REIGN OF RICHARD I.: THE THIRD CRUSADE
Richard's Show of Penitence--His Coronation--Massacre of the
Jews--Results of the Second Crusade--Richard raises Money
for the Third Crusade--The Regency--Departure for the Holy
Land--The Sicilian Succession--The Quarrel concerning Joan's
Dower--Richard's Prodigality--His Interview with the Monk,
Joachim--Treachery of Philip, and Richard's Repudiation of
Alice--Richard's Betrothal to Berengaria--Adventures on the
Coast of Cyprus, and the Conquest of the Island--The Siege of
Acre and its Fall--Dissension between Richard and Philip, and
Return of the Latter to France--Massacre of Prisoners on Both
Sides--The Battle of Azotus--Occupation of Jaffa--The Advance
towards Jerusalem--Quarrels among the Crusaders, and Negotiations
with Saladin--Chivalry of Saladin--Death of Conrad, and Charges
brought against Richard--Last Advance upon Jerusalem--Battle of
Jaffa--Truce with Saladin.
No sooner had the monks of Fontevrault committed the body of Henry to
the grave, than Richard assumed the sovereign authority, and his first
acts were marked with all that energy and determination which afterwards
distinguished him. He at once gave orders that the person of Stephen of
Tours, seneschal of Anjou, and treasurer of Henry, should be seized. This
functionary was thrown into a dungeon, where he was confined with irons
on his feet and hands, until he had given up to the new king, not only
all the treasures of the crown, but also his own property. Richard then
called to his councils the advisers of his father, with the exception
of Ranulph de Glanville, and discarded those men who had supported his
own rebellion, not excepting even his most familiar friends. This
policy, which has been attributed by some historians to the repentance of
Richard, was more probably the result of profound calculation, and was
based upon sound reasoning. The men who were ready to plot against one
monarch, would not hesitate to do the same towards another, when occasion
served, or offence was given; while those who had supported the reigning
dynasty were the men upon whom the new king might most safely depend.
Messengers were immediately sent to England commanding the release of
the Queen Eleanor from the confinement into which she had been thrown
by Henry. On quitting her prison she was temporarily invested with the
office of regent, and during the short period of authority which she
thus obtained, she occupied herself in works of mercy and benevolence.
The long imprisonment she had undergone appeared to have softened her
imperious temper; she listened readily to those who had complaints
to lay before her, and pardoned many offenders against the crown.
Having proceeded to Winchester, where she took possession of the royal
treasures, she summoned a great assembly of the barons and ecclesiastics
of the country to receive the new monarch, and tender him their
allegiance. After a delay of two months, Richard crossed the channel,
accompanied by his brother John, and landed at Portsmouth. On his arrival
at Winchester he caused the gold and jewels of the crown to be weighed
in his presence, and an inventory made of them. A similar course was
pursued in the cities in which treasures of the late king had been
deposited. Richard was absorbed in the project of a grand expedition to
the Holy Land, which should reduce the infidel to permanent submission,
and place himself on the highest pinnacle of military renown. To this
circumstance we may in some degree attribute the fact that the ambitious
John permitted his brother to succeed to the throne without any attempt
to dispute his right. John probably calculated that in the king's absence
the actual sovereignty would devolve upon himself, and that the impetuous
Richard might never return from the dangers of the holy war. Apart from
these considerations, however, it is doubtful whether the weak temper of
John would have permitted him to rebel openly against his powerful and
energetic brother.
On the 3rd of September, Richard was crowned at Westminster, and the
ceremonial was conducted with great pomp and splendour. The procession
along the aisles of the cathedral was headed by the Earl of Albemarle,
who carried the crown. Over the head of Richard was a silken canopy,
supported by four lances, each of which was held by one of the great
barons of the kingdom. The Bishops of Bath and Durham walked beside the
king, whose path to the altar was spread with a rich carpet of Tyrian
purple. The ceremony was performed by Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury,
and Richard took the customary oath to fear God and execute justice. The
cloak, or upper clothing, of the king, was then taken off, sandals of
gold were placed upon his feet, and he was anointed with oil upon the
head, breast, and shoulders; afterwards receiving the insignia of his
rank from the state officers in attendance. Richard was then led to the
altar, where he renewed the vows he had taken; and, lifting with his
own hands the crown from off the altar--which he did in token that he
received it from God alone--he gave it to the archbishop, who placed it
upon his head.
The day of the new king's coronation was marked by an event which
resulted in an attack upon all the Jews assembled in the city, who were
barbarously murdered with their wives and children. In the Middle Ages,
while the science of finance was in its infancy, and men had not yet
learned to associate together for purposes of trade, the Jews were the
principal, if not the only, bankers of Christendom. There were no laws
in existence to regulate the interest of money, and their profits were
frequently enormous. The wealth which they thus obtained, no less than
the obnoxious faith to which they firmly adhered, caused them to become
objects of hatred to the people; and this feeling was increased at the
date of the new crusade, in consequence of the increased rate of interest
they demanded from men who were about to risk their lives in that
dangerous journey. During the reign of Henry II. the Jews had enjoyed
some degree of protection, and had, accordingly, increased in numbers and
wealth. In France they were less fortunate. On the accession of Philip
II. he had issued an edict ordering the banishment of all the Jews from
the kingdom, and the confiscation of their property. Hated by the people,
the persecuted race had no other hope than in the favour of the prince,
and, fearing that Richard might be disposed to follow the example of his
ally, the King of France, they determined to secure his protection by
presents of great value.
[Illustration: ST. BERNARD PREACHING THE SECOND CRUSADE.
FROM THE PAINTING BY JAMES ARCHER, R.S.A.]
At the coronation of Richard, the chief men of the Jewish race proceeded
to Westminster to lay their offerings at his feet. Being apprised
of their intention, Richard, who is said to have feared some evil
influence[36] from their presence, issued a proclamation, forbidding
Jews and women to be present at Westminster on that day, either in the
church, where he was to receive the crown, or in the hall, where he was
to take dinner. Some of the Jews, however, trusting that the object of
their errand would excuse the breach of the royal command, attempted to
enter the church among the crowd, and were attacked and beaten by the
king's servants. A report was then rapidly circulated among the multitude
outside, that the king had delivered up the unbelievers to the vengeance
of the people. Headed by some of the lower class of knights and nobles,
who were not sorry to get rid of men to whom they owed large sums of
money, the crowd surrounded the unhappy Jews, and drove them along
the streets with staves and stones, killing many of them before they
could reach the doors of their houses. At night the excitement spread
throughout the town, and the populace attacked the dwellings of the hated
race in every direction. These being strongly barricaded from within,
were set on fire by the mob, and all the inmates who were not destroyed
in the flames, and who attempted to escape by the doors, were received on
the swords of their adversaries.
Preparations were now about to be made for the Third Crusade. The Second
Crusade, headed by Louis VII. of France and the Emperor Conrad of
Germany, had been a total failure. Although 200,000 persons perished in
it, it is not to be ranked in importance with those which preceded and
followed it. It was preached in 1146 with all the zeal of the celebrated
St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, who was noted equally for eloquence and
piety, but its acceptance was confined to France and Germany, and it took
the character of a great military expedition rather than of a popular
movement. The result of the expedition was disastrous, and the princes
returned in 1149 to Europe with only the scattered remnants of their
noble army. The events of this crusade being comparatively unimportant,
and having only an indirect connection with English history, it has not
been considered necessary to relate them in detail. The state of affairs
in the East, which induced the kings of France and England to determine
upon a third crusade, has been briefly referred to in a preceding
chapter. (_See pp._ 207-8).
To raise money for the expedition to Palestine, Richard adopted a policy
similar to that which, in the reign of Stephen, had so greatly reduced
the revenues of the state. He publicly sold the estates of the crown to
the highest bidder--towns, castles, and domains. Many rich Normans of low
birth thus became possessed of lands which, at the time of the Conquest,
had been distributed among the immediate followers of William; and many
men of English race availed themselves of the opportunity to recover the
houses of their fathers, and, under a quit rent, became the lawful owners
of their places of abode. The towns which concluded these bargains became
corporations, and were organised under a municipal government. Many of
these charters were made in the reigns of Richard I. and his successors.
In these transactions Richard appears to have been influenced solely
by his determination to obtain money, and when some of his courtiers
ventured to remonstrate with him, he said that he would sell London
itself, if he could find a buyer.
Titles and offices of state were sold without scruple. Hugh Pudsey,
Bishop of Durham, purchased the earldom of Northumberland, and also
obtained, for a payment of 1,000 marks, the chief justiciarship of the
kingdom. It has been already related that, at the time of Richard's
accession, this office was held by Ranulph de Glanville, a man of great
ability and undoubted probity. One account tells us that Glanville
resigned the office for the purpose of joining the crusade; but other
historians relate that he was driven from it by the king, who was willing
to obtain money even by the disgrace of an old and valuable servant
of the crown. Vacant ecclesiastical benefices were filled up by the
appointment of those who could best afford to pay for them. In addition
to the sums raised by these measures, Richard obtained 20,000 marks from
the King of Scotland, who in return was released from homage to the
English crown.
[Illustration: CORONATION OF RICHARD IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY: THE PROCESSION
ALONG THE AISLE (_See p._ 218.)]
While Richard thus appeared to be making every preparation for the
expedition to the Holy Land, he showed no hurry to leave his new kingdom;
and Philip of France, with whom he had engaged to join his forces, sent
ambassadors to England to announce his intention to depart at the ensuing
Easter. Richard then convoked an assembly of the nobles of the kingdom,
and declared his intention to proceed to the Holy Land in company with
his brother of France. He placed the regency in the hands of William
Longchamp, Bishop of Ely, and Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham; the former
of whom succeeded, not long afterwards, in securing the entire authority
into his own hands. Prince John was thus deprived of the position
which he had calculated would fall to him, and he received by way of
compensation, a pension of 4,000 marks, the territory of Mortaigne in
Normandy, and the earldoms of Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, and Somerset. He
possessed, besides, Derbyshire, for his wife was the heiress of the Earl
of Gloucester.
[Illustration: VIEW IN GENOA: THE DOGANA.]
Early in the following year (1190) Richard crossed the Channel into
Normandy, and soon afterwards a meeting took place between the two kings
of France and England, at which they bound themselves to a compact of
brotherhood and alliance, each swearing to maintain the life and honour
of the other as he would his own. The death of the young Queen of France
caused a delay in the departure of the expedition, and it was not until
midsummer that the armies of the two kings assembled for that purpose.
The allied forces are said to have numbered 100,000, and having been
united on the plains of Vézelai, they marched in company to Lyons. At
this point the two kings separated. Philip, who possessed no ships or
seaport town on the Mediterranean, proceeded by land to Genoa, that
powerful republic having agreed to furnish a fleet of transports for the
convoy of his troops. Richard was in possession of the powerful fleet
built by his father for the voyage to Palestine, as well as of trading
vessels, which he had himself selected from different seaports, and he,
therefore, had no need to make the journey across the Alps. He proceeded
from Lyons to Marseilles, where he embarked.
Richard landed on the shore of the narrow strait which divides Sicily
from Calabria, whence he was conveyed to the harbour of Messina. The
French king had already arrived, and soon afterwards set sail with
the view of continuing his voyage to the East. His ships, however,
experienced bad weather, which compelled them to return to the port, and
the two kings then arranged to remain there during the winter.
The island of Sicily, which in the preceding century had been conquered
by the Norman lords of Apulia and Calabria, then formed, together with
a part of lower Italy, a kingdom which was under the control of the
Holy See. Not many years before, under the reign of William I., the
country had been in a prosperous condition, but now it was weakened by
internal dissensions, and in no position to offer a successful defence
to attacks from without. William II., surnamed the Good, had married
Richard's sister Joan, who bore to him no children. Anxious to preserve
the succession to his family, he caused his aunt, the Princess Constance,
who was the only legitimate member of the family, to be married to
Henry, son and heir of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. By securing to
her a powerful husband, able to support her claims, the king trusted to
overcome that opposition to a female sovereign which was likely to be
even greater in Sicily than in other countries of Europe. Constance,
at the age of thirty-two, was considerably older than her husband; but
her dower was rich, and this, joined to the prospect of the succession,
proved attraction sufficient for the young prince. He married her in the
year 1186, at Milan. In November, 1189, William the Good died, appointing
by his will that his aunt Constance should be his successor. The barons
of the kingdom had previously taken an oath of fealty to the princess,
but that oath, as well as the will of the king, was entirely disregarded.
The nobles were necessarily indisposed to submit to the rule of a foreign
prince, and the aggressions of the German emperors in the north of Italy
had given good cause for dread of any further increase of their power.
Constance and Henry were also out of the country at this critical moment,
and the barons, after various disputes among themselves, conferred
the crown upon Tancred, nephew to William the Good, though reputed to
be illegitimate by birth. The new king was hailed by the people with
acclamation, and was acknowledged by the Pope, Clement III., who sent him
the customary benediction. His reign, however, had no sooner commenced,
than various conspiracies were formed against him by the barons who had
been competitors for the throne, and though he had succeeded in reducing
these to submission, he was threatened by Henry, who had now become
emperor, and who was preparing a powerful army to support the claims of
his wife Constance.
Such was the position of affairs in Sicily at the time of the arrival
of the kings of England and of France. Both monarchs were received
by Tancred with every token of honour and hospitality; Philip was
entertained within the city of Messina, and Richard took up his quarters
in a house without the walls, situated in the midst of a vineyard. After
having remained for a very brief period in tranquillity, Richard found
in the position of his sister Joan a cause of quarrel with the King of
Sicily. At the time of the marriage of that princess with William the
Good, a splendid dower had been given to her by her husband, including
many towns and cities, and territory of considerable extent. When Tancred
ascended the throne, he withheld these broad lands, part of which,
however, were occupied by nobles who were in rebellion, and which,
therefore, it would not have been easy to deliver up. Richard first
demanded that his sister should be sent to him, and when the request
was complied with, he sent other messengers requiring the whole of her
dower. Without waiting for an answer the impetuous prince passed over
to the Calabrian shore, and seized possession of the castle of Bagnara.
Here he left his sister defended by a body of troops, and returned to
Messina. On the borders of the strait, overlooking the English camp,
there was a convent of Greek monks, having a strong natural position,
and capable of being easily fortified. Richard drove out the monks, and
placed in their stead a strong garrison, who turned the monastery into
a fortress, and issued thence on licentious excursions through the town
and the neighbourhood. The disorders of the foreigners at length aroused
the indignation of the Sicilians, who, jealous of the honour of their
wives and daughters, suddenly attacked the English, who were in the
city, and at the same time closed the gates of the town. The whole camp
speedily took to arms, and assembled without the walls, making a reckless
and unorganised assault upon them. Richard having received news of the
tumult, mounted his horse and rode hastily among his soldiers, beating
them back with a truncheon which he carried in his hand. By exertions
of this kind, joined to the influence of his character, he succeeded in
restraining his troops, not, however, before some animosities which had
arisen between them and the French soldiers had found vent in several
partial combats. The kings of France and England held a solemn meeting,
at which to arrange against future differences of this kind, as well as
to determine upon a peace with the Sicilians. On the hill overlooking
the Norman camp a number of the natives were assembled, and during the
conference they attacked a few stragglers from the camp. Having learnt
the cause of the uproar, Richard called his men to arms, drove the
Sicilians from the hill, and followed them to the walls of the city,
which the English now attacked under the direction of their prince.
The troops of Tancred made little resistance against their impetuous
assailants; the town was carried by storm, and Richard raised his banner
on the walls as though the town had become exclusively his. The jealousy
of Philip was excited, and a rupture took place between the two princes,
which was appeased only by the town being given into the hands of the
Knights Hospitallers and Knights Templars, who were to hold possession of
it until the claims of Richard against Tancred had been finally adjusted.
In addition to the territories assigned to Joan as a dowry, she was
entitled, as Queen of Sicily, to a golden table, twelve feet long, and a
foot and a half broad; a golden chair; two golden trestles for supporting
the tables: twenty-four silver cups, and as many silver dishes. William
the Good had left in his will to Henry II. a contribution towards the
Holy War, in which that prince was proposing to engage. This legacy
consisted of a tent of silk to accommodate 200 persons seated, 60,000
measures of wheat and 60,000 of barley, with 100 armed galleys, equipped
and provisioned for two years. Henry II. died before his son-in-law,
and, therefore, Richard could prefer no legal claim in right of his
father. He, nevertheless, demanded that all these things should be given
up to him, as well as the treasures to which his sister was entitled.
An agreement was ultimately entered into, by which a sum of 20,000 gold
ounces was paid to Joan, and a further sum of 20,000 ounces to Richard,
in satisfaction of their several demands. The legality of Richard's claim
was not acknowledged, but the money was paid to him ostensibly on a
treaty of marriage, which was concluded between his young nephew Arthur
and an infant daughter of Tancred. The payment thus took the form of a
dower, and was to be returned in case either of the children died before
they reached a marriageable age.
The money of which Richard thus became possessed was lavished with the
utmost prodigality. His tastes were magnificent; and the extraordinary
fame which he had acquired throughout Europe was due no less to his own
gigantic strength and brilliant valour than to the glittering halo of
romance which surrounded him, and the splendour with which he dazzled
the eyes of his followers. Soldiers of fortune of every country came to
offer their swords to Cœur-de-Lion, and were received with welcome
and entertainment. Tournaments and spectacles of various kinds succeeded
each other; the sounds of mirth and music resounded through the camps;
troubadours and jongleurs offered their feats of skill, or songs of war
and beauty, secure of a liberal reward. Relying upon his strong arm to
replenish his coffers, Richard showered gifts and largesses upon all
comers; and at a great banquet which he gave to the knights of both
armies, he sent away each of his guests with a large present of money.
Thus, throughout the winter the soldiers of the North gave themselves up
to luxury and pleasure under the sunny sky of Sicily. But Cœur-de-Lion
was no mere voluptuary. If, in many respects, he bore a resemblance
to the gallant but ill-fated Robert of Normandy, he possessed, at the
same time, a degree of intellectual power and energy little inferior to
that of William the Conqueror. Amidst the glare of rich banquets and
gorgeous spectacles, amidst the tinkling of harps whose strings were
attuned to flattery, and the glances of bright eyes, which brought their
tribute of admiration to the young prince of the Lion Heart, his ardent
nature languished and longed for activity. There was a strong impulsive
force within the men of those days, which rendered exertion the only
pleasure--ease and rest a punishment not to be endured. Cut off for a
time from the excitements of battle, Richard sought occupation in the
field of theological controversy and the exercises of religion.
At this time a certain Calabrian monk, named Joachim, Abbot of Curacio,
had made himself famous throughout Europe by his writings and preachings
against the abuses of the court of Rome. We have already seen how at
intervals, during the Middle Ages, some sandalled monk would rise up
from obscurity, and, by the mere force of intellect, with no advantages
of outward circumstances, would obtain a power over the minds of men,
compared with which that of princes was as nothing. This influence was
of a purely personal nature, and was attained by the gift of eloquence.
The books which Joachim had written would have availed little--they
appealed only to the few who could read them, and to posterity--but the
_man_ could speak his thought in the ear of the present. We know little,
in these later times, of the meaning of the word eloquence--we apply it
to what is written, to thoughts expressed upon inanimate paper--dull and
lifeless, as words from the mouth of a statue. The growth of civilisation
is unfavourable to eloquence, for civilisation is built up of laws and
customs, and the language of the heart defies all law, and pays no
deference to expediency. The modern teacher dare not trust his heart.
Sermons are written, speeches are prepared, periods carefully rounded,
sentiments weighed in the nicest balance--even the tone of the voice
and the motion of the arm--are studied beforehand under a master. The
influence attained is exactly commensurate with the means employed, and
the listeners find themselves on a level of caution, equally removed from
danger on the one hand, or from excellence on the other. But such a level
is not the normal condition of the human mind. When, at rare intervals,
the torch of enthusiasm is lighted by some earnest man, thousands will
burst away to follow the flame, though it lead them to utter destruction.
Richard Cœur-de-Lion, like his ancestors, recognised that subtle force
of intellect whose influence among men surpassed that of laws or armies.
He heard of the fame of the Abbot Joachim, and desired to see him. The
king and the monk met together at Messina, where a long theological
discussion took place between these strange disputants. Joachim, like all
the other clergy of the age, gave his authority in favour of the Crusade.
He assumed the gift of inspiration, and, like a prophet of old, told the
king to go forth and conquer: the infidel should be scattered before the
Christian host, and the banner of the Cross be raised once more over the
walls of Jerusalem. These were but the ravings of fanaticism, and were
utterly falsified by the event; but their influence, meanwhile, was none
the less upon those who listened and regarded the speaker as a prophet.
Richard's mind was of higher order, and he is said to have called the
monk a vain babbler, whose words were unworthy of attention. It is not
probable, however, that he expressed such an opinion publicly, for he
could not be insensible to the effect of such predictions upon the minds
of his soldiers.
Not long after this discussion, Richard rode to the town of Catania,
where he had appointed to meet Tancred for the first time. With all the
state and magnificence suited to the occasion, the two kings walked in
procession to the church, where, forgetting all former differences, they
took vows of mutual friendship, and performed their devotions together
before the shrine of St. Agatha. On the return of Cœur-de-Lion to
Messina, the Sicilian king accompanied him for many miles, and at the
moment of parting gave into his hands a letter written by Philip of
France, in which Philip proposed to ally himself with Tancred, and to
drive the English monarch out of the country.
Some days elapsed before Richard made any use of this communication;
but he met Philip with haughtiness and reserve, and frequent disputes
took place between them. At length, during one of these altercations,
Cœur-de-Lion suddenly produced the letter, and asked whether he knew
the handwriting. Philip indignantly declared it to be a forgery, and
accused Richard of seeking a cause of quarrel, by which means he might
break off his contract of marriage with the Princess Alice, Philip's
sister. Richard replied calmly that he could not marry the lady Alice,
since it was well known that she had borne a son to his father, King
Henry. This circumstance, if true, was well known to Richard during his
father's lifetime, when he had so frequently demanded that his bride
should be given up to him--a request which, it is evident, had merely
been made as a pretext for rebellion. Richard now offered proofs of what
he had alleged, and, whatever may have been the force of these proofs,
Philip consented to give up the contest. In the days of chivalry, as
now, money was accepted in compensation for breaches of such contracts,
and Philip sold the honour of his sister for an annual pension of 2,000
marks for five years. For this sum he gave Richard permission to marry
whomsoever he pleased.
Cœur-de-Lion had already chosen his bride. Some three years before,
while staying at the court of Navarre, he had fallen in love with
Berengaria, daughter of the king of that country. The young princess
is described as having been very beautiful, of extremely youthful and
delicate appearance, presenting in every respect the most striking
contrast to the robust frame and gigantic presence of her lover. Their
passion seems to have been more romantic and sincere than usually happens
in similar cases. It is certain that Richard asked for no dowry with his
bride, sought for no political advantages, but merely dispatched his
mother, Queen Eleanor, to ask the lady's hand. Such conduct alone might
have won the heart of Berengaria, even though she had not been already
interested in his favour. Undeterred by the dangers and difficulties of
the journey across the Alps, she at once set out to join her intended
husband. The queen and the princess travelled with a suitable escort, and
reached Naples in safety. Thence they passed on to the city of Brindisi,
where they waited until the French king should have departed to the Holy
Land. Philip set sail for Acre on the 30th of March, 1191; and Richard,
at the same time, proceeded to Reggio, on the coast of Calabria, where he
took on board his bride, with Queen Eleanor, and carried them to Messina.
The season of Lent being not yet over, the marriage was deferred; and
Eleanor, having confided her charge to her own daughter, Joan, returned
to England.
[Illustration: ISAAC OF CYPRUS BEGGING FOR THE RELEASE OF HIS DAUGHTER.
(_See p._ 226.)]
Within a few days afterwards the English fleet was ready for sea, and
passed with a stiff breeze through the straits of Messina. More than 200
vessels were there, some of large size, with three masts, and all well
appointed, and gaily decked with the banners of the crusaders. Never
before had so gallant an armament been seen in those waters; and as the
brilliant pageant moved away, the Sicilians gathered in multitudes on
the shore with cries of admiration. In those days war was, with half
the world, the business of life; women did not hesitate to share the
dangers of those whom they loved, and the smile of beauty was at once the
incentive and the reward of valour. Joan and Berengaria accompanied the
expedition, and Richard, with a delicacy which belonged to his chivalrous
character, fitted up a splendid galley, which was allotted to their
separate use.
The fleet was not destined to proceed far in such gallant trim. Within
a very few hours a heavy storm arose, and many of the ships, dismasted
and at the mercy of the waves, were cast ashore and broken to pieces.
Richard himself narrowly escaped shipwreck, and was compelled to put into
the island of Rhodes, not knowing what had become of the vessel of his
bride. While he lay there in the greatest anxiety of mind, he learnt that
two of his ships had been wrecked on the coast of Cyprus, and that his
people had been plundered and cast into prison by the natives. Vowing
vengeance, Richard collected all the vessels which had arrived at Rhodes,
and immediately proceeded to the succour of the captives. On approaching
the harbour of Limasol in Cyprus, he fell in with the galley of Joan
and Berengaria who, like himself, had escaped from the storm, but had
hesitated to trust themselves nearer to the shore.
The island of Cyprus was at that time colonised by the Greeks, under the
rule of a prince of the race of the Comneni, named Isaac, who called
himself "Emperor of Cyprus." This mighty monarch of a score of square
miles seems to have known little of the character of the English king,
for when Richard demanded satisfaction for the injuries done to the
crusaders, he returned an arrogant refusal, and drew up his soldiers in
battle array upon the shore. Cœur-de-Lion immediately landed a body
of troops, who put to flight the half-naked men of Cyprus, and took
possession of the city.
Isaac now sent in his submission to the conqueror, and on a plain near
Limasol a conference took place between them. Richard demanded, not only
an indemnity in money, but also that the "Emperor of Cyprus" should do
homage to him, and should accompany him to Palestine with a thousand of
his best warriors. The daughter and heiress of Isaac was to be placed
in Richard's hands as a hostage for the good faith of her father. The
Greek, with that mixture of shrewdness and deceit characteristic of his
race, consented to these terms, and on the same night he escaped from the
guards placed over him by Richard, and organised new plans, which proved
as vain as before, to resist the invaders.
Leaving a garrison at Limasol, Richard sailed round the island, capturing
all the ships of the Cypriotes, and taking possession of their towns.
Nicosia, the capital, surrendered with little resistance, and among the
prisoners who fell into his hands was the young princess, the daughter
of Isaac. The "Emperor" loved his child, and when he heard of her
capture he made no further resistance; but quitting a monastery in
which he had fortified himself, he placed himself at once in the power
of Richard, fell at his feet, and prayed that his daughter might be
restored to him. Cœur-de-Lion refused the request, and committed him
to prison, directing that, in consideration of the rank he assumed, he
should be bound with chains of silver instead of iron. It is difficult to
understand how any rational being should have derived satisfaction from
such a distinction; but it appears that the "Emperor of Cyprus" did so,
and expressed himself much gratified by the honour done him.
At Limasol there were great stores of provisions of all kinds, and a
splendid festival was prepared to celebrate the landing of the Princess
Berengaria. Here, at length, Cœur-de-Lion claimed his bride, and the
marriage ceremony was performed by the Bishop of Evreux. For a few days
the accoutrements of war were put aside, the songs of the minstrels were
again heard through the camp, and the sweet wine of Cyprus lent its
intoxicating influence to the scene of revelry. Richard, however, was
pre-eminently a soldier; martial glory was his true mistress, and he did
not long delay the expedition on which he was engaged. In a little more
than a month after his arrival at Cyprus the fleet set sail for Acre, and
arrived there on the 8th of June.
All the chivalry of Europe was collected before this city, which was
regarded as the key to the Holy Land. Hospitallers and Templars, priests
and princes, knights of high and low degree, from every Christian
country, had flocked to lay down their lives in a cause which they
believed to be sacred. For two years before the arrival of Richard
the siege had been carried on with all the military skill of the age;
but, while thousands[37] of the besiegers fell victims to disease and
privation, or to their own desperate valour, the city still held out, and
its massive walls defied the force of the mightiest engines of war. Each
month brought new reinforcements to the banner of the Cross, and thus
an army, to which Europe could find no equal, maintained its numerical
strength while the work of death went on.
Saladin, one of the greatest names in Eastern history, had posted
his immense forces upon the heights about Mount Carmel, whence he
watched the great armament of Richard, still numbering more than one
hundred sail, as it advanced into the roadstead of Acre. The fame of
Cœur-de-Lion had gone before him, and the crusaders hailed his
approach with shouts of rejoicing. Gay banners flashed in the sun,
and trumpets and drums sounded their loudest note of welcome. Philip,
however, could not witness without envy the power and splendour of his
ally. Not many days elapsed before a quarrel took place between them; and
each refusing to act in concert with the other, made separate attacks
upon the town, in the hope of obtaining the exclusive honour of the
capture. Both of these ill-judged attempts were unsuccessful, and were
attended with heavy loss.
At length the brave garrison of Acre, cut off from all supplies, were
compelled to offer terms of capitulation. They agreed to surrender
possession of the city, together with all the Christian prisoners it
contained, and the wood of the true cross. A sum of 200,000 pieces of
gold was to be paid by Saladin within forty days, as a ransom for the
lives of the inhabitants, several thousands of whom were retained as
hostages for the performance of these conditions.
The Army of the Cross entered Acre on the 12th of June, 1191, and at
the same time Saladin withdrew from the neighbouring heights, and
proceeded a short distance into the interior to concentrate his forces.
Soon afterwards Philip of France expressed his intention to return to
Europe. The reason he gave for doing so was the bad state of his health;
and it is not improbable that this prince, who seems to have possessed
neither the occasional religious impulses nor the warlike spirit of
Cœur-de-Lion, should have found the first approaches of disease
sufficient to deter him from the toils and dangers of a journey to the
Holy Sepulchre. Other causes were, however, at work. The title of King of
Jerusalem was still a subject of dispute among the crusaders, although
the city itself was now in the hands of the infidel. The crown had been
assumed by Guy of Lusignan, in right of his wife Sybilla, a descendant
of Godfrey of Bouillon. During the siege of Acre, Sybilla died; and her
sister Isabella, who had married Conrad of Montferrat, Prince of Tyre,
put in her claim to confer the title on her husband. While Philip had
declared in favour of Conrad, Richard--who seems to have acted merely
from the desire of opposing his ally--supported the cause of Lusignan,
and acknowledged him King of Jerusalem. In this, as in every other
dispute between the two monarchs, Philip was compelled to yield; but
he did so with an ill grace, and it was hardly to be expected that the
King of France could long submit to such a course of humiliation. He
determined to return to his own country, where his will was law, and his
power absolute; and where, too, he might have opportunity, during the
absence of the English king, to seize upon some portion of the latter's
territories, and extend the rather circumscribed limits of the French
kingdom.
Richard at first received the news of Philip's intended departure with
a malediction, calling down shame upon his head for deserting the holy
cause in which he was engaged. The feeling of anger seems soon to have
given place to something like contempt, for Cœur-de-Lion added, "Let
him go, if his health needs it, and he cannot live away from Paris." But
the probable designs of the French king were not overlooked; and he was
compelled to take an oath that he would make no aggression upon English
territories during the absence of Richard in Palestine. He also agreed to
leave at Acre 10,000 men, commanded by the Duke of Burgundy, but under
the control of Cœur-de-Lion.
Soon after Philip quitted Acre, the term of forty days appointed for the
ransom of the Saracen captives expired. No ransom had been received.
The messengers of Richard, who made their way into the presence of the
soldan, were received with the highest courtesy, and were dismissed with
costly presents to their master; but to the demand for money Saladin
returned no answer. It was reported among the crusaders that he had
massacred the Christian prisoners in his power; and a great excitement
arose among the troops at Acre, who called loudly for vengeance. And now
took place one of the worst of those atrocious deeds which stain the
history of the crusades. On the forty-first day, under the orders of
Richard and the Duke of Burgundy, the unhappy Saracen captives were led
out beyond the camps, and were there butchered without mercy, some few
rich men only being spared, in the hope that large sums would be obtained
for their ransom.[38] So blinded were the crusaders by their fanatic
zeal, that this massacre in cold blood was regarded by the perpetrators
as a righteous deed, acceptable to Heaven.
On receiving the news of the massacre, Saladin put to death all the
Christian prisoners in his hands. Such an act of retaliation, however
it may now be regarded, was in accordance with the usages of the time;
and it is hardly to be expected that the Moslem should display more
mercy than the Christian. With hands reeking with the blood of their
victims, the crusaders returned to the city, where they gave themselves
up to debauchery and excess. Many of them would probably have been
well disposed to go no farther; but Richard roused them once more into
activity, and his will was not to be resisted. He left his young wife
and his sister behind him, defended by a strong garrison, and strictly
forbade women of all ranks from accompanying the army. He quitted Acre
on the 22nd of August, with about 30,000 men, of all the nations of
Christendom, and took his way along the sea shore towards Ascalon.
Saladin, whose scouts were everywhere, was speedily apprised of the
march of the crusaders; and he appeared at a distance with a great army,
hovering about them, and keeping them continually in expectation of
attack. The troops of Richard, however, marched fearlessly on; and when,
after a day's march across those burning plains, exhausted by the weight
of their heavy armour, they reached a halting-place, a herald stood forth
from each camp, and cried aloud three times, "Save the Holy Sepulchre!"
and the whole army knelt down, and said, "Amen!" Human nature displays
the most striking contrasts where the fortunes of men are subject to
extremes of vicissitude; and thus the soldiers who one day were engaged
in acts of brutal cruelty or sensuality, on the next might be seen
marching to the death with a devotion which, if mistaken, was not the
less sublime.
[Illustration: RICHARD AT THE BATTLE OF AZOTUS. (_See p._ 229.)]
When Richard had advanced as far as Azotus he was opposed by the Saracen
forces, ranged in order of battle. Saladin, whose skill as a general
was scarcely inferior to that of Cœur-de-Lion himself, conducted the
attack in person; and for a time the Christian troops gave way before
him. Richard, who commanded the centre of the army, waited with great
coolness until the Saracens had exhausted their arrows; then placing
himself at the head of his knights, and brandishing the formidable
battle-axe which was his favourite weapon, he rushed upon the enemy,
slaying with his own hand all who fell within his reach. Many of
the feats of valour attributed to him by the chroniclers are wholly
incredible; but after making all reasonable deduction for exaggeration,
enough remains to prove that Cœur-de-Lion deserved the proud surname
which he bore, and that his strength and valour were alike without
parallel. The Saracen army, numerous as it was, could not withstand the
charge of the mail-clad warriors of Europe; and Saladin was compelled to
beat a hasty retreat, leaving behind him seven thousand dead upon the
field.
[Illustration: FOUNTAIN NEAR JAFFA.]
Richard advanced to Jaffa--the Joppa of the Bible--of which city he
obtained possession without opposition; but here a delay took place,
which proved fatal to the success of the expedition. Some of the chief
men of the army alleged that it would be necessary to repair the
fortifications of Jaffa, for the purpose of placing it in a condition
of defence. The soldiers, remembering the pleasures of Acre, willingly
adopted a pretext which afforded a new opportunity of rest and enjoyment;
and Richard himself, attracted by the field-sports to be obtained in
the neighbourhood, appears to have laid aside for a time his customary
energy. Saladin, who had recovered from his defeat, and was intent upon
vengeance, was known to be in the neighbourhood, with an army even larger
than before; but Cœur-de-Lion, undisturbed by this circumstance, rode
about the country with a small escort. Many strange adventures are told
in connection with these expeditions; and it would appear that Richard
was often in imminent danger of being captured--a fate from which his
courage or good fortune invariably saved him.
Various negotiations now ensued, which appear to have led to nothing,
and were probably devised by the Saracens merely to gain time. The envoy
who passed between the two camps on these occasions was Saif-ed-Deen, or
Saphadin, the brother of Saladin, who was a man of great ability, and
who conducted his missions in such a manner as to gain the favour of
Cœur-de-Lion. At length, in the month of November, the fortifications
of Jaffa were completed, negotiations were broken off, and the crusaders
resumed their march. The sky was black with tempest, and as they crossed
the plain of Sharon, where now the rose and lily of the valley bloomed no
longer, a violent wind arose, and thick rain began to fall. The heaviest
storms are found in those countries where the sun shines brightest,
and it was now the commencement of the rainy season. The soldiers of
the Cross, ill provided with protection against such weather, pitched
their camp at Ramula, the Arimathea of Scripture; but the streams which
descended from the mountains inundated the encampment, and the winds
tore up the tents which were their only shelter. Struggling on wearily,
they reached Bethany, which was within twelve miles of Jerusalem, but
here they found it impossible to proceed farther. Famine and disease had
decimated the troops, and those who were still able to bear arms were ill
suited to cope with an enemy. Richard was therefore compelled to retrace
his steps, and he marched back rapidly to Ascalon, there to recruit his
forces.
The fortifications of Ascalon had been dismantled by Saladin; but
Cœur-de-Lion, whose energetic spirit no reverses could subdue, set
himself immediately to restore the defences, and appeared among his men
doing the work of a mason. Novelist or romancer never imagined more
striking contrasts than are presented to us in the sober records of
the Middle Ages, and thus we find the king who lately was the centre
of unexampled pomp and splendour at Messina, now wielding the trowel
and the pickaxe upon the walls of Ascalon. The example set by Richard
was attended with the best effects; princes and nobles, bishops and
their clergy, worked beside him as masons and carpenters, thinking it
no shame to do what the King of England had done. The only exception
was the Archduke of Austria, and on his refusal, it is related that
Cœur-de-Lion kicked or struck that prince, and turned him and his
retainers out of the town.
Having placed Ascalon in a condition of defence, Richard restored other
fortifications destroyed by Saladin along the coast. These works,
however, were attended with a vast expense, and Richard's generosity,
which appears to have been without stint, whether much or little was at
his command, hastened the exhaustion of his finances. The French and
other foreign troops attached to his army were kept together by the
largesses he gave them; but as the treasury became empty they relaxed in
their obedience, and their national animosities found vent in repeated
quarrels and disturbances. The dispute between Conrad of Montferrat
and Guy of Lusignan for the crown of Jerusalem was renewed. Conrad,
whose character was vacillating and treacherous, was nevertheless a man
of considerable ability and of high military renown. Having secured
the assistance of the Genoese, he defied the power of the King of
England, and a civil war appeared to be imminent among the Christians
of Palestine. The Pisans, whose old hatred against the Genoese led them
to take the opposite side, declared for Lusignan, and frequent combats
took place in the very streets of Acre between the opposing factions.
Richard quitted Ascalon, and succeeded in repressing these tumults. He
endeavoured to restore unanimity to the army, and to conciliate the
Marquis of Montferrat; but that haughty chief rejected his offers, and
entrenched himself in the town of Tyre, with a number of disaffected
soldiers of different nations who had joined his standard.
Saladin soon became aware of the dissensions in the Christian army, and
he made preparations for striking what he hoped would be a decisive
and successful blow. But in the meanwhile he was unexpectedly met by
proposals for peace from Cœur-de-Lion, who sent him word that he
demanded only the possession of Jerusalem and the wood of the true Cross.
The soldan returned for answer that the blessed city[39] was as dear to
the Moslem as to the Christian, and would never be delivered up except by
force.
The unusual course pursued by Richard was not to be attributed to such
an inadequate cause as the disaffection of a part of his troops. He had
lately received letters from his mother, Queen Eleanor, and from William
Longchamp, whom he had appointed chancellor in his absence, detailing
various conspiracies which were fraught with the greatest danger to the
throne. It is not necessary to interrupt the narrative for the purpose of
relating the particulars of these matters; they will be given in detail
when the history returns to the consideration of events in England.
It is enough to say that they were of a nature to cause the greatest
disquietude, even to the strong mind of Cœur-de-Lion. It is reported
that he set on foot new negotiations with Saladin, which continued
for some time, and that he even proposed that the contest should be
terminated by the marriage of his own sister Joan with Saphadin, the
brother of the Sultan. This extraordinary scheme, if it ever really was
entertained, was defeated by religious obstacles; the clergy launching
the thunders of the Church against all those who should sanction the
union between a Christian princess and a chief of the infidels.
Saladin had abilities of a very high order, joined to bodily strength
little inferior to that of Cœur-de-Lion himself. He was skilled in
the learning of the East, and he possessed that refinement of manners
which was induced by the usages of chivalry. The virtues of a warlike
age appeared in him pre-eminently; he was brave, generous, and true to
his word, preserving his plighted faith with a degree of scrupulousness
not often observed even by the princes of Christendom. Descended from
the race of the Seljuks, he had embraced the religion of Mahomet, whose
doctrines taught him to pursue to utter destruction all the enemies of
the Prophet. But Saladin was no bigoted Mussulman, and when the foes he
had conquered appeared before him as suppliants, he seldom failed to
grant the mercy they implored. It is needless to say that this picture
has its reverse, and that the character of the great soldan was not
altogether blameless. He was in the highest degree ambitious, and his
elevation to the throne was obtained by the unscrupulous shedding of
blood. He trampled down all who stood in his way; but having attained
that elevation, he proved himself a wise and just monarch, and his rule,
of the whole, was free from tyranny.
The soldan and the Christian king, both on whom stood far above their
contemporaries in military prowess and ability, had learnt mutual
respect, and not all the injuries which each had inflicted on the other
had power to subdue this feeling. Great minds can afford to be generous,
and the depreciation of the merits of a rival seldom arises from any
other cause than a consciousness of inferiority. Saladin and Richard met
together many times with interchanges of courtesy, and the soldiers of
both armies mingled in the tournament and in other martial exercises.
Where the laws of chivalry prevailed, the warrior sheathed his enmity
with his sword, and would have regarded it as a foul stain upon his
knighthood to doubt for a moment the faith pledged to him by a foeman.
Pilgrims were continually arriving in the Holy Land from Europe, and from
each traveller who appeared in the presence of Richard, he learnt news
which compelled him to hasten his return to England, although he had
sworn never to abandon the expedition so long as he had a war-horse to
eat. In the hope of establishing peace among all parties, he consented
that Conrad of Montferrat should be crowned King of Jerusalem, and gave
to Lusignan, by way of compensation, the island of Cyprus. It is probable
that the energetic character of Conrad might ultimately have enabled him
to obtain possession of Jerusalem, but at the time when he was preparing
for his coronation he was murdered in the streets of Tyre, by two men
of the sect of the Assassins. This name, then quite new to the languages
of Europe, was applied to those fanatical Moslems who devoted themselves
to assassinating the enemies of their faith by surprise, in the belief
that they should thus secure admission into paradise. In the mountain
defiles of Lebanon there lived a whole tribe of these enthusiasts, under
the rule of the Old Man[40] of the Mountain, a mysterious chief, whose
name became a sound of terror throughout Europe. They were called in
Arabic "Haschischin," from an intoxicating plant (_haschisch_, Chang)
well known in the East, which they made use of to stupefy the brain and
excite themselves to their desperate deeds of blood.
[Illustration: JAFFA, FROM THE SANDS.]
It would appear that Conrad was murdered in revenge for certain injuries
which he had inflicted upon this extraordinary people. An Arabic writer
relates that when the two Assassins were seized and put to the torture,
they confessed that they had been employed by the King of England; but
this account differs from others, and is so completely at variance with
all we know of the Assassins, as well as of the character of Richard,
that it may be at once rejected as fabulous. Apart from the arguments
which may be adduced to show, from the previous arrangements of the king,
that he had no anticipation of the death of Conrad, the whole tenor of
the life of Cœur-de-Lion serves to prove that he was not the man to
strike a foe in secret. The French and German factions, however, at once
spread a report that he had instigated the murder, and letters were sent
to Philip of France containing the same news. Philip, who contemplated
a descent upon the English territory, eagerly seized a pretext for his
treason. He applied to the Pope to release him from his oath of peace,
and declared that he had received a caution that the King of England had
sent some of those dreaded Assassins of the East to murder him.
During the tumult which followed the death of Conrad, Count Henry of
Champagne, the nephew of Richard, appeared on the scene, and the people
of Tyre placed him in possession of the town, as well as of the other
territories held by their late prince. Soon afterwards Henry married the
young widow of Conrad, receiving with her hand the title to the imaginary
crown, and he was generally acknowledged by the crusaders as King of
Jerusalem.
[Illustration: RICHARD LANDING AT JAFFA. (_See p._ 234.)]
With each succeeding month the need for the presence of Richard in
England appeared the greater; but he concealed his uneasiness, and, with
the view of repressing the growing discontent in his army, he publicly
proclaimed his intention to remain for another year in Palestine.
Laying aside for a time all considerations connected with affairs at
home, he determined to give his whole energies to bring to a successful
termination the expedition in which he was engaged. Having at length
restored something like unanimity to his troops, and brought them into an
efficient state, he once more led them on the way to Jerusalem. The army
resumed its march in the month of May, and reached the valley of Hebron,
which was destined to be the extent of its journey. The circumstances
which induced Richard to relinquish his long-cherished enterprise cannot
now be known with certainty. Various versions are given by the different
historians; but we find no occurrence which appears of sufficient
importance to have changed the purpose of Cœur-de-Lion. It is certain,
however, that a council assembled by the king decided upon the propriety
of attacking Cairo, which was the main store-house of Saladin, rather
than of marching upon Jerusalem. No sooner was it known among the troops
that a counter-march was intended, than they threw aside all discipline:
great numbers of them deserted, and Richard was compelled to return to
Acre, as the only means of regaining the authority he had lost.
Saladin, who kept watch from the mountains upon all the movements of the
crusaders, perceived the disorganised condition of the army, and chose
that moment for an attack upon Jaffa, which he captured with little
resistance. On learning the news, Richard at once dispatched by land the
troops who remained with him, while he, with a small body of knights,
proceeded by sea to the relief of the town. Cœur-de-Lion never showed
his splendid military talents more strikingly than on this occasion.
On arriving opposite the town, he found a vast host of the Saracens
drawn up on the shore to receive him. His companions counselled him to
turn back, saying that it was little else than madness to attack such
overwhelming numbers; but Cœur-de-Lion knew that to dare is to reach
half-way to victory, and he had learned to despise the nice calculation
of probabilities. He leaped into the water, and cried, "Cursed for ever
be he who follows me not!" At such a call no knight who desired to keep
his spurs would dare to hang back, and one and all followed their leader
to the shore, threw themselves upon the thick ranks of the enemy, and put
them to flight. The gallant band of Richard then entered Jaffa, where
they were joined by the troops who had marched by land.
On the following day the main body of the Saracen army, with Saladin at
their head, advanced upon the town. Richard went forth to meet them on
the plain, and a pitched battle ensued, in which, after many hours of
hard fighting, he defeated them with great slaughter. It is scarcely too
much to say that this success against a vastly superior force was due, in
a large measure, to the extraordinary prowess of Cœur-de-Lion himself.
Wherever he stretched out his ponderous battle-axe, horse and man went
down before him; and it is said that such was the terror he inspired that
whole bodies of the Saracen troops would turn and fly at his approach.
Although the expedition to the Holy Land was not destined to attain its
object, the fame of its leader was raised both in the East and in the
West to a height which has never been equalled. For hundreds of years the
name of Richard Cœur-de-Lion was employed by Syrian mothers to silence
their infants; and if a horse suddenly started from the way, his rider
was wont to exclaim, "Dost thou think King Richard is in that bush?"
The battle of Jaffa was Cœur-de-Lion's last victory in the Holy Land.
His exertions on that day brought on a violent fever, and the state of
his health, as well as the necessity of a return to England, induced him
to conclude a treaty with his gallant enemy on terms which Saladin was
glad to accept. A truce was proclaimed for three years, three months,
three days, and three hours; the towns of Jaffa and Tyre were to remain
in the hands of the Christians, and they were to be permitted at all
times to visit Jerusalem as pilgrims without persecution or injury. To
the French, who had refused to take part in the battle of Jaffa, Richard
denied the benefits of this treaty, and told them that since they had
held back from the fight, they were not worthy to enter the Holy City.
The remaining portions of the army, casting aside their weapons of war,
made the pilgrimage in safety, protected from all molestation by the
pledge of Saladin. And yet the massacre of Acre was fresh in the memory
of the Moslems, and many of the kinsmen of those who had perished there
threw themselves at the feet of their chief, and implored him to take
vengeance for the ruthless deed upon the Christians now in his power. But
the soldan refused to listen to their entreaties, and replied that he had
passed his word, which was sacred and unchangeable.
The third body of pilgrims which entered Jerusalem was headed by the
Bishop of Salisbury, who was received with great honour, and was admitted
to a long interview with Saladin. Many questions were put to him by
his royal entertainer, who, among other matters, desired to know in
what light he was regarded among the Christians. "What do they say,"
he asked, "of your king, and what of me?" The bishop answered boldly,
"My king stands unrivalled among all men for deeds of might and gifts
of generosity; but your fame also is high, and were you but converted
to the true faith, there would not be two such princes as you and he in
all the world." Saladin replied in a speech as wise as it was generous.
He readily gave his tribute of admiration to the brilliant valour of
Richard, but said that he was too rash and impetuous, and that, for his
own part, he would rather be famed for skill and prudence than for mere
audacity. At the request of the bishop, Saladin granted his permission
that the Latin clergy should be allowed to have separate establishments
at Jerusalem, as had previously been the case with the eastern churches.