for men, and a sense of common danger thrills us. In the evening by a
street lamp's glare we watch a passionate agitator who points to a
flag that we have learned to love. The tramp, tramp of passing
regiments and the sound of martial music thrill us. We lay down our
tool or pen and march to the front. And then comes the first
engagement. The air is blackened with rifle smoke; the roar of
cannonry deafens us. Dazed, we crouch behind an earthwork while the
enemy creeps through the smoke. Suddenly they charge. We fire, but
they surge on through the smoke. They mount the earthwork. We leap
together! Men scream hoarsely! Musket butts crash! Daggers plunge into
quivering flesh! Divine feeling! Glorious patriotism!
The passing of this savage patriotism is inevitable. The whole course
of nature is against it. The very history of development will tell you
that. Loyalty has never been an immutable thing. It has been a
ceaseless and irresistible growth from the individual to the family,
to the tribe, to the nation. The time for a world-patriotism has come.
Why should men limit their loyalty by a row of stones and trees that
we call a boundary? Why are men patriots, anyway, except to save their
privileges and their government? The primitive patriot had no choice
but to fight. He was put down in a little plot of cleared ground
hemmed in by mighty forests, and made to hew out a home in a vast
world of enemies. But how far we have come from him! The
twentieth-century world is a little world. Our earth is like an open
book. We have cut through the jungle wastes of Africa; we have
photographed the poles. We sell and buy things from Greenland and
Java. In such a civilization war-patriotism has no place. It is no
longer the only guide to self-preservation; it has become the most
terrible instrument of self-destruction. And for just this reason
war-patriotism must go. It runs counter to the whole trend of nature
itself. It is diametrically opposed to the mission of patriotism in
the world. Just as those little savage families joined hands in
tribal loyalty, just as the scattered clans and tribes united under
national government, so nations must clasp hands around the globe in a
new spirit of "worldism" that shall make war impossible.
But we cannot gain a world-spirit by a sudden destruction of our
patriotism. We will never usher in tranquillity with a crash. The
nihilism of Tolstoy would plunge us into lawlessness and anarchy, for
the chief element of patriotism we must keep. "What is that element?"
you ask. It is the willingness of the individual to sacrifice his
welfare for the welfare of the group. There we have the stem of the
world-spirit of to-morrow. But the blossom will not burst forth in a
night. It must come by an unfolding and a growth. We cannot climb to
universal peace upon a golden ladder and cut the rungs beneath us.
Evolution builds on the past. The final spirit of "worldism" will be a
broadening and a deepening and a humanizing of the spirit of sacrifice
which is the noblest element in our patriotism.
"But," you ask, "if the evolution of patriotism is inevitable, what
have we to do with it? Why should we meddle with the course of
nature?" We reply that the evolution must come through you. We are not
"puppets jerked by unseen wires." "Consciousness," says Bergson, "is
essentially free." Man the savage or man the philosopher--he alone can
decide. Let him purify patriotism with Christianity and he has
brotherhood; adulterate it with avarice and he has war. The evolution
of patriotism is not a physical thing. Listen to Huxley, "Social
progress means a checking of the cosmic process at every step and the
substitution for it of the ethical process." The evolution of
patriotism, then, is a moral thing, and morality is man-made. We are
men, but we can be supermen. We are patriots of a nation. We can be
patriots of the world.
The evolution of patriotism is no theorist's dream. It is a palpable
fact. The patriot of one age may be the scoundrel of the next. A turn
of the kaleidoscope and Paul the convict trades places with Nero the
Emperor. Who was the ideal ancient patriot? The statesman, Pericles?
The thinker, Plato? No. The most efficient murderer, a Macedonian boy.
"I must civilize," he says. So he starts into his neighbor's country
with forty thousand fighters at his back. Does Persia yield its
banner? No. Then crush it. Does Thebes resist? Then burn it to the
ground. Do the women prate of freedom? Load them with slave chains.
What? Do they still hold out? Then slaughter the swine. And as men
watch him wading through seas of blood, riding roughshod over
prostrate lives and dead hopes and shattered empires, the blind age
cries out, "O godlike Alexander!"
"Godlike!" Oh, but there's new meaning in that word to-day. How much
nobler a picture our modern patriot presents! Not waving the brand of
destruction, not a king of murder will you find the great patriot of
to-day. His thunderbolt of conquest was a host of righteousness. His
empire was built in the hearts of men. In the teeming slums of the
world's greatest city he lifted the standard of the Christ. Haggard
children stretched out hands for bread. He fed them with his last
crust. Thousands were dying in the city's filth. He pointed them to a
more Beautiful City where pain should be no more. And when the body of
William Booth was borne through the silent throngs of London streets,
a million heads were bowed in reverence to this patriot of a purer
day. In every hamlet of civilization some heart called him godlike.
Is not the trend of patriotism clear? Are not the seeds of a new
world-loyalty already in our soil? The trumpet call to war can never
rouse this newer patriotism. The summons "peace on earth and good will
to men"--that is the future bugle call. And for us the task is clear.
To take our destiny into our own hands, to throw off the prejudices of
nationalism, to turn our faces resolutely to the future and strive for
that summit of brotherhood and universal peace, that
"One far-off divine event
To which the whole creation moves."
CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT
By CALVERT MAGRUDER, St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland
First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1913, and Second
Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913
CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT
Ladies and Gentlemen:
We are gathered here this evening in the confident expectation that a
rule of reason will soon be established among the nations. It has been
a hard, at times almost a discouraging, fight--for it is difficult to
convince the world of its own insanity, and lovers of peace have often
been tempted to cry in their despair, "How long, O Lord, how long?"
But there have always been men, with vision unaffected by martial
glamour, who have foreseen in the logic of the world's history the
inevitable end of war, and we have progressed now to a point where
peace is the normal condition in international relationships. But it
is an armed peace, founded on the false principle of suspicion and
distrust, and we come now to consider the practical question of what
the third Hague Conference can do to establish peace upon a firm and
enduring foundation.
You will remember that the First Hague Conference established a
so-called Permanent Court of Arbitration. It is not a definite,
tangible tribunal, but merely a panel of a hundred or more men from
whom the arbiters in each specific case may be selected; and
therefore, though it is a great step in the right direction and though
it has accomplished some good work, it has not commanded full
confidence and recognition. To supplement this court the Conference
of 1907 proposed a new organization--a Judicial Court of Arbitration,
to be composed of seventeen judges of recognized legal authority, to
sit for terms of twelve years, and to be competent to decide all
cases. Here, then, is the nucleus of an easily accessible supreme
court of the world, whose decisions would soon build up a new system
of international law. Its composition, jurisdiction, and procedure are
agreed upon. The vital problem, a mode of selecting the judges,
remains unsettled. Evidently, then, the first great duty of the next
Hague Conference is to put into operation this court, of which all the
nations recognize the need and desirability.
Following logically the establishment of competent machinery for
arbitration comes the second great duty of that conference--the
passage of a convention binding the nations to resort to this court in
all cases that fail of ordinary diplomatic settlement. The Judicial
Court of Arbitration, if the nations are not bound to use it, would
certainly fail of its purpose. A general treaty making arbitration
obligatory is not too much to demand, for the Conference of 1907
declared itself unanimous "in recognizing the principle of compulsory
arbitration." Separate arbitration treaties mounting into the hundreds
have been negotiated between individual nations, but almost all
contain that fatal reservation of questions of "honor and vital
interests." Honor and vital interests--could any words be more vague
and indefinite? Are these not the very cases which interested nations
are least competent to decide? A complete answer to that silly
reservation is found in our hundred years' peace with Great Britain.
As John W. Foster, that keen student of our diplomatic history, has
said, "The United States can have no future dispute with England more
seriously involving the territorial integrity, the honor of the
nation, its vital interests, or its independence, than those questions
which have already been submitted to arbitration." Denmark has agreed
with Italy and the Netherlands to arbitrate all questions that fail of
diplomatic settlement, thus insuring perpetual peace between those
nations. Here indeed is the pathway of true national honor.
Coincident with the establishment of the legal machinery for
arbitration and the growth thereof, we would naturally have expected a
cessation in the mad race for armament-supremacy. But the very reverse
has happened, and to deal firmly with this contradictory situation is
the third great duty of the next Hague Conference. Of what avail are
our Courts of Arbitral Justice when this intolerable economic waste is
permitted! To limit armaments was the avowed purpose of the First
Hague Conference, but nothing was accomplished save the adoption of a
neatly worded resolution that the limitation aforesaid is "highly
desirable for the enlargement of the material and moral well-being of
humanity." In 1907 the subject was again under discussion, the nations
exhorted to a serious examination of the question--and there the
matter rested. We have reached now an insufferable stage where
effective action must be taken. Let us hear no more that deceptive
catch phrase, "If you want peace prepare for war." When bad blood is
likely to arise between individuals the very worst policy to pursue is
to furnish them with weapons. And so it is with nations. Consider, if
you will, the neck-and-neck race between Great Britain and the German
Empire in the construction of battleships. What fool will call that
preparation for war a guaranty of peace? We might be disposed to admit
the sincerity of those who say we must arm and ever arm to maintain
peace, except that they are too often men with professional and
business interests at stake. In England there have been amazing
revelations of this sinister condition--armament companies with peers,
members of Parliament, newspaper owners, officers of the army and
navy, as stockholders; enormous appropriations forced through
Parliament by interested parties; periodic war scares in newspapers
inspired by armament syndicates. Only recently we read how the great
Krupp firm of Germany had been exposed in its practice of bribing
officials to obtain valuable military information and furnishing
French newspapers with war-scare articles calculated to induce Germany
to increase her armament orders. In Russia and France they face a
similar state of affairs. Here in the United States we are undoubtedly
not free therefrom. And then there are the navy leagues in every
country, playing upon the fears of the nations by startling tales of
what the others are doing, and so on through an endless chain,
manufacturing a demand for battleships in the name and under the guise
of patriotism. We shrink from the contemplation of such greed and
selfishness, and appeal for relief to the third Hague Conference.
We come now to a consideration of the fourth prime duty devolving upon
that conference. Ocean commerce in war should be rendered inviolable.
In effecting this we not only abolish a barbarous custom, but at the
same time remove one of the chief causes of great navies. As long as
the safety of the merchant marine is not guaranteed by international
agreement, just so long will nations with commercial aspirations
build enormous navies for their protection. It is true England has
hitherto opposed this reform,--confident in her naval supremacy,--but
she cannot again fly in the face of a general demand without too great
a sacrifice of prestige.
Here, then, are four important problems of the peace movement, all
difficult, but not impossible of solution when we remember that the
Conference of 1907, in good faith, I believe, adopted the following
declaration, "That, by working together during the past four months,
the collected powers not only have learnt to understand one another
and to draw close together, but have succeeded ... in evolving a very
lofty conception of the common welfare of humanity." Whether these
fine words breathe sincerity or hypocrisy the next Hague Conference
has ample opportunity to prove.
And now, what shall we say of the position of America in this war
against war? Her boundless resources; her amalgamation of men from all
parts of the world into one people; her impregnable geographical
situation; her embodiment of the three cardinal principles of
world-union (federation, interstate free trade, interstate courts);
the genius and ideals of our government--all give America a logical
leadership. She can boast of the first peace society in the world, of
a glorious record of arbitration, of a long list of the wisest
international statesmen, of a most advanced position at The Hague upon
the questions of ocean commerce, courts of justice, arbitration,
limitation of armaments. But there is the darker view. The treaties
negotiated by Secretary Knox with France and with England, agreeing to
arbitrate every question that fails of diplomatic settlement--those
treaties were rejected by the United States Senate. There was a
transcendent opportunity to lay the foundation for a speedy
realization of peace universal, with France and England willing, yes,
even anxious to coöperate--and America failed! Mr. Taft has shown that
if the position of the Senate is accepted as international law, then
we may as well bid farewell to any hopes of leadership in the peace
movement, for our nation could then enter upon no general arbitration
agreements because of the prerogative of the Senate in each specific
case to accept or refuse arbitration.
It is at this point, Ladies and Gentlemen, that there is work for the
humblest of us to do. In the intellectual field we can aid in the
creation of an intelligent, forceful public opinion that will induce
the Senate to recede from its fatal attitude, and that will resist a
false, cheap patriotism which is relentlessly endeavoring to crush
America 'neath the burden of militarism. Then in the moral field we
can stimulate and foster a peaceful attitude, a sentiment for peace,
in the hearts of our countrymen; and until this is accomplished there
can be no peace universal, for, as Senator Root has said, "The
questions at issue between disputing nations are nothing, the spirit
that deals with them is everything." And finally, in the educational
field, let us take heed that the men and women of our rising
generation are taught the glorious pages of our arbitration history as
well as they know the battles of our country. Let us take care that it
is grounded into their minds and habits of thought from earliest
years, that "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war."
In conclusion, let us not be deceived by that vain apology for war,
that it is necessary to keep alive the heroic spirit and to stimulate
manly courage. Despite the noble side in war, its bestial side
predominates; its larger effect upon men is demoralizing. And if it be
glorious to die for a cause, how much nobler to live and strive for an
ideal, utilizing the talents that God gave us for its realization! The
movement for peace is not one of weaklings and mollycoddles. It is
championed by red-blooded men, daring to bear the ridicule of the
thoughtless and to fight for the preconceptions of humanity. Peace has
her heroes in daily life--miners, mariners, policemen, firemen, men of
every station, displaying the nobility of their souls often unheralded
and unsung. The venerable William T. Stead, bearing across the ocean
his message of international good will, sacrificed his life on the
_Titanic_ that others might live. He was a hero, yes, but a hero of
peace.
It would be an insult to your intelligence to prove the self-evident
proposition that war is uneconomic, unscientific, unchristian. The
movement for its elimination, above all, is logical and practical, and
should appeal to every man. Is it nothing to you? Yes, it is a great
deal to you. Merely let your imaginations picture the day when the
seventy per cent of our national revenue now sacrificed on the altar
of folly is diverted to the arts of peace, to the amelioration of
social conditions, to advancing the happiness of our people--at peace
with all other peoples in the assurance of international law and love.
Ladies and Gentlemen, if we but do our duty, the dawn of that great
day will come in our generation!
THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE
By VERNON M. WELSH, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois
First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1913, and Third
Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913
THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE
The birth and rapid rise of the present movement for international
peace are events of recent years. The nineteenth century found its
welcome in the smoking cannon and crimsoned fields of Hohenlinden. At
its close the first great peace conference of The Hague was in
session. One hundred years ago Napoleon was sweeping across Europe in
his terrible attempt to create an empire. To-day France, England, and
America have agreed on treaties that declare for unbroken peace.
Touched by the wand of progress, the Utopian ideal of yesterday has
become the dominant political issue of to-day. It is pertinent, then,
that we seek the true nature of this revolution. Is it borne on the
crest of a popular impulse that will recede as rapidly as it has
risen, or is it a permanent movement, the product of natural forces
working through ordinary channels?
The nineteenth century represents a break with the past. Swept into
the mighty current of transition, the habits and customs of a thousand
years have disappeared. With the development of natural resources, the
establishment and growth of the factory system, the use of means of
rapid communication, nations have entered upon a new era. Commerce and
industry have come to dominate thought and action and are transforming
the very life of the world. Defying the rigorous climate of both the
poles, trade has penetrated the frozen recesses of Hudson Bay and
made of the Falkland Islands a relay station in the progress of
victorious industry. Nor is the equatorial heat more discouraging. The
thick jungles of Africa have yielded their secrets, and the muddy
waters of the Amazon are churned by propellers a thousand miles from
the sea. International trade routes traverse the seas, connecting
continent with continent. In forty years this commerce has increased
from two billions to thirty billions. Giant corporations have ignored
political boundaries, carried trade wherever profitable, and are
supplying the varied demands of entire communities. Tariff walls, but
lately effective barriers, are crumbling before the onslaught of
trade. Nations are no longer independent. The wheat from Canada and
the Dakotas feeds the mill workers of Sheffield and the nobility of
Berlin. The failure of the Georgia cotton crop halts the looms of
England and raises the cost of living throughout Europe. Nations can
no longer exist as self-sufficient economic units. Never before were
they so mutually interdependent. Never before has the welfare and
security of one state depended upon the enterprise and diligence of
another. And the movement for international peace is the chance
offspring of these new social forces, at once a protest and a warning
against the wrecking of modern economic structures by the ruthless
hand of war.
Commerce, the most important of these new forces, flourishes
unprejudiced by armaments and military prestige. In the open
competition of the world's markets stronger powers meet and suffer
from the rivalry of states that have no military standing. Relative to
population, Norway has a carrying trade three times as great as
England's. With her million trained warriors Germany is beaten by the
merchants of Holland. The flag of little Denmark flies at more
mastheads than does the Stars and Stripes. Where then is the
commercial advantage supposed to attend superior military strength?
But it is to prevent the seizure of its commerce by others that
nations must empty their treasuries to keep ironclads afloat. Yet what
could be gained by attempted confiscation? If Germany annihilated
England's navy to-morrow, how would she profit? Commerce is a process
of exchange, the continuance and promotion of which is dependent upon
the degree of mutual profit. Commercial gain is not a consequent of
military success. It is since England seized the gold fields, diamond
mines, and fertile plateaus of lower Africa that British securities
have dropped twenty points. In 1871 Germany humbled and humiliated
France almost beyond toleration, yet her share of the world's commerce
has not been augmented thereby. So would it be with England. True,
Germany might commit some depredations and hinder the passage of
trade, but what would be her motive? How could she gain? Even if the
British Isles were depopulated, it is doubtful whether Germany would
benefit. For by what miracle would Germany be able to develop the
facilities, the shipyards, mills, factories, foundries, mines and
machinery, to supply the trade which the foremost of commercial
nations has been generations in building up? Germany's banner might
wave over the Bank of England, her excise boats police the Thames and
the Clyde, yet she would behold the trade of a conquered province
going to foreign nations. Trade does not follow the flag. Undisturbed
by political changes or military reverses, it flows in constantly
widening channels wherever productive fields are found.