the Mind,” and be held,

like Mrs. Chapone, to be an authority on education all the rest of

our lives; and have people entreating us, as they entreated her, to

undertake, at any cost, the intellectual guidance of their daughters?

When we consider all that a modern educator is expected to know--from

bird-calls to metric measures--we sigh over the days which demanded

nothing more difficult than the polite expression of truisms.

“Our feelings are not given us for our ornament, but to spur us on to

right action. Compassion, for instance, is not impressed upon the human

heart, only to adorn the fair face with tears, and to give an agreeable

languor to the eyes. It is designed to excite our utmost endeavour to

relieve the sufferer.”

Was it really worth while to say this even in 1775? Is it possible

that young ladies were then in danger of thinking that the office

of compassion was to “adorn a face with tears”? and did they try to

be sorry for the poor and sick, only that their bright eyes might

be softened into languor? Yet we know that Mrs. Chapone’s little

volume was held to have rendered signal service to society. It has

the honour to be one of the books which Miss Lydia Languish lays out

ostentatiously on her table--in company with Fordyce’s sermons--when

she anticipates a visit from Mrs. Malaprop and Sir Anthony. Some

halting verses of the period exalt it as the beacon light of youth;

and Mrs. Delany, writing to her six-year-old niece, counsels the

little girl to read the “Letters” once a year until she is grown up.

“They speak to the heart as well as to the head,” she assures the poor

infant; “and I know no book (next to the Bible) more entertaining and

edifying.”

Mrs. Montagu gave dinners. The real and very solid foundation of _her_

reputation was the admirable manner in which she fed her lions. A

mysterious halo of intellectuality surrounded this excellent hostess.

“The female Mæcenas of Hill Street,” Hannah More elegantly termed her,

adding,--to prove that she herself was not unduly influenced by gross

food and drink,--“But what are baubles, when speaking of a Montagu!”

Dr. Johnson praised her conversation,--especially when he wanted to

tease jealous Mrs. Thrale,--but sternly discountenanced her attempts

at authorship. When Sir Joshua Reynolds observed that the “Essay on

the Writings and Genius of Shakespeare” did its authoress honour, Dr.

Johnson retorted contemptuously: “It does _her_ honour, but it would do

honour to nobody else,”--which strikes me as a singularly unpleasant

thing to hear said about one’s literary masterpiece. Like the fabled

Caliph who stood by the Sultan’s throne, translating the flowers of

Persian speech into comprehensible and unflattering truths, so Dr.

Johnson stands undeceived in this pleasant half-century of pretence,

translating its ornate nonsense into language we can too readily

understand.

But how comfortable and how comforting the pretence must have been,

and how kindly tolerant all the pretenders were to one another! If,

in those happy days, you wrote an essay on “The Harmony of Numbers

and Versification,” you unhesitatingly asked your friends to come and

have it read aloud to them; and your friends--instead of leaving town

next day--came, and listened, and called it a “Miltonic evening.” If,

like Mrs. Montagu, you had a taste for letter-writing, you filled up

innumerable sheets with such breathless egotisms as this:--

“I come, a happy guest, to the general feast Nature spreads for all her

children, my spirits dance in the sunbeams, or take a sweet repose in

the shade. I rejoice in the grand chorus of the day, and feel content

in the silent serene of night, while I listen to the morning hymn of

the whole animal creation, I recollect how beautiful it is, sum’d up in

the works of our great poet, Milton, every rivulet murmurs in poetical

cadence, and to the melody of the nightingale I add the harmonious

verses she has inspired in many languages.”

So highly were these rhapsodies appreciated, and so far were

correspondents from demanding either coherence or punctuation, that

four volumes of Mrs. Montagu’s letters were published after her death;

and we find Miss More praising Mrs. Boscawen because she approached

this standard of excellence: “Mrs. Palk tells me her letters are

hardly inferior to Mrs. Montagu’s.”

Those were the days to live in, and sensible people made haste to be

born in time. The close of the eighteenth century saw quiet country

families tearing the freshly published “Mysteries of Udolpho” into

a dozen parts, because no one could wait his turn to read the book.

All England held its breath while Emily explored the haunted chambers

of her prison-house. The beginning of the nineteenth century found

Mrs. Opie enthroned as a peerless novel-writer, and the “Edinburgh

Review” praising “Adeline Mowbray, or Mother and Daughter,” as the most

pathetic story in the English language. Indeed, one sensitive gentleman

wrote to its authoress that he had lain awake all night, bathed in

tears, after reading it. About this time, too, we begin to hear “the

mellow tones of Felicia Hemans,” whom Christopher North reverently

admired; and who, we are assured, found her way to all hearts that

were open to “the holy sympathies of religion and virtue.” Murray’s

heart was so open that he paid two hundred guineas for the “Vespers of

Palermo”; and Miss Edgeworth considered that the “Siege of Valencia”

contained the most beautiful poetry she had read for years. Finally

Miss Jane Porter looms darkly on the horizon, with novels five volumes

long. All the Porters worked on a heroic scale. Anna Maria’s stories

were more interminable than Jane’s; and their brother Robert painted

on a single canvas, “The Storming of Seringapatam,” seven hundred

life-sized figures.

“Thaddeus of Warsaw” and “The Scottish Chiefs” were books familiar

to our infancy. They stretched vastly and vaguely over many tender

years,--stories after the order of Melchisedec, without beginning and

without end. But when our grandmothers were young, and my chosen period

had still years to run, they were read on two continents, and in many

tongues. The King of Würtemberg was so pleased with “Thaddeus” that

he made Miss Porter a “lady of the Chapter of St. Joachim,”--which

sounds both imposing and mysterious. The badge of the order was a gold

cross; and this unusual decoration, coupled with the lady’s habit

of draping herself in flowing veils like one of Mrs. Radcliffe’s

heroines, so confused an honest British public that it was deemed

necessary to explain to agitated Protestants that Miss Porter had no

Popish proclivities, and must not be mistaken for a nun. In our own

country her novels were exceedingly popular, and her American admirers

sent her a rose-wood armchair in token of appreciation and esteem.

It is possible she would have preferred a royalty on her books; but

the armchair was graciously accepted, and a pen-and-ink sketch in an

album of celebrities represents Miss Porter seated majestically on its

cushions, “in the quiet and ladylike occupation of taking a cup of

coffee.”

And so my happy half-century draws to its appointed end. A new era,

cold, critical, contentious, deprecated the old genial absurdities,

chilled the old sentimental outpourings, questioned the old profitable

pietism. Unfortunates, born a hundred years too late, look back with

wistful eyes upon the golden age which they feel themselves qualified

to adorn.

THE PERILS OF IMMORTALITY

Peu de génie, point de grâce.

There is no harder fate than to be immortalized as a fool; to have

one’s name--which merits nothing sterner than obliteration--handed

down to generations as an example of silliness, or stupidity, or

presumption; to be enshrined pitilessly in the amber of the “Dunciad”;

to be laughed at forever because of Charles Lamb’s impatient and

inextinguishable raillery. When an industrious young authoress named

Elizabeth Ogilvy Benger--a model of painstaking insignificance--invited

Charles and Mary Lamb to drink tea with her one cold December night,

she little dreamed she was achieving a deathless and unenviable fame;

and that, when her half dozen books should have lapsed into comfortable

oblivion, she herself should never be fortunate enough to be forgotten.

It is a cruel chance which crystallizes the folly of an hour, and makes

it outlive our most serious endeavours. Perhaps we should do well to

consider this painful possibility before hazarding an acquaintance

with the Immortals.

Miss Benger did more than hazard. She pursued the Immortals with

insensate zeal. She bribed Mrs. Inchbald’s servant-maid into lending

her cap, and apron, and tea-tray; and, so equipped, penetrated into

the inmost sanctuary of that literary lady, who seems to have taken

the intrusion in good part. She was equally adroit in seducing Mary

Lamb--as the Serpent seduced Eve--when Charles Lamb was the ultimate

object of her designs. Coming home to dinner one day, “hungry as a

hunter,” he found to his dismay the two women closeted together, and

trusted he was in time to prevent their exchanging vows of eternal

friendship, though not--as he discovered later--in time to save himself

from an engagement to drink tea with the stranger (“I had never seen

her before, and could not tell who the devil it was that was so

familiar”), the following night.

What happened is told in a letter to Coleridge; one of the best-known

and one of the longest letters Lamb ever wrote,--he is so brimful of

his grievance. Miss Benger’s lodgings were up two flights of stairs in

East Street. She entertained her guests with tea, coffee, macaroons,

and “much love.” She talked to them, or rather _at_ them, upon purely

literary topics,--as, for example, Miss Hannah More’s “Strictures on

Female Education,” which they had never read. She addressed Mary Lamb

in French,--“possibly having heard that neither Mary nor I understood

French,”--and she favoured them with Miss Seward’s opinion of Pope. She

asked Lamb, who was growing more miserable every minute, if he agreed

with D’Israeli as to the influence of organism upon intellect; and

when he tried to parry the question with a pun upon organ--“which went

off very flat”--she despised him for his feeble flippancy. She advised

Mary to carry home two translations of “Pizarro,” so that she might

compare them _verbatim_ (an offer hastily declined), and she made them

both promise to return the following week--which they never did--to

meet Miss Jane Porter and her sister, “who, it seems, have heard much

of Mr. Coleridge, and wish to meet _us_ because we are _his_ friends.”

It is a _comédie larmoyante_. We sympathize hotly with Lamb when we

read his letter; but there is something piteous in the thought of the

poor little hostess going complacently to bed that night, and never

realizing that she had made her one unhappy flight to fame.

There were people, strange as it may seem, who liked Miss Benger’s

evenings. Miss Aikin assures us that “her circle of acquaintances

extended with her reputation, and with the knowledge of her excellent

qualities, and she was often enabled to assemble as guests at her

humble tea-table names whose celebrity would have insured attention

in the proudest salons of the metropolis.” Crabb Robinson, who was

a frequent visitor, used to encounter large parties of sentimental

ladies; among them, Miss Porter, Miss Landon, and the “eccentric but

amiable” Miss Wesley,--John Wesley’s niece,--who prided herself upon

being broad-minded enough to have friends of varying religions, and

who, having written two unread novels, remarked complacently to Miss

Edgeworth: “We sisters of the quill ought to know one another.”

The formidable Lady de Crespigny of Campion Lodge was also Miss

Benger’s condescending friend and patroness, and this august

matron--of insipid mind and imperious temper--was held to sanctify

in some mysterious manner all whom she honoured with her notice. The

praises lavished upon Lady de Crespigny by her contemporaries would

have made Hypatia blush, and Sappho hang her head. Like Mrs. Jarley,

she was the delight of the nobility and gentry. She corresponded, so we

are told, with the _literati_ of England; she published, like a British

Cornelia, her letters of counsel to her son; she was “courted by the

gay and admired by the clever”; and she mingled at Campion Lodge “the

festivity of fashionable parties with the pleasures of intellectual

society, and the comforts of domestic peace.”

To this array of feminine virtue and feminine authorship, Lamb was

singularly unresponsive. He was not one of the _literati_ honoured

by Lady de Crespigny’s correspondence. He eluded the society of Miss

Porter, though she was held to be handsome,--for a novelist. (“The only

literary lady I ever knew,” writes Miss Mitford, “who didn’t look like

a scarecrow to keep birds from cherries.”) He said unkindly of Miss

Landon that, if she belonged to him, he would lock her up and feed her

on bread and water until she left off writing poetry. And for Miss

Wesley he entertained a cordial animosity, only one degree less lively

than his sentiments towards Miss Benger. Miss Wesley had a lamentable

habit of sending her effusions to be read by reluctant men of letters.

She asked Lamb for Coleridge’s address, which he, to divert the evil

from his own head, cheerfully gave. Coleridge, very angry, reproached

his friend for this disloyal baseness; but Lamb, with the desperate

instinct of self-preservation, refused all promise of amendment. “You

encouraged that mopsey, Miss Wesley, to dance after you,” he wrote

tartly, “in the hope of having her nonsense put into a nonsensical

Anthology. We have pretty well shaken her off by that simple expedient

of referring her to you; but there are more burs in the wind.”... “Of

all God’s creatures,” he cries again, in an excess of ill-humour, “I

detest letters-affecting, authors-hunting ladies.” Alas for Miss Benger

when she hunted hard, and the quarry turned at bay!

An atmosphere of inexpressible dreariness hangs over the little coterie

of respectable, unilluminated writers, who, to use Lamb’s priceless

phrase, encouraged one another in mediocrity. A vapid propriety, a

mawkish sensibility were their substitutes for real distinction of

character or mind. They read Mary Wollstonecraft’s books, but would

not know the author; and when, years later, Mrs. Gaskell presented

the widowed Mrs. Shelley to Miss Lucy Aikin, that outraged spinster

turned her back upon the erring one, to the profound embarrassment

of her hostess. Of Mrs. Inchbald, we read in “Public Characters” for

1811: “Her moral qualities constitute her principal excellence; and

though useful talents and personal accomplishments, of themselves, form

materials for an agreeable picture, moral character gives the polish

which fascinates the heart.” The conception of goodness then in vogue

is pleasingly illustrated by a passage from one of Miss Elizabeth

Hamilton’s books, which Miss Benger in her biography of that lady (now

lost to fame) quotes appreciatively:--

“It was past twelve o’clock. Already had the active and judicious

Harriet performed every domestic task; and, having completely regulated

the family economy for the day, was quietly seated at work with her

aunt and sister, listening to Hume’s ‘History of England,’ as it was

read to her by some orphan girl whom she had herself instructed.”

So truly ladylike had the feminine mind grown by this time, that the

very language it used was refined to the point of ambiguity. Mrs.

Barbauld writes genteelly of the behaviour of young girls “to the

other half of their species,” as though she could not bear to say,

simply and coarsely, men. So full of content were the little circles

who listened to the “elegant lyric poetess,” Mrs. Hemans, or to “the

female Shakespeare of her age,” Miss Joanna Baillie (we owe both these

phrases to the poet Campbell), that when Crabb Robinson was asked by

Miss Wakefield whether he would like to know Mrs. Barbauld, he cried

enthusiastically: “You might as well ask me whether I should like to

know the Angel Gabriel!”

In the midst of these sentimentalities and raptures, we catch now

and then forlorn glimpses of the Immortals,--of Wordsworth at a

literary entertainment in the house of Mr. Hoare of Hampstead, sitting

mute and miserable all evening in a corner,--which, as Miss Aikin

truly remarked, was “disappointing and provoking;” of Lamb carried

by the indefatigable Crabb Robinson to call on Mrs. Barbauld. This

visit appears to have been a distinct failure. Lamb’s one recorded

observation was that Gilbert Wakefield had a peevish face,--an awkward

remark, as Wakefield’s daughter sat close at hand and listening.

“Lamb,” writes Mr. Robinson, “was vexed, but got out of the scrape

tolerably well,”--having had, indeed, plenty of former experiences to

help him on the way.

There is a delightful passage in Miss Jane Porter’s diary which

describes at length an evening spent at the house of Mrs. Fenwick, “the

amiable authoress of ‘Secrecy.’” (Everybody was the amiable authoress

of something. It was a day, like our own, given over to the worship of

ink.) The company consisted of Miss Porter and her sister Maria, Miss

Benger and her brother, the poet Campbell, and his nephew, a young

man barely twenty years of age. The lion of the little party was of

course the poet, who endeared himself to Mrs. Fenwick’s heart by his

attentions to her son, “a beautiful boy of six.”

“This child’s innocence and caresses,” writes Miss Porter gushingly,

“seemed to unbend the lovely feelings of Campbell’s heart. Every

restraint but those which the guardian angels of tender infancy

acknowledge was thrown aside. I never saw Man in a more interesting

point of view. I felt how much I esteemed the author of the ‘Pleasures

of Hope.’ When we returned home, we walked. It was a charming summer

night. The moon shone brightly. Maria leaned on Campbell’s arm. I did

the same by Benger’s. Campbell made some observations on _pedantic_

women. I did not like it, being anxious for the respect of this man.

I was jealous about how nearly he might think _we_ resembled that

character. When the Bengers parted from us, Campbell observed my

abstraction, and with sincerity I confessed the cause. I know not what

were his replies; but they were so gratifying, so endearing, so marked

with truth, that when we arrived at the door, and he shook us by the

hand, as a sign of adieu immediately prior to his next day’s journey to

Scotland, we parted with evident marks of being all in tears.”

It is rather disappointing, after this outburst of emotion, to find

Campbell, in a letter to his sister, describing Miss Porter in language

of chilling moderation: “Among the company was Miss Jane Porter, whose

talents my _nephew_ adores. She is a pleasing woman, and made quite a

conquest of him.”

Miss Benger was only one of the many aspirants to literary honours

whose futile endeavours vexed and affronted Charles Lamb. In reality

she burdened him far less than others who, like Miss Betham and Miss

Stoddart, succeeded in sending him their verses for criticism, or who

begged him to forward the effusions to Southey,--an office he gladly

fulfilled. Perhaps Miss Benger’s vivacity jarred upon his taste. He was

fastidious about the gayety of women. Madame de Staël considered her

one of the most interesting persons she had met in England; but the

approval of this “impudent clever” Frenchwoman would have been the

least possible recommendation to Lamb. If he had known how hard had

been Miss Benger’s struggles, and how scanty her rewards, he might have

forgiven her that sad perversity which kept her toiling in the field

of letters. She had had the misfortune to be a precocious child, and

had written at the age of thirteen a poem called “The Female Geniad,”

which was dedicated to Lady de Crespigny, and published under the

patronage of that honoured dame. Youthful prodigies were then much in

favour. Miss Mitford comments very sensibly upon them, being filled

with pity for one Mary Anne Browne, “a fine tall girl of fourteen, and

a full-fledged authoress,” who was extravagantly courted and caressed

one season, and cruelly ignored the next. The “Female Geniad” sealed

Miss Benger’s fate. When one has written a poem at thirteen, and that

poem has been printed and praised, there is nothing for it but to keep

on writing until Death mercifully removes the obligation.

It is needless to say that the drama--which then, as now, was the

goal of every author’s ambition--first fired Miss Benger’s zeal. When

we think of Miss Hannah More as a successful playwright, it is hard to

understand how any one could fail; yet fail Miss Benger did, although

we are assured by her biographer that “her genius appeared in many ways

well adapted to the stage.” She next wrote a mercilessly long poem upon

the abolition of the slave-trade (which was read only by anti-slavery

agitators), and two novels,--“Marian,” and “Valsinore: or, the Heart

and the Fancy.” Of these we are told that “their excellences were such

as genius only can reach”; and if they also missed their mark, it must

have been because--as Miss Aikin delicately insinuates--“no judicious

reader could fail to perceive that the artist was superior to the

work.” This is always unfortunate. It is the work, and not the artist,

which is offered for sale in the market-place. Miss Benger’s work is

not much worse than a great deal which did sell, and she possessed

at least the grace of an unflinching and courageous perseverance.

Deliberately, and without aptitude or training, she began to write

history, and in this most difficult of all fields won for herself a

hearing. Her “Life of Anne Boleyn,” and her “Memoirs of Mary, Queen

of Scots,” were read in many an English schoolroom; their propriety

and Protestantism making them acceptable to the anxious parental mind.

A single sentence from “Anne Boleyn” will suffice to show the ease

of Miss Benger’s mental attitude, and the comfortable nature of her

views:--

“It would be ungrateful to forget that the mother of Queen Elizabeth

was the early and zealous advocate of the Reformation, and that, by

her efforts to dispel the gloom of ignorance and superstition, she

conferred on the English people a benefit of which, in the present

advanced state of knowledge and civilization, it would be difficult to

conceive or to appreciate the real value and importance.”

The “active and judicious Harriet” would have listened to this with as

much complacence as to Hume.

In “La Belle Assemblée” for April, 1823, there is an engraving

of Miss Smirke’s portrait of Miss Benger. She is painted in an

imposing turban, with tight little curls, and an air of formidable

sprightliness. It was this sprightliness which was so much admired.

“Wound up by a cup of coffee,” she would talk for hours, and her

friends really seem to have liked it. “Her lively imagination,”

writes Miss Aikin, “and the flow of eloquence it inspired, aided by

one of the most melodious of voices, lent an inexpressible charm to

her conversation, which was heightened by an intuitive discernment of

character, rare in itself, and still more so in combination with such

fertility of fancy and ardency of feeling.”

This leaves little to be desired. It is not at all like the Miss

Benger of Lamb’s letter, with her vapid pretensions and her stupid

insolence. Unhappily, we see through Lamb’s eyes, and we cannot see

through Miss Aikin’s. Of one thing only I feel sure. Had Miss Benger,

instead of airing her trivial acquirements, told Lamb that when she was

a little girl, bookless and penniless, at Chatham, she used to read

the open volumes in the booksellers’ windows, and go back again and

again, hoping that the leaves might be turned, she would have touched

a responsive chord in his heart. Who does not remember his exquisite

sympathy for “street-readers,” and his unlikely story of Martin B----,

who “got through two volumes of ‘Clarissa,’” in this desultory fashion.

Had he but known of the shabby, eager child, staring wistfully at the

coveted books, he would never have written the most amusing of his

letters, and Miss Benger’s name would be to-day unknown.

WHEN LALLA ROOKH WAS YOUNG

And give you, mixed with western sentimentalism,

Some glimpses of the finest orientalism.

“Stick to the East,” wrote Byron to Moore, in 1813. “The oracle, Staël,

told me it was the only poetic policy. The North, South, and West have

all been exhausted; but from the East we have nothing but Southey’s

unsaleables, and these he has contrived to spoil by adopting only their

most outrageous fictions. His personages don’t interest us, and yours

will. You will have no competitors; and, if you had, you ought to be

glad of it. The little I have done in that way is merely a ‘voice in

the wilderness’ for you; and if it has had any success, that also will

prove that the public are orientalizing, and pave the way for you.”

There is something admirably business-like in this advice. Byron, who

four months before had sold the “Giaour” and the “Bride of Abydos” to

Murray for a thousand guineas, was beginning to realize the commercial

value of poetry; and, like a true man of affairs, knew what it meant

to corner a poetic market. He was generous enough to give Moore the

tip, and to hold out a helping hand as well; for he sent him six

volumes of Castellan’s “Mœurs des Ottomans,” and three volumes of

Toderini’s “De la Littérature des Turcs.” The orientalism afforded by

text-books was the kind that England loved.

From the publication of “Lalla Rookh” in 1817 to the publication of

Thackeray’s “Our Street” in 1847, Byron’s far-sighted policy continued

to bear golden fruit. For thirty years Caliphs and Deevs, Brahmins

and Circassians, rioted through English verse; mosques and seraglios

were the stage properties of English fiction; the bowers of Rochnabed,

the Lake of Cashmere, became as familiar as Richmond and the Thames

to English readers. Some feeble washings of this great tidal wave

crossed the estranging sea, to tint the pages of the New York “Mirror,”

and kindred journals in the United States. Harems and slave-markets,

with beautiful Georgians and sad, slender Arab girls, thrilled our

grandmothers’ kind hearts. Tales of Moorish Lochinvars, who snatch

away the fair daughters--or perhaps the fair wives--of powerful rajahs,

captivated their imaginations. Gazelles trot like poodles through these

stories, and lend colour to their robust Saxon atmosphere. In one, a

neglected “favourite” wins back her lord’s affection by the help of a

slave-girl’s amulet; and the inconstant Moslem, entering the harem,

exclaims, “Beshrew me that I ever thought another fair!”--which sounds

like a penitent Tudor.

A Persian’s Heaven is easily made,

’Tis but black eyes and lemonade;

and our oriental literature was compounded of the same simple

ingredients. When the New York “Mirror,” under the guidance of the

versatile Mr. Willis, tried to be impassioned and sensuous, it dropped

into such wanton lines as these to a “Sultana”:--

She came,--soft leaning on her favourite’s arm,

She came, warm panting from the sultry hours,

To rove mid fragrant shades of orange bowers,

A veil light shadowing each voluptuous charm.

And for this must Lord Byron stand responsible.

The happy experiment of grafting Turkish roses upon English boxwood

led up to some curious complications, not the least of which was the

necessity of stiffening the moral fibre of the Orient--which was

esteemed to be but lax--until it could bear itself in seemly fashion

before English eyes. The England of 1817 was not, like the England of

1908, prepared to give critical attention to the decadent. It presented

a solid front of denial to habits and ideas which had not received the

sanction of British custom; which had not, through national adoption,

become part of the established order of the universe. The line of

demarcation between Providence and the constitution was lightly drawn.

Jeffrey, a self-constituted arbiter of tastes and morals, assured

his nervous countrymen that, although Moore’s verse was glowing, his

principles were sound.

“The characters and sentiments of ‘Lalla Rookh’ belong to the poetry

of rational, honourable, considerate, and humane Europe; and not to

the childishness, cruelty, and profligacy of Asia. So far as we have

yet seen, there is no sound sense, firmness of purpose, or principled

goodness, except among the natives of Europe and their genuine

descendants.”

Starting with this magnificent assumption, it became a delicate and a

difficult task to unite the customs of the East with the “principled

goodness” of the West; the “sound sense” of the Briton with the fervour

and fanaticism of the Turk. Jeffrey held that Moore had effected this

alliance in the most tactful manner, and had thereby “redeemed the

character of oriental poetry”; just as Mr. Thomas Haynes Bayly, ten

years later, “reclaimed festive song from vulgarity.” More carping

critics, however, worried their readers a good deal on this point; and

the nonconformist conscience cherished uneasy doubts as to Hafed’s

irregular courtship and Nourmahal’s marriage lines. From across the sea

came the accusing voice of young Mr. Channing in the “North American,”

proclaiming that “harlotry has found in Moore a bard to smooth her

coarseness and veil her effrontery, to give her languor for modesty,

and affectation for virtue.” The English “Monthly Review,” less open

to alarm, confessed with a sigh “a depressing regret that, with the

exception of ‘Paradise and the Peri,’ no great moral effect is either

attained or attempted by ‘Lalla Rookh.’ To what purpose all this

sweetness and delicacy of thought and language, all this labour and

profusion of Oriental learning? What head is set right in one erroneous

notion, what heart is softened in one obdurate feeling, by this

luxurious quarto?”

It is a lamentable truth that Anacreon exhibits none of Dante’s

spiritual depth, and that la reine Margot fell short of Queen

Victoria’s fireside qualities. Nothing could make a moralist of Moore.

The light-hearted creature was a model of kindness, of courage, of

conjugal fidelity; but--reversing the common rule of life--he preached

none of the virtues that he practised. His pathetic attempts to adjust

his tales to the established conventions of society failed signally

of their purpose. Even Byron wrote him that little Allegra (as yet

unfamiliar with her alphabet) should not be permitted to read “Lalla

Rookh”; partly because it wasn’t proper, and partly--which was prettily

said--lest she should discover “that there was a better poet than

Papa.” It was reserved for Moore’s followers to present their verses

and stories in the chastened form acceptable to English drawing-rooms,

and permitted to English youth. “La Belle Assemblée” published in

1819 an Eastern tale called “Jahia and Meimoune,” in which the lovers

converse like the virtuous characters in “Camilla.” Jahia becomes the

guest of an infamous sheik, who intoxicates him with a sherbet composed

of “sugar, musk, and amber,” and presents him with five thousand

sequins and a beautiful Circassian slave. When he is left alone with

this damsel, she addresses him thus: “I feel interested in you, and

present circumstances will save me from the charge of immodesty, when

I say that I also love you. This love inspires me with fresh horror at

the crimes that are here committed.”

Jahia protests that he respectfully returns her passion, and that his

intentions are of an honourable character, whereupon the circumspect

maiden rejoins: “Since such are your sentiments, I will perish with you

if I fail in delivering you”; and conducts him, through a tangle of

adventures, to safety. Jahia then places Meimoune under the chaperonage

of his mother until their wedding day; after which we are happy to

know that “they passed their lives in the enjoyment of every comfort

attending on domestic felicity. If their lot was not splendid or

magnificent, they were rich in mutual affection; and they experienced

that fortunate medium which, far removed from indigence, aspires not to

the accumulation of immense wealth, and laughs at the unenvied load of

pomp and splendour, which it neither seeks, nor desires to obtain.”

It is to be hoped that many obdurate hearts were softened, and many

erroneous notions were set right by the influence of a story like

this. In the “Monthly Museum” an endless narrative poem, “Abdallah,”

stretched its slow length along from number to number, blooming with

fresh moral sentiments on every page; while from an arid wilderness of

Moorish love songs, and Persian love songs, and Circassian love songs,

and Hindu love songs, I quote this “Arabian” love song, peerless amid

its peers:--

Thy hair is black as the starless sky,

And clasps thy neck as it loved its home;

Yet it moves at the sound of thy faintest sigh,

Like the snake that lies on the white sea-foam.

I love thee, Ibla. Thou art bright

As the white snow on the hills afar;

Thy face is sweet as the moon by night,

And thine eye like the clear and rolling star.

But the snow is poor and withers soon,

While thou art firm and rich in hope;

And never (like thine) from the face of the moon

Flamed the dark eye of the antelope.

The truth and accuracy of this last observation should commend the poem

to all lovers of nature.

It is the custom in these days of morbid accuracy to laugh at the

second-hand knowledge which Moore so proudly and so innocently

displayed. Even Mr. Saintsbury says some unkind things about the notes

to “Lalla Rookh,”--scraps of twentieth-hand knowledge, _he_ calls

them,--while pleasantly recording his affection for the poem itself, an

affection based upon the reasonable ground of childish recollections.

In the well-ordered home of his infancy, none but “Sunday books” might

be read on Sundays in nursery or schoolroom. “But this severity

was tempered by one of those easements often occurring in a world,

which, if not the best, is certainly not the worst of all possible

worlds. For the convenience of servants, or for some other reason, the

children were much more in the drawing-room on Sundays than on any

other day; and it was an unwritten rule that any book that lived in

the drawing-room was fit Sunday reading. The consequence was that from

the time I could read until childish things were put away, I used to

spend a considerable part of the first day of the week in reading and

re-reading a collection of books, four of which were Scott’s poems,

‘Lalla Rookh,’ ‘The Essays of Elia,’ and Southey’s ‘Doctor.’ Therefore

it may be that I rank ‘Lalla Rookh’ too high.”

Blessed memories, and thrice blessed influences of childhood! But if

“Lalla Rookh,” like “Vathek,” was written to be the joy of imaginative

little boys and girls (alas for those who now replace it with “Allan

in Alaska,” and “Little Cora on the Continent”), the notes to “Lalla

Rookh” were, to my infant mind, even more enthralling than the poem.

There was a sketchiness about them, a detachment from time and

circumstance--I always hated being told the whole of everything--which

led me day after day into fresh fields of conjecture. The nymph who

was encircled by a rainbow, and bore a radiant son; the scimitars that

were so dazzling they made the warriors wink; the sacred well which

reflected the moon at midday; and the great embassy that was sent

“from some port of the Indies”--a welcome vagueness of geography--to

recover a monkey’s tooth, snatched away by some equally nameless

conqueror;--what child could fail to love such floating stars of

erudition?

Our great-grandfathers were profoundly impressed by Moore’s text-book

acquirements. The “Monthly Review” quoted a solid page of the notes

to dazzle British readers, who confessed themselves amazed to find a

fellow countryman so much “at home” in Persia and Arabia. Blackwood

authoritatively announced that Moore was familiar, not only “with the

grandest regions of the human soul,”--which is expected of a poet,--but

also with the remotest boundaries of the East; and that in every tone

and hue and form he was “purely and intensely Asiatic.” “The carping

criticism of paltry tastes and limited understandings faded before

that burst of admiration with which all enlightened spirits hailed the

beauty and magnificence of ‘Lalla Rookh.’”

A happy half-century, and other essays · 第 1 / 11 段