THE FIRST CRUSADE
The Institution of Chivalry--Affairs in the Holy
Land--Pilgrimages--Persecution of Christians--Peter the
Hermit--Crusade Decided on--Progress of Peter's Mission--The
Council of Clermont--Attitude of Pope Urban--The Truce of
God--Expedition of Walter the Penniless--Excesses of the
Crusaders--Defeat of the Christians by the Turks--Conduct
of the Emperor Alexius--Disaster in Hungary--Geoffrey de
Bouillon--March of his Army--Robert of Normandy and his
Troops--Imprisonment of Hugh of Vermandois--Arrival of Godfrey
before Constantinople--The Byzantine Court--The Church of Santa
Sophia--Scenes of Magnificence--Reception of Godfrey by the
Emperor--Tancred's Army leaves Italy--Bohemond's Submission--Count
Raymond at Constantinople--Arrival of Robert of Normandy--Siege
of Nicæa--Treachery of the Emperor--Severe Struggle with the
Turks--Bravery of Robert--Flight of the Turks--Crusaders'
Sufferings on their March--Siege and Fall of Antioch--Defeat
of the Persians--Pestilence at Antioch--Arrival of the
Crusaders before Jerusalem--Fall of the City--Vengeance of the
Crusaders--Godfrey elected King of Jerusalem--Hospitallers and
Templars--Close of the First Crusade.
In the year 1096 Robert determined to join a crusade then about to set
out for the Holy Land, and to enable him to do so, he agreed to pledge
his duchy of Normandy into the hands of Rufus for a sum of £6,666. This
transaction is described by the historians as having been a mortgage for
three years; but it must have been evident, even to the uncalculating
mind of Robert, that he had little chance of regaining possession of his
property at the end of that time.
To enable us to understand this extraordinary proceeding on the part
of Robert, it will be necessary to examine the causes which led to
those expeditions which are called the Crusades. These causes, which
had been in operation for hundreds of years, were two, of very opposite
nature--namely, in the East, the spread of Mahometan power; and in the
West, the institution of chivalry, preceded by the introduction of
Christianity.
The institution of chivalry had for its object the cultivation of those
virtues which may be classed under the word _manhood_, in its best and
widest sense. The true knight was supposed to be pious, truthful, and
brave; a generous friend, a gallant warrior, a devoted lover. It was
necessary for him to add great strength of body, and skill in all manly
exercises, to gentleness of manner and culture of mind. Terrible in
battle, it was his duty to wield the sword of justice, to strike down the
oppressor; but to help the weak, and give his life, if need be, for the
innocent.
[Illustration: INITIATION INTO THE ORDER OF KNIGHTHOOD. (_See p._ 134.)]
The youth who aspired to knighthood began his career as a page in some
noble house, where, under the gentle influence of women, he was taught
various accomplishments, and imbued with that beautiful though fantastic
dream of honour which he hoped to realise in his future life. At the age
of fourteen the page became an esquire, and was permitted to wear a
sword. He now began a regular course of training for arms, and usually
sought to attach himself to some knight of fame, whom he attended in
hall or field, and supported in battle. The young aspirant was admitted
to the honours of knighthood at the age of twenty-one, unless he had
previously won his spurs by some gallant feat of arms. This honour was
of rare occurrence, as, by the laws of chivalry, the duties of esquire
were limited to attendance upon his lord, and he was permitted few
opportunities of personal distinction.
The original spirit of chivalry was essentially religious. The initiation
into the order of knighthood was a religious ceremony, and usually took
place on one of the feasts of the Church, as Easter day, the day of
Pentecost, or Christmas day. The aspirant prepared himself for his new
dignity by long vigils, fasts, and prayer; and on the night before the
ceremony took place, he repaired alone to the church, where he passed the
hours in watching beside his armour.
On the day appointed, high mass was performed in the presence of the
nobles and bishops and an assembly of the people; and after the sword
of the novice had been consecrated to the service of heaven, he took
a solemn vow, according to the laws of chivalry, "to speak the truth,
to succour the helpless and oppressed, and never to turn back from an
enemy." The bishop then dubbed him a knight, and the other knights, and
often the ladies present, advanced and armed the youth. The spurs were
usually buckled on first, and thus came to be regarded as the symbol of
knighthood.
Such was the form by which a young man was admitted to the highest
dignity of chivalry. Chivalry recognised nothing higher or nobler than
the condition of a knight, and the fame of every man, instead of being
tied to his name by a title, was borne by the mouths of minstrels and
palmers.
Various writers have attempted to fix the date at which chivalry first
took its rise; but on this point there is no certain information.
Probably the idea of chivalry was the growth of centuries, and made its
way gradually through the corruptions of the times in which it was born.
Whatever may have been its origin, the institution was in its infancy
in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and received no marked development
until the time of the first Crusade. The stories of King Arthur and his
Knights of the Round Table[12] are as fabulous as the wonders of Merlin
or the tales of the Arabian Nights. In the days of Charles the Great,
chivalry, in the general sense of the word, was yet unborn; and though in
the time of Alfred its spirit undoubtedly existed in our own country, it
had yet assumed no name or distinctive form.
According to Tacitus, customs bearing a resemblance to those of chivalry
existed among the German nations in the institution known as the
_comitatus_. On the fall of Rome, these tribes subdued and colonised the
country now called France, and it is probable that they planted there the
germ of the institution of chivalry. The first traces of its existence
in France appear soon after the time of Charles the Great. It originated
with a few knights, who endeavoured to introduce among their licentious
companions a love of virtue and honour. However small may have been the
early success of their efforts, the principle of chivalry to which they
gave expression shines like a star in those dark ages.
The laws of chivalry gradually became recognised and enforced, and were
submitted to by every man who desired to win either the smiles of women
or honourable fame among men. Refined and mystical as were the doctrines
of chivalry, its laws were practical and severe, demanding mortification
and self-denial. In later times the simple and austere habits of the
knights were exchanged for luxury and licentiousness, and the spirit of
chivalry decayed with the growth of those arts of life which conduce to
ease and refinement.
Towards the end of the eleventh century, the attention of Europe was
attracted to the state of affairs in the Holy Land, and chivalry, which
had hitherto been rather a name than a reality, received from this cause
a sudden and powerful impulse.
From the period of the destruction of the second temple, the history of
Jerusalem had been a record of strife and bloodshed. During the early
occupation of the city by the Romans, the holy places were profaned by
pagan rites, and the spots venerated alike by Jew and Christian became
the scene of sacrifices to heathen deities.
In the fourth century, when Rome herself acknowledged the doctrines of
Christianity, churches were erected on the ruins of the temples of Venus
and Jove, and Jerusalem was again regarded as the seat of the true faith.
When Mahomet appeared and spread his new doctrines throughout the East,
the aspect of affairs was once more changed, and the Holy City fell
into the hands of the Arabians. In the year 969, the dominion of the
caliphs of Egypt was established over the whole of Palestine.
[Illustration: PETER THE HERMIT PREACHING THE FIRST CRUSADE.
FROM THE PAINTING BY JAMES ARCHER R.S.A.]
In the following century a multitude of rude and savage races from the
shores of the Caspian Sea invaded the lands of the people of the south.
These hordes, called in history the Seljuk Turks, gradually extended
their conquests, and between 1038 and 1092 obtained possession of Persia,
Arabia, and the greater part of Syria. The invaders embraced the religion
of Mahomet, and in many cases a fusion took place between them and the
conquered nations. After various vicissitudes, Jerusalem, in 1076, fell
into the hands of the Turkish supporters of the Caliph of Cairo.
In every age the Holy Land had been held in the highest veneration by
the Christian nations. Pilgrims proceeded thither from the most distant
parts of Europe, in the faith that the long and toilsome journey would
secure for them some spiritual benefit. Dressed in the costume mentioned
in the Bible, and carrying with him only a staff in his hand and a
scrip at his side, the pilgrim trusted entirely to charity for support.
Wherever the Christian religion prevailed among the people, that charity
was exhibited; his character was held in veneration, and food and lodging
were provided for him as a religious duty. At rare intervals along his
way, he came to an hospital or almshouse, built for the reception of
pilgrims by some Christian prince. On his return he placed in the church
of his native town the branch of the sacred palm-tree[13] (which he had
brought from Jerusalem), in proof of the accomplishment of his vow.
During the time that Palestine remained under Christian rule, these
pilgrimages were performed without much danger, and devotees from all
parts of Europe flocked to the Holy City. The coffers of the Church were
enriched by the sale of relics, which each traveller eagerly desired to
possess.
Under the sway of the Caliphs the pilgrimages continued, but the
Christians were treated with indignity by the Turks, and various
persecutions took place. In the tenth century a belief was entertained
that the end of the world was at hand, and people of all classes hurried
to Jerusalem in hope of a purification from their sins. In the eleventh
century the persecutions of the Christians increased, and their condition
became wretched in the extreme. They were, indeed, tolerated in the Holy
City on payment of a tribute of two pieces of gold yearly, but their
religious ceremonies were prohibited, their property was frequently
plundered, and the honour of their daughters violated.
Since the fourth century it was generally believed that the very cross
on which Christ suffered had been discovered at Jerusalem, and a curious
drawing of this subject occurs in a Greek manuscript of the ninth
century. This belief afforded an additional stimulus to the piety of
devotees, and a piece of the sacred wood was regarded as of inestimable
value. Pilgrims, therefore, still made their way to Jerusalem, but
were not permitted to enter the city except on payment of a piece of
gold--a large sum at that day. Few of the pilgrims possessed enough to
satisfy this demand, and they were driven from the gates, with their
long-deferred hope turned to utter despair. Many of them died from famine
before the walls of the city; many more perished by the roadside, as they
pursued their weary journey homewards; and but few survived to tell the
tale to Europe, and to kindle the flame which was soon to burn up with
fury.
The Christian emperors of the East are reported to have sent letters from
time to time to the princes of Europe, detailing the sufferings of the
Christians in Judea, and soliciting assistance. These appeals, together
with the accounts of Turkish cruelties given by the returned pilgrims,
caused a feeling of deep indignation throughout Europe, and aroused the
spirit of chivalry.
At this time there appeared on the scene a remarkable man, who is known
by the name of Peter the Hermit. In his youth he had been a soldier, and
had been married, but subsequently he became a priest. He is described
as having been small and mean in person, but with eyes powerful in
expression, and an eloquent voice. He had long been noted for the
austerity of his life, and it is said of him that he found pleasure in
the greatest abstinence.
This man formed the determination of visiting Jerusalem, and having
performed the journey in safety, he paid the piece of gold demanded,
and was admitted into the city. Here he was a witness of the cruelties
perpetrated upon the Christians, and was seized with horror and
indignation at the sight. He held a conference with the Greek patriarch,
who, at the suggestion of Peter, determined to write to the Pope and the
princes of the West, describing the misery of the Christians, and praying
for protection.
[Illustration: POPE URBAN II. PREACHING THE FIRST CRUSADE IN THE
MARKET-PLACE OF CLERMONT. (_See p._ 138.)]
Furnished with his credentials, Peter returned to Italy and laid his
complaint before Urban II. The tale told by the hermit was received with
the deepest attention, and the Pope warmly espoused his cause. Urban gave
his authority to the scheme of the Crusade, and with the promise of
his co-operation, Peter set out to preach the delivery of the Holy Land
throughout Europe.
[Illustration: _Photo: Abdullah Frères, Constantinople._
THE MOSQUE OF SANTA SOPHIA, CONSTANTINOPLE.]
The story of his progress is told by various writers of that age.
"He set out," says Guibert Nogent, "from whence I know not, nor with
what design; but we saw him at that time passing through the towns
and villages, preaching everywhere, and the people surrounding him in
crowds, loading him with presents, and celebrating his sanctity with such
high eulogiums, that I never remember to have seen such honours paid
to any other person. He showed himself very generous, however, in the
distribution of the things given to him. He brought back to their homes
the women that had abandoned their husbands, not without adding gifts
of his own, and re-established peace between those who lived unhappily,
with wonderful authority. In everything he said or did, it seemed as if
there was something divine; so much so, that people went to pluck some
of the hairs from his mule, which they kept afterwards as relics; which
I mention here, not that they really were so, but only served to satisfy
the public love of anything extraordinary. While out of doors he wore a
woollen tunic with a brown mantle, which fell down to his heels. He had
his arms and his feet bare, ate little or no bread, and lived upon fish
and wine."
Such was the appearance of the man whose eloquence drew after him the
whole of Europe. The records of history afford no other instance of
events so stupendous, arising from a cause apparently so insignificant.
The position of Peter, however, is not to be measured by his woollen
garb and low estate. The fame of the anchorite had gone before him; he
carried with him the Pope's authority; he was a palmer from Jerusalem,
who had himself seen the things he described. The age was enthusiastic,
and religious sentiment, as well as knightly ambition, was enlisted in
the cause which he preached.
While Peter journeyed on from city to city, Urban called together a
council at Placentia, at which deputies were present from the Emperor of
Constantinople. The meeting being unanimous in favour of the Crusade,
Urban determined to venture across the Alps. A Council was held in 1095
at Clermont, in Auvergne, at which were assembled bishops and princes,
both of France and Germany, and a vast concourse of people. After the
less important business of the meeting had been transacted, Urban came
forth from the church in which the Council was held, and addressed the
multitude in the market-place. He recounted the long catalogue of wrongs
suffered by the Christians in the Holy Land from the pagan[14] race.
With an eloquence for which he was remarkable, he appealed to the most
powerful passions which animate the breast of mankind; and the assembly
rose up and cried with one voice--"It is the will of God! it is the will
of God!" The news of this Council spread with wonderful rapidity over
the world; and, in the words of an old historian, "throughout the earth
the Christians glorified themselves and were filled with joy; while the
Gentiles of Arabia and Persia trembled, and were seized with sadness; the
souls of the one race were exalted, those of the others stricken with
fear and stupor." Some modern historians, in speaking of the influence
possessed by Urban over the people, have reproached his memory for the
use to which he applied his eloquence, and for having incited the people
to the wild and bloodthirsty expeditions of the Crusades, with a view to
his own interest. Such an accusation cannot be regarded as just. It is
the part of wisdom, as of charity, to judge of a man's acts, not by a
standard of pure and abstract right, but rather with regard to the times
in which he lived and the influences by which he was surrounded. The
spirit of the age was warlike and enthusiastic, and such a spirit may be
traced through the conduct of Pope Urban; but there is no reason to doubt
that he was sincere, and that he upheld the cause of the Crusades at the
cost of great personal sacrifices.
At the Council of Clermont a universal peace was proclaimed, called
the _Truce of God_, and its observance was some time afterwards sworn
throughout the country. Europe had long been in a disturbed condition;
the weak were liable to be plundered by the strong without redress:
and wars and feuds between rival princes were continued with little
intermission. It is related that at the Truce of God these evils
disappeared, and for a short time there was a profound peace.
Thieves and murderers--criminals of every dye, were tempted by the
prospect of boundless licence, and joined the Crusade. Every man wore
the sign of the Cross upon his shoulder, cut in red cloth, and many
adventurers assumed that sacred emblem in the belief that it would
afford a perpetual absolution for any crime they might commit. But
while preparing for the departure of the various expeditions, the
Crusaders--even those of the most reckless character--abstained for a
while from violence, and kept the Truce of God. This cessation of civil
warfare must have endured some time, for among the wild spirits who
joined the first body of the Crusade few, if any, lived to return, and
the removal of so many plunderers and marauders must have produced a
beneficial effect on the state of society in Europe.
People of every degree and of various nations were animated with the
same ardent enthusiasm. Nobles sold or mortgaged their lands to raise
money for the enterprise; poor men abandoned their homesteads and their
families, and flocked to the standard of the Cross. The old writers
describe the sufferings occasioned by the parting of husbands from their
wives, parents from their children. They tell us, however, of exceptions
to these scenes of misery. Some wives and mothers there were who, in
their fanatic zeal, incited their husbands to the journey, and parted
from them without a tear.
In the year 1096, the first body of the Crusaders set out for the
Holy Land under the command of Walter the Penniless, a nobleman of
Burgundy. This man was a soldier of fortune, noted for his poverty,
but also possessed of some degree of military fame. The army which he
led was a mixed rabble without order or discipline, who committed many
excesses, and plundered the towns and villages which lay on their road.
Passing through Germany, Walter entered Hungary, which country had been
converted to Christianity several centuries before. At Semlin some
stragglers of Walter's army were attacked and plundered by a portion
of the inhabitants, and the arms and crosses of the men who had thus
been despoiled were placed as trophies upon the walls of the city. The
Crusaders called for vengeance; but Walter restrained their impetuosity,
and passed on into Bulgaria. Here he found himself among a nation
altogether hostile; the gates of the cities were shut against him, and
his troops were unable to obtain food. Urged by hunger, they seized the
flocks and herds of the natives, who attacked the invaders, and defeated
them with great slaughter. Walter succeeded with difficulty in collecting
the remnant of his scattered multitude, and led them on the way to
Constantinople. Here, after many privations, he at length arrived and
obtained permission from the emperor to await the coming of Peter the
Hermit, who at length appeared with a following reduced to 7,000.
The discordant elements of which the combined forces were composed soon
appeared in a defiance of all authority; and between the various nations
a spirit of animosity arose, which found vent in repeated quarrels and
disturbances. The thirst for plunder, also, was not restrained by any
gratitude for the hospitality of the emperor. Alexius had sent both
money and provisions in abundance to the camp of the Crusaders, who,
nevertheless, seized whatever booty came within their reach, entering
houses and palaces, and stripping the lead from the roofs of the
churches, and selling it to the people from whom it had been stolen.
These lawless acts continuing on the increase, the emperor found means
to convey his dangerous allies across the Bosphorus, advising them not
to quit their new encampment till the arrival of other divisions of
the Crusade. The troops, however, continued their ravages throughout
Bithynia; a stronger hand than that of a palmer was necessary to control
them; and Peter, wearied with excesses which he was unable to prevent,
proceeded to Constantinople for the purpose of holding a council with the
emperor.
During his absence the Lombards and Germans separated from the French,
and chose for their leader a man named Renault, or Rinaldo. Under his
command, they resumed their march, and took possession of the fortress of
Xerigord. Here they were attacked by Sultan Soliman, who cut to pieces
a detachment placed in ambuscade, and then invested the fortress. The
besieged possessed no supply of water within the walls, and they endured
the most dreadful agonies from thirst. At the end of eight days, the
leader, Rinaldo, with his chief companions, went over to the Turks, and
betrayed the fortress into their hands. The remainder of the garrison
were put to death without mercy.
The news of this disaster reached the French camp, and with it came a
false report of the fall of Nicæa. The troops demanded to be led towards
the Turkish territory, and Walter the Penniless, having in vain attempted
to restrain their impatience, placed himself at their head. Before the
army had advanced many leagues into the country, it was encountered
by the Turks, who attacked the Crusaders in overwhelming numbers. An
obstinate resistance only served to make the carnage more complete.
Walter himself, after performing many feats of valour, fell covered with
wounds, and the Christian army was routed so completely that only 3,000
men escaped the sword. The fugitives entrenched themselves at Civitot,
where they were again attacked by a large force. The Turks surrounded
the fortress with piles of wood, with the intention of destroying the
garrison by fire, but the Crusaders, seizing a moment when the wind blew
towards the Turkish camp, set fire to the wood themselves, and many of
their enemies perished in the flames.
Meanwhile a soldier had made his escape from the town, and having reached
Constantinople, told the news of these disasters to Peter the Hermit.
At the prayer of Peter, the Emperor Alexius sent forces to rescue the
garrison of Civitot, and the remnant of the army of the Cross was brought
in safety to Constantinople. On their arrival, however, Alexius commanded
them to disperse and return to their own country, and he bought from
each man his arms; thus at once depriving him of the means of violence,
and supplying him with money for the journey. This policy on the part
of the emperor has given rise to an accusation against him of having
betrayed the Crusaders, and entered into an alliance with the Turks. No
such motive is required to account for the conduct of Alexius. He would
necessarily be glad to purge his dominions from a number of lawless
vagabonds, who committed every species of iniquity in the name of a holy
cause, and who, as his allies, were more to be dreaded than the Turks his
enemies.
While the expedition of Peter the Hermit thus came to an end, other bands
of fanatics and adventurers were following in his steps, without being
destined to reach Constantinople. The accounts of these expeditions are
inevitably obscure; but the information we possess on the subject is not
of a kind to induce a desire for further details. It is related that
a multitude of 200,000 persons, without even a nominal leader, passed
through Germany towards the south of Europe. Their course was marked by
excesses of every kind; men and women lived in a state of debauchery,
and indulged in drunken orgies, obtaining supplies by plundering the
surrounding country. Every Jew who fell into their hands was put to
death, and the fanatic multitude declared it to be the will of heaven
that they should exterminate the nation who had rejected the Saviour.
A terrible retribution, however, was at hand, and the sacred emblem of
the Cross was purified from the stains with which it had been covered by
the perpetrators of these enormities. At Merseburg, a large Hungarian
force opposed the advancing multitude, who attacked that city with fury.
A breach had been made in the walls, and the fall of Merseburg seemed
inevitable, when some strange and sudden terror, which has never been
accounted for, seized the besieging army, and they gave up the attack,
and fled in dismay over the country. The Hungarians pursued them on every
side, and mowed them down by hundreds. Day after day the slaughter went
on, until the fields were strewn with corpses and the Danube was red
with blood. Such was the fate of the first bands of Crusaders who set
out towards the Holy Land. More than a quarter of a million persons had
already perished by famine or disease, or by the swords of the Turks
or Hungarians, whose vengeance they had excited by acts of violence
and plunder. Meanwhile many powerful princes of the West were occupied
in collecting troops and preparing to take the field. Among these were
Godfrey of Bouillon, Duke of Lorraine; Hugh, Count of Vermandois, and
brother of Philip, King of France; Robert, Duke of Normandy; Bohemond,
Prince of Tarentum; Robert, Count of Flanders; and Raymond, Count of
Toulouse; each of whom conducted an army towards Constantinople.
[Illustration: BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF CHRISTIAN CONSTANTINOPLE.
(_From an Engraving in Anselm Banduri's "Imperium, Orientale," Paris,_
1711.)]
Among the leaders of the first Crusade, the most distinguished was
Godfrey VI., Lord of Bouillon, Marquis of Anvers, and Duke of Lorraine.
Inferior in political power to some of his companions, he was superior
to them all in that influence which depends upon personal character.
Although still young in years, he had earned fame in many a well-fought
field; and his name was known throughout Europe in connection with
acts of private virtue no less than with gallant feats of arms. Amidst
the cruelty and licentiousness so commonly attributed to the men of
that age, the character of Godfrey is presented to us almost without
blemish; and if we make some reservation for the partiality of monkish
chroniclers towards the great leader of the Crusade, there will still
remain evidence of facts which entitle the memory of the Lord of Bouillon
to the highest honour. Robert the Monk, one of his contemporaries, who
was present at the siege of Jerusalem, speaks of Godfrey in the following
terms:--"He was of beautiful countenance, tall of stature, agreeable in
his discourse, of excellent morals, and at the same time so gentle that
he seemed better fitted for the monk than for the knight; but when his
enemies appeared before him, and the combat was at hand, his soul became
filled with a mighty daring: like a lion, he feared not for his own
person; and what shield, what buckler, could withstand the fall of his
sword?" Long before the Crusade had been preached at Clermont, Godfrey
had heard the tales of the sufferings of the Christians in Palestine,
and had said that he desired to travel to Jerusalem, not with scrip and
staff, but with spear and shield. At the time when the standard of the
Cross was raised throughout Europe, he was suffering from a bad fever,
but "immediately he shook disease from his limbs, and rising, as it
were, with expanded breast, from years of decrepitude he shone with
renovated vigour."[15] In order to furnish money for the expedition he
had undertaken, he sold to the Church of Liège his beautiful domain and
castle of Bouillon; and the standard which he raised was joined by his
brother Baldwin, his relation, Baldwin de Bourg, and many other knights
of fame.
The army of Godfrey commenced its march from the Moselle in August, 1096,
and followed the course previously taken by Peter the Hermit. The order
and moderation which distinguished the disciplined troops of Godfrey
was as remarkable as the violence and excesses committed by the rabble
which had preceded them. The march was conducted peaceably, and without
incident, to the frontiers of Hungary, where the army came in sight of
the unburied corpses of the multitude slain near Merseburg.
Godfrey called a halt, and proceeded to investigate the causes of the
spectacle which lay before him. He wrote a firm but temperate letter to
the King of Hungary, demanding an account of the carnage, and Carloman
sent envoys with a reply which proved satisfactory. An interview
subsequently took place between the duke and the king, at the fortress of
Posen. Godfrey went towards this place, accompanied by an escort of 300
knights, and conversed with the Hungarian monarch on the reconciliation
of the Christians. The rights of hospitality, which were respected among
the most savage nations, were also enforced by the laws of chivalry; and
therefore, at the invitation of Carloman, Godfrey dismissed his retinue
without hesitation, and, accompanied by a few of his knights, entered the
capital. After some difficulty, he obtained the right of passage through
Hungary.
[Illustration: CIRCUS AND HIPPODROME OF CHRISTIAN CONSTANTINOPLE. (_From
an Engraving in the "Imperium Orientale."_)]
While Godfrey was pursuing his course through Hungary, another body of
Crusaders, headed by Hugh, Count of Vermandois, were proceeding towards
Constantinople by way of Italy. Joined to this expedition, though
probably not marching in the same body, were the troops of Robert, Duke
of Normandy, and Stephen, Count of Blois.
Robert of Normandy was not altogether destitute of chivalrous qualities;
and therefore it is no matter for surprise that this man, whose reckless
and licentious character was notorious, should take up the cause of the
Cross. The most irreligious men are often superstitious. The crusade was
a pilgrimage, with all the pomp of war, and the temptation of earthly
aggrandisement was mingled with the hope of a recompense beyond the
grave. Fame in this world and happiness in the next were the prizes
for which the nobles forsook their feasts and dances, and the poor
their homes and their children. Robert was eloquent in speech, and,
when his indolence was overcome, skilful and energetic in action; but
his deeds were the result of impulse rather than of principle, and
were unrestrained by prudence or good sense. He, however, possessed
the popular virtue of lavish generosity, and large bands of troops,
both Norman and English, attached themselves to his standard. Several
independent lords also accompanied him, among whom were Eustace of
Boulogne, Stephen of Albemarle, and Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux.
The army of Hugh of Vermandois crossed the Alps with the intention of
proceeding by sea to the Holy Land. The old chroniclers describe in
glowing terms the brilliant appearance of the troops--the splendour of
their equipments--the multitude of knights with shining armour, and
banners glistening in the sun. Such a sight had never before been seen in
Europe, and it seemed as though this gorgeous array had been destined
for pleasure rather than for war. Robert of Normandy and Stephen of
Chartres dispersed their forces among the towns of Barri and Otranto, and
passed the autumn in gaiety and dissipation. Hugh of Vermandois, however,
determined to embark without delay, and he wrote to the Emperor Alexius,
demanding haughtily that preparations should be made for his reception.
But his vessels were scattered in a storm, and Hugh himself, having
landed at Durazzo, was detained in captivity, and sent to Constantinople.
Here he was received with great civility by Alexius, who exerted himself
by flatteries and attentions to gain the goodwill of his prisoner.
The news of the imprisonment of Hugh reached the army of Godfrey at
Philippopolis, and Godfrey sent messengers to the emperor, demanding that
the Count of Vermandois should be immediately liberated. Alexius refused
to comply with the request, and Godfrey commenced hostilities by giving
up to pillage the beautiful province of Thrace. This course of action
had its effect, and the emperor found himself compelled to liberate the
prisoners. Godfrey then, at once, repressed further acts of violence
among his soldiers, and marched peaceably to Constantinople, where he
arrived two days before Christmas.
The Count of Vermandois advanced from the city to meet his friend, and at
that moment a messenger from the emperor approached Godfrey and invited
him to visit the palace. The Lord of Bouillon, however, had been warned
against the treachery probably intended by Alexius, and therefore refused
to enter the walls. The inhabitants of the city were then prohibited
from traffic with the Crusaders, and the army of Godfrey laid waste the
surrounding country. During the festival of Christmas these offensive
measures were suspended, and at the end of that time the emperor recalled
his edict.
Once more Alexius sent deputies to induce Godfrey to enter the city,
and his refusal was followed by a second prohibition of traffic, and
by further acts of retaliation on the part of the Crusaders. A body of
troops then issued from the town, and attacked the camp of the Latins.
The Greeks from the walls hurled darts and shot arrows upon the soldiers
below, but the Crusaders, who were protected by their coats of mail,
inflicted great damage upon their assailants before night closed in and
put an end to the combat. Alexius was compelled, by the sufferings of
his people, to give up all thoughts of hostile measures, and traffic
and intercourse were resumed between the inhabitants and the Army of the
Cross. Hugh of Vermandois, upon whom the blandishments of Alexius had
produced their impressions, exerted himself to establish peace, and to
prevail upon Godfrey to take the oath of fealty to the emperor. The Lord
of Lorraine at first refused to bend the knee before this treacherous
prince, but at length the arguments of Hugh produced their effect, and a
son of Alexius having been sent to the Latin camp as a hostage, Godfrey
entered Constantinople with his friends.
Since the conversion of the Emperor Constantine to Christianity (A.D.
323), a city of spacious squares, gorgeous palaces, and churches had
been gradually growing up upon the site of the little town of Byzantium.
This place was selected by Constantine as the seat of his empire, and
the removal may be regarded as one of the causes which hastened the fall
of Rome. After the death of Constantine, the vast empire over which his
sway had extended was separated into distinct sovereignties for his sons
and nephews. That portion of the Roman territory of which Constantinople
was the capital gradually acquired strength and importance, and became
an empire which has since been known as the _Greek_, _Eastern_, or
_Byzantine_ empire.
Of those splendours of the Byzantine court which had exerted so marked an
influence upon the mind of the Count of Vermandois, and were now employed
to dazzle the eyes of his companions in arms, we have full records in the
writings of that period. Benjamin of Tudela, a Spanish Jew, who travelled
through the East in the twelfth century (1159 or 1160), has given a
description of what he saw at Constantinople, and speaks in glowing terms
of the magnificence of the buildings and the wealth and luxury of the
inhabitants.
"The King Emanuel,"[16] says he, "has built a grand palace for the
throne or the seat of his empire, on the borders of the sea, in addition
to those which were built by his ancestors. In this palace the columns
and their capitals are covered with pure gold and silver, and he has
caused to be graven on them all the wars which he and his ancestors have
made.[17] There also has been erected a throne of gold and precious
stones, above which hangs, by a golden chain, a crown of gold, which
comes exactly upon his head when he is seated. In this crown are stones
of such great price as cannot be estimated. In the night there is no
need of candles, for every one is able to see by the sparkling of these
jewels. There are also many other wonders, which no man could recount.
"Thither are carried every year the tributes of all Greece, whose castles
are filled with dresses of silk, of purple, and gold. Nowhere else in the
world do we see such buildings and such great riches. It is said that the
tribute of Constantinople alone amounts to twenty thousand pieces of gold
a day,[18] derived from imposts upon the shops, markets, and taverns,
as well as that paid by merchants who repair thither from all quarters,
both by land and sea. The Greek inhabitants of the country are very rich
in gold and jewels. They go about in dresses of silk, fringed with gold
and embroidery. To see them in this attire, mounted on their horses, one
would say that they are like the sons of kings."[19]
In spite of the luxury which prevailed, the subjects of the Byzantine
empire were the most dexterous and laborious of nations. Their country
was blessed by nature with every advantage of soil, climate, and
situation; and in the support and restoration of the arts their patient
and peaceful temper produced results which were not to be attained amidst
the warlike spirit and feudal anarchy of Europe. In the preparation of
those costly dresses described by the Jewish traveller, the colours most
in use were the Tyrian purple, the brilliant scarlet, and the softer
lustre of the green. These colours were also used to adorn the buildings.
"There is also at Constantinople," continues Benjamin of Tudela, "the
temple of St. Sophia; and the Pope of the Greeks, who are not subject
to the Pope of Rome. You may count as many altars in the Temple of St.
Sophia as there are days in the year. Thither are gathered immense
riches from the isles, country houses, and towns of the country. There
is no temple in the universe where we find such riches as are there.
In the midst of this temple there are columns of gold and silver, and
chandeliers of the same metals, in such numbers that we cannot count
them."
A church dedicated to the Divine Wisdom (Santa Sophia) was built by
Constantine in the twentieth year of his reign. This building was burnt
down in the year 404, and having been rebuilt by Theodosius, was again
destroyed by fire. The vast pile, which still remains one of the chief
ornaments of Constantinople, and which is now used as a Mahometan mosque,
dates from the reign of Justinian. That magnificent prince determined
to build "the grandest monument ever erected by the hand of man." Seven
years were occupied in collecting materials from every part of the world,
and nine were employed in the actual building. Columns of marble from the
Temples of the Sun at Palmyra and of Diana at Ephesus, bricks of perfect
form and remarkable durability from the island of Rhodes, were brought at
immense cost to complete the edifice. Gold and mosaics were spread over
the surface, and paintings on gold and costly marbles covered the walls.
The church of St. Sophia, which once contained so many splendours, now
retains within it but few traces of its former glory. The imposing
proportions of the building still remain, but the walls are bare, and
upon the dome the Crescent has replaced the Cross.
The narrative of Benjamin of Tudela goes on to describe a "place where
the king diverts himself, called the hippodrome near to the wall of the
palace.[20] There it is that every year, on the day of the birth of Jesus
the Nazarene, the king gives a grand entertainment. There are represented
by magic arts before the king and queen, figures of all kinds of men that
exist in the world; thither also are taken lions, bears, tigers, and wild
asses, which are made to fight together, as well as birds. There is no
such a sight to be seen in all the world."[21]
[Illustration: STATUE OF GODFREY DE BOUILLON, BRUSSELS.
(_From a Photograph by Alexandre, Brussels._)]
According to Gibbon, the great palace, the centre of the imperial
residence, was situated between the hippodrome and the church of St.
Sophia; and the gardens descended by many a terrace to the shores of the
Propontis. The new palace, erected in the ninth century by the Emperor
Theophilus, was accompanied with five churches, one of which was
conspicuous for size and beauty. The square before the portico of the
church contained a fountain, the basin of which was lined and encompassed
with plates of silver. In the beginning of each season the basin was
replenished, instead of water, with the most exquisite fruits, which were
abandoned to the populace for the entertainment of the prince. He enjoyed
this tumultuous spectacle from a throne resplendent with gold and gems,
which was raised by a marble staircase to the height of a lofty terrace.
Below the throne were seated the officers of the guards, the magistrates,
and the chiefs of the factions of the circus; the inferior steps were
occupied by the people; the space below was covered with troops of
singers, dancers, and pantomimists. The fanciful magnificence of the
emperor employed, in various fantastic designs, the skill and patience
of such artists as the times could afford; but the taste of Athens would
have despised their frivolous and costly labours--a golden tree with its
leaves and branches, which sheltered a multitude of birds warbling their
artificial notes, and two lions of massy gold, and of natural size, which
looked and roared like their brethren of the forest.
[Illustration: ROBERT OF NORMANDY RALLYING THE CRUSADERS. (_See p._ 147.)]
Such were the scenes of magnificence which were presented to the view of
Godfrey and his companions as they entered the Greek capital. The emperor
received the great leader of the Crusade with the highest distinction,
clothed him with imperial robes, and called him his son.[22] The
character of Godfrey is shown to us in so high and noble an aspect, that
it is not probable he was much affected by these flatteries; but whatever
may have been his motives, he consented to do homage to the emperor,
according to the feudal laws of France. Alexius now made costly presents
to the Crusaders, and gave them honourable conduct from the city. After
having refreshed themselves for several days, the army passed the
Hellespont and encamped at Chalcedon, there to await the other divisions
of the Crusade.
Soon after the departure of Godfrey from Lorraine, Bohemond, Prince of
Tarentum, and his relation Tancred had quitted Italy with an immense
body of troops, including 10,000 horse. While the character of Bohemond
was ambitious, grasping, and unprincipled, the virtues of Tancred
were unanimously extolled by the historians of the day, and have been
celebrated in undying verse from the pen of Tasso.
The army under these leaders landed at Durazzo and passed through Epirus
to Adrianople. Although Alexius had communicated with Bohemond, promising
him assistance, the Greek troops harassed the advancing forces, and
various engagements took place, with considerable loss on both sides;
Bohemond then, at the invitation of the emperor, visited Constantinople,
leaving his army behind under Tancred. Influenced by large gifts of money
and lands, Bohemond did homage to the emperor, and became one of his
firmest allies.
Impressed with a sense of the humiliation of a concession which had been
bought with gold, Tancred determined not to submit to similar demands. On
receiving the news the young knight immediately marched his army towards
Constantinople, and, crossing the Hellespont--without giving any notice
of his intention--joined the forces of Godfrey at Chalcedon. Alexius made
many efforts to bring back Tancred to Constantinople, and to induce him
to do homage, but without success; and the attention of the emperor was
presently drawn in another direction, by the arrival of Raymond of St.
Gilles, Count of Toulouse, with an army of Crusaders from Languedoc.
Raymond, who is represented as being revengeful and avaricious, but
possessing some moral firmness, in conjunction with pride, refused to pay
his allegiance to the emperor. The troops of the Count of Toulouse were
at a considerable distance from the army of his friends, and Alexius did
not hesitate to order a night attack to be made from the city upon the
French camp. The Languedocians, however, repulsed their assailants with
great loss, and further negotiations, which afterwards took place, only
resulted in a second refusal on the part of Raymond to pay the required
homage. He, however, consented to take a vow that he would make no
attempt against the life or honour of the emperor.
Alexius then changed his conduct, and invited the count to the palace,
where the luxury and magnificence which surrounded him produced its
effect, and Raymond remained for some time amidst the pleasures of the
court. Bohemond and Godfrey, however, had already marched from Chalcedon
towards Nicæa, the capital of the Turkish kingdom of Roum. On receiving
the news of their departure, the Count of Toulouse quitted Constantinople
and hastened to follow the main body of the army.
Another army, forming the last division of the first Crusade, soon
afterwards appeared before Constantinople. Robert of Normandy had at
length torn himself away from the pleasures of Italy, and had brought
with him a well-appointed army, though fewer in numbers than those which
had preceded him. Robert took the oath of allegiance, satisfied with the
assurance that the other leaders had already done so, and his army having
received supplies from the emperor, passed the Hellespont, and marched
towards Nicæa, in the path of their companions.
During the successive visits of the Crusaders to Constantinople,
the Greek emperor had lost no opportunity of sowing jealousies and
dissensions among them. Nevertheless, during the siege of Nicæa, which
was the first combined undertaking of the Army of the Cross, there seems
to have been no want of harmony among the various leaders. This city,
which was occupied by the Seljuk Turks, was strongly fortified by a solid
wall, from which rose 350 towers.
When the Christian leaders had united their forces, and been joined by
Peter the Hermit with the remnant of his multitude, their army is said
to have numbered 600,000 men, exclusive of those who did not carry arms.
The number of knights is estimated as having been 200,000. The Seljukian
Sultan, David, had quitted his capital on the approach of the Crusaders,
and having collected throughout the country a large body of horse, he
made a sudden attack upon the Christian forces, but was defeated with
heavy loss.
The siege of Nicæa was now pressed with vigour, but the town was
obstinately defended, and many of the assailants were shot down by the
arrows of the Turkish bowmen. One Turk in particular was seen to present
himself repeatedly on the walls, and to deal death wherever his aim was
directed. The best-aimed arrows having failed to touch him, the Christian
soldiers were seized with superstitious terror, and attributed to him the
possession of some supernatural power. It is related by Albert of Aix
that Godfrey of Bouillon at length took a crossbow himself, though that
weapon was considered as fit only for a yeoman, and having directed it
against the Turkish archer, sent an arrow to his heart.
The supplies of the town were obtained from Lake Ascanius (Isnik), which
lay beneath its walls, and when this circumstance was discovered by the
Crusaders, they established a blockade. Alexius meanwhile had privately
communicated with the Turks, who agreed to surrender the city into his
hands on condition of receiving immunity and protection. When, therefore,
the besieging forces expected the submission of the garrison, the
imperial ensign suddenly appeared upon the walls. It had been previously
determined between the emperor and the Christian leaders that on the fall
of the city it should be given up to Alexius, and that the riches it
contained should be distributed among the troops. The treachery of the
emperor, in having forestalled this arrangement, excited the greatest
indignation among the soldiers of the Crusade, and their leaders had the
utmost difficulty in restraining them from that vengeance which they
demanded.
[Illustration: THRONE OF THE EMPEROR OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
(_From a Greek MS. of the Ninth Century in the National Library, Paris._)]
The army having resumed its march, the divisions headed by Bohemond and
Robert of Normandy became separated from the main body. After crossing
arid plains and barren hills, they encamped for the night near Dorylæum,
in a pleasant valley watered by a running stream. On the following
morning they were suddenly attacked by an army of 200,000 men, who rushed
down upon them from the mountains with shouts that shook the air. The
Crusaders made a gallant resistance, but they had to deal with an enemy
whose superiority lay not less in numbers, than in the fleetness of their
steeds and the position of the ground. The Christian soldiers were mown
down by flights of arrows and by the charges of the Turkish cavalry;
and on being attacked simultaneously in front and rear, they gave way,
and fell into confusion. The Turks forced their way into the camp of
Bohemond, where they massacred the old, the women, and the helpless. At
this juncture the stout heart of Robert of Normandy saved his companions
from the disgrace of utter defeat. Spurring his horse among the flying
troops, he uncovered his head, and through the din and confusion of
the fray sounded his battle-cry of "Normandy!" "Bohemond!" he shouted,
"whither fly you? Your Apulia is afar! Where go you, Tancred? Otranto is
not near you! Turn upon the enemy! God wills it! God wills it!" And with
these words he rallied the troops, drove back the Turks, and maintained
a firm line of defence. The battle raged during many hours with great
slaughter on both sides, and the Christian troops were gradually giving
way before overwhelming numbers, when the Red Cross banner appeared upon
the hills, and the army of Godfrey of Bouillon advanced to change the
fortune of the day. The Paynim host were compelled to fly in disorder,
and their camp, containing much booty of food, fell into the hands of the
Crusaders.
[Illustration: COSTUME OF EMPRESS OF CONSTANTINOPLE. (_From a Greek MS._)]
In the subsequent march through Phrygia, the Christians had to pass over
a large tract of country which had been completely ravaged by the enemy.
Their provisions soon became exhausted, and under the burning rays of
a southern sun they found themselves without water. The accounts given
by the chroniclers of the sufferings of the troops are too dreadful to
be repeated. Men, women, and horses fell by thousands on the way, and
perished by a lingering and painful death.
[Illustration: PROCESSION OF THE CRUSADERS ROUND THE WALLS OF JERUSALEM.
(_See p._ 150.)]
At length water was found, and the host of the Crusade reached the city
of Antioch in Pisidia. Here, surrounded by a fertile district, the
main body of the troops rested for a while from their fatigues, while
detachments under the command of Tancred and Baldwin, brother of Godfrey
Bouillon, made incursions through the country, and became possessed
of the towns of Tarsus and Mamistra. Subsequently Baldwin crossed the
Euphrates, and was elected King of Edessa, in which city he remained
until the conquest of the Holy Land was completed.
[Illustration: PILGRIM (A), HOSPITALLER (B), TEMPLAR KNIGHT (C), PALMER
(D), AND CONVENTUAL TEMPLAR (E). (_See p._ 151.)
(_a, Pilgrim's wallet; b, Pilgrim's staff._)]
The great army of the Crusade continued its march through uninhabited
wilds and barren mountains, and having taken possession of Artesia,
advanced towards the Syrian Antioch. Situated on the hills above the
river Orontes, the town of Antioch was so strongly fortified by nature as
well as by art, that all efforts to take it by assault proved fruitless,
and the movable towers, mangonels, battering-rams, and other engines,
which were brought to bear by the besieging army, were used without
effect (October 21, 1097). Meanwhile famine and disease spread their
ravages in the camp without the walls, and the storms of winter proved
more fatal to the troops than the arrows of the enemy. Rendered reckless
by their sufferings, the soldiers cast aside all the obligations of
morality; crimes of the worst description became common, and even the
ties of nature were forgotten. We are told by William of Malmesbury, that
such was the extremity to which the Crusaders were reduced, that many of
them fed upon the dead bodies of their companions. Some of the inferior
leaders deserted the army, and among these was Peter the Hermit, whose
impulsive enthusiasm gave way before continued misfortunes. He, however,
was brought back by Tancred, and was compelled to take a vow that he
would not again abandon the enterprise until the army had reached
Jerusalem. After various encounters had taken place before the walls,
during which the knights of the Crusades performed extraordinary feats of
valour, the town of Antioch was betrayed in 1098 to the crafty Bohemond,
and the Turkish inhabitants were slaughtered indiscriminately. But the
victors found their condition very little improved by the conquest. The
city was rich in booty of various kinds, but contained only a scanty
store of provisions, of which the Crusaders stood most in need.
Reduced to a state of famine within the walls, the Christians found
themselves attacked from without by the forces of the Persian Sultan,
who had advanced to rid the country of the invaders. The army of Godfrey
had the choice of giving battle to their assailants, or of perishing
miserably in the city. Various means having been resorted to of arousing
the superstitious feelings of the soldiers, the Christian host marched
out from the gates, and began the attack. The ghastly faces of men
worn down by famine and misery were lighted once more by the flame of
fanaticism, and the wild multitude threw themselves with desperate vigour
upon the splendidly appointed host of the Moslem.
In the midst of the contest the Crusaders saw, or thought they saw,
some figures clothed in white raiment, and mounted upon white horses,
advancing to their aid over the mountains. A cry was raised that the
saints were coming to fight on their side; and so powerful was the effect
of the enthusiasm thus produced, so terrible was the charge of the
Christians upon their enemies, that the Persian host was utterly routed,
and dispersed over the hills. Nearly 70,000 Turks are said to have died
in the battle of Antioch, while the loss on the part of their opponents
did not exceed 10,000. The Crusaders re-entered the city laden with the
rich booty of the Turkish camp, in which were found provisions of all
kinds, with stores of gold and arms.
While the Christian army was reposing in the midst of plenty, Hugh of
Vermandois and Baldwin of Hainault were dispatched to Constantinople on
a mission to the Emperor Alexius. Baldwin fell into a Turkish ambuscade,
and his fate is not known; but Hugh of Vermandois arrived safely at the
Byzantine court. Alexius, careless of his plighted faith, refused to send
the reinforcements which were demanded, and suffered events to take their
course. The Count of Vermandois having tasted once more the pleasures
of ease and luxury, and wearied with the fatigues and privations of the
Crusade, abandoned the cause which he had sworn to maintain, and leaving
his companions in arms to their fate, returned to his estates in France.
Meanwhile a pestilence broke out in Antioch, and compelled the chiefs
to separate and distribute their men in cantonments over the country. A
desultory but successful warfare continued to be waged against the Turks,
and many towns and fortresses fell into the hands of the Crusaders. At
length, after further sufferings and much hard fighting, the remnant of
the Army of the Cross arrived before Jerusalem. Of those immense armies,
the flower of European chivalry, which had passed in splendid array under
the walls of Constantinople, only about 50,000 men were left to reach the
Holy City.
An attack was begun on the 7th of June, 1099, headed by Godfrey, Tancred,
Robert of Normandy, and Robert of Flanders. The barbicans were carried,
and a portion of the wall was thrown down; but such was the strength of
the fortifications, and so obstinate the defence of the Turks, that it
became necessary to construct engines of assault similar to those which
had been used in the siege of Nicæa. Catapults and movable towers were
prepared, and to these was added a machine called the "sow," made of
wood, and covered with raw hides to protect it from fire. The hollow
space within was filled with soldiers, who, with this protection, were
occupied in undermining the walls.
To secure success in the final effort of the enterprise, the leaders
exerted themselves to heal the dissensions which had hitherto existed
in the army, and Tancred set an example of conciliation by embracing
his foe, Raymond of Toulouse, in sight of the troops. An expiatory
procession, headed by the chiefs and the clergy, was made round the
walls of the city, and prayers were offered up at some of the holy
places in the neighbourhood for the success of the Christian arms. These
demonstrations were treated by the Turks with contempt. They mocked at
the procession as it passed before them, and having raised the Cross
upon the walls, they threw dirt upon the sacred symbol. The anger of the
Crusaders was excited to the utmost, and their interpretation of the
religion of peace permitted them to mingle oaths of vengeance with the
prayers for victory.
[Illustration: CRUSADERS ON THE MARCH.
(_From the Painting by Sir John Gilbert, R.A., P.R.W.S., in the Victoria
and Albert Museum._)]
The preparations having been completed, the towers were rolled up to
the walls, and the attack commenced. The chiefs of the Christian army
appeared on the higher stages of the towers, and Godfrey of Bouillon
himself was seen with a crossbow in his hand directing his shafts within
the town. The Turks replied by pouring out sheets of flame[23] and
flights of arrows upon their assailants. The assault had continued for
ten days without result, when the Crusaders redoubled their efforts. Some
soldiers from the tower of Godfrey effected a lodgment on the walls, and
were followed by the Lord of Lorraine, with Baldwin de Bourg, and other
chiefs. Robert of Normandy and Tancred forced one of the gates, and the
standard of the Cross was raised upon the walls of Jerusalem on the 15th
of July, 1099.
The details of the massacre that ensued form one of the bloodiest pages
of history. The Turks, after a vain attempt to dispute the advance of the
Crusaders, fled to the mosques, and were slain before the altars. The
inhabitants of the city were put to the sword without distinction, women
and children sharing the fate of their husbands and their fathers. Ten
thousand men are said to have been butchered in the Mosque of Omar, where
they had attempted to defend themselves. Streams of blood flowed down the
streets of the city, and few of the infidel race escaped the carnage.
Such was the vengeance taken by the Crusaders for the persecutions
suffered by the Christians in Jerusalem; such were the deeds of horror
perpetrated in the name of the Saviour of mankind, as though the Majesty
of Heaven could be propitiated by a libation of human blood.
It became necessary to place the safety of the Holy City in the care of
one powerful chief, and Godfrey of Bouillon was elected the first King of
Jerusalem. He was invested with his new dignity in the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre, but refused to be crowned, saying that it was not fitting that
he should wear a crown of gold in the city where the Saviour had been
crowned with thorns. His reign lasted barely a year, and on his death his
brother Baldwin was chosen to succeed him.
It does not fall within the scope of this history to trace the progress
of events at Jerusalem under its Latin kings. Some account may, however,
be given of the origin of two powerful orders of knighthood, which
indirectly owed their origin to the First Crusade.
In the year 1048, some merchants from Amalfi obtained permission from
the caliph to build a hospital at Jerusalem for the protection of
pilgrims. A piece of ground near to the site of the Holy Sepulchre was
assigned to them for this purpose, and a chapel and hospital were built
there, the first being dedicated to St. Mary, and the second to St.
John the Baptist. During the siege of Jerusalem many of the sick and
wounded Crusaders were brought into the hospital; and, in gratitude for
the benefits they received there, they determined to dedicate their
lives to charitable acts, and to enter the Monastery of St. John. They
assumed as a dress a black robe, with the figure of a white cross with
eight points. Pope Pascal II. bestowed many valuable privileges upon the
order, and the Poor Brothers of the Hospital of St. John became a wealthy
community, famed throughout Europe. During the reign of Baldwin III. of
Jerusalem, the Hospitallers resumed the sword, binding themselves by a
vow to draw it only against the enemies of Christ. The order of St. John
was then divided into the several classes of knights, clergy, and serving
brothers. The knights were highest in rank, and commanded in battle or
in the hospital; the serving brothers filled the offices of esquires, or
assisted the clergy in attendance upon the sick. The vows, which were
taken by all without distinction, included the duties of chastity, of
obedience, and of a renunciation individually of all worldly possessions.
The order of the Red Cross Knights, or Templars, is to be referred to a
different origin, though the object for which it was instituted was of a
similar kind, namely, the protection of pilgrims. The military order of
Knights Templars was founded by Baldwin II., King of Jerusalem, in 1118,
and they first came to England in 1185. They took vows of obedience to a
Grand Master whom they had appointed, and also bound themselves to purity
of life, to mutual assistance, and to fight continually against the
infidel, never turning back from less than four adversaries. The order
was known as that of the Temple of Jerusalem. They wore a white robe,
to which was attached a red cross. In addition to their great standard,
which also displayed these colours, they carried in battle a banner
with black and white stripes, which was intended to signify charity
and kindness to their friends, and destruction to their enemies. The
Knights Templars, whose rules, like those of the Hospitallers, enjoined
humility and poverty, soon became the proudest and wealthiest order in
Christendom; and while the Knights of St. John remained during several
centuries honoured and respected for acts of benevolence, the Templars
became hated and feared for their vices and their cruelty. Much of the
chivalry of Europe afterwards became merged in these two orders.