Last night it seemed as if everything in the greatness of England was

dwindled, shrunken, and soiled. The Diplomatic Corps separated into

groups, the expression of which was remarkable. The new Spain, the new

Portugal, Belgium still in outline, everything which depends on the

disorder and weakness of the Great Powers, looked at Lord Palmerston

with great anxiety, which as the certainty grew that he would stay in

office, changed into an expression of affection and triumph. Scorn and

hatred contracted every fibre of the Princesse de Lieven. The French

Ambassador, neither a reactionary like the North, nor a propagandist

like the English, seemed full of care rather than annoyance, more

sorry than surprised, and had the air of a man who, seeing the part of

honest man played out, feels that his own is finished, and that the

time has come for retiring with honour. The English themselves seemed

humiliated, and under no illusions about the appearance of moderation

which cloaks the feebleness of the present policy. In fact, the

patch-up of the Ministry will lead more slowly perhaps, but by a

process of disintegration equally sure, to the ruin which would have

been the result had Lord Durham and Mr. O'Connell reached office at a

single stride.

The more one examines Lord Brougham's conduct, the more one is struck

with the shamelessness of his character. The day before yesterday the

venerable Lord Harewood asked him where we were, and whether the

Ministry would be reconstructed, and the Chancellor replied, "Where

are we? Where do you suppose we can be when at a critical moment like

this we have to deal with people who take it into their heads to talk

of their honour? What have we to do with honour at such a time?"

If he is not troubled by considerations of his honour, he troubles

himself equally little about his dignity. Yesterday when every one was

so much agitated, in spite of the established custom that the

Chancellor of England shall attend Divine Service at the Temple

Church, he thought fit to accompany Madame Peter to Mass, and to sit

beside this lady all the time, courting her not less assiduously than

his colleague, Lord Palmerston.

This morning, it is said, they will throw a sop to Lord Durham, and

will make him Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in order to get rid of him.

At the same time, the revived Ministry will abandon the Coercion Bill.

If this be done, they will have crowned Mr. O'Connell King of Ireland

on the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille. July 14 is certainly

the great day in the modern revolutionary annals.

I have just met a Conservative Peer, a clever and honourable man who

moved me greatly. With tears in his eyes he lamented the degradation

of his country, the ruin of this great and venerable fabric. He

foresaw the terrible struggle which may immediately arise between the

two Houses; the Radical spirit which, whether they like it or not,

must control the present Ministry, and those which will rapidly

succeed it. The present Cabinet in everybody's opinion is still-born,

and people are surprised that so good and intelligent a man as Lord

Melbourne should lend himself to such a farce. His sister tried to

explain it by saying that one must sacrifice one's self for one's

country, but Madame de Lieven answered, "The country cannot be saved

by men who dishonour themselves."

Lord Melbourne's friends who know him well say that his indolence will

very soon get the upper hand, and that with a vigorous "damn!" he will

cast off everything. It is, indeed, strange to see the most nonchalant

man in England called to the conduct of affairs at such a critical

moment for the country.

_London, July 15, 1834._--Lord Grey called and stayed a long time. We

spoke of the recent crisis as if it were already ancient history, and

with the same detachment and sincerity as of old. He argued feebly,

and as it were to ease his conscience, against my melancholy

forebodings, defended his successors collectively and abandoned them

in detail; or at least he agreed that their position was difficult,

and that they cut a sinister figure on their re-entry into power. He

was silent when I told him that the public thought Mr. Littleton was

the fool, Lord Althorp the weakling, the Chancellor the villain of the

piece. He shrugged his shoulders when I quoted to him a curious

remark made by his brother-in-law, Mr. Ellice, in Lady Grey's

drawing-room the evening before, which was as follows. Replying to the

regret expressed by some one at Lord Grey's retirement, "No doubt," he

said, "it is a pity from many points of view, but it was bound to

come. He was quite sick of the business, and, at any rate, this will

have the advantage of giving us more scope, making our progress freer

and getting us out of the policy of compromise, which is no longer

possible."

Lord Grey said and repeated several times that he regretted neither

power nor office, and that for several months past he had felt

enfeebled, without interest in anything, and unable to do any business

except with repugnance and lassitude. He confessed that what had made

him feel most bitter was the conduct of some of his own people,

especially Lord Durham, whose violence, hauteur, ambition and

intrigues had afflicted him the more as his daughter had been the

first to suffer. He could not doubt that Lady Durham's last

miscarriage was due to her husband's brutality. He told me that in

spite of the terror inspired by his character, it was proposed to give

him, in the new Cabinet, the place left vacant by Lord Melbourne's

transfer to the Treasury. Lord Durham's ambition and malevolent

activity make him so inconvenient to any Ministry of which he is not a

member, that it seems almost better to admit him, and to try in this

way to neutralise his ill-will. Lord Grey was doubtful, however,

whether they could make up their minds to do so, he was so much

detested by every one.

Lord Grey was sure that he had persuaded Lord Althorp to resume his

place in the Cabinet[25] in spite of the many embarrassments of his

position. He says that without Lord Althorp they could never control

the House of Commons. He flattered himself also that he has persuaded

Lord Lansdowne to stay, but he was not sure of this. In fact, being

persuaded that the accession to power of either the Tories or the

Radicals would mean revolution, he did all he could with all the

energy in his power to patch up the miserable Cabinet which has just

betrayed him. He cannot or will not understand that it is Radicalism

very thinly veiled just as much as if O'Connell or Cobbett were

already in office.

[25] The new Cabinet was constituted as follows: First Lord of

the Treasury, Lord Melbourne; Chancellor, Lord Brougham; Lord

President of the Council, the Marquess of Lansdowne; Secretary of

State for Foreign Affairs, Viscount Palmerston; Secretary of

State for the Colonies, Mr. Spring Rice; Chancellor of the

Exchequer, Lord Althorp; First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord

Auckland; Postmaster-General, Marquess of Conyngham;

Paymaster-General of the Forces, Lord John Russell; Chief

Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Mr. Littelton.

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Lord Holland; Home

Secretary, Viscount Duncannon; President of the Board of Control,

Mr. Charles Grant; President of the Board of Trade, Mr. Poulett

Thomson; Secretary of State for War, Mr. Ellice; Lord Privy Seal,

Lord Mulgrave. Most of these Ministers had been members of the

previous Cabinet.

I sat next the Chancellor at the Duchess-Countess of Sutherland's

dinner. He was very genial, and invited me to drink the toast of the

day, the 14th of July. "At dessert," I replied, well knowing that his

restless mind would forget all about it. As a matter of fact, the

matter quite slipped his memory. I could not, in any case, have drunk

the toast, for this date, which has already such unhappy associations,

was certainly not purified yesterday.

The Chancellor asked me if I had seen Lord Grey and if I was not

struck with his simplicity, which he said was such that he could

conceal, dissemble and contain nothing. "He is a child in candour and

thoughtlessness, and he yields to the impressions of every moment."

"His is a very noble nature," I replied. "Yes, yes, no doubt," said

he, "it is the nature of a very nice child, which reminds me that Mr.

Hare, a friend of Mr. Fox as well as of Fitzpatrick and Grey, used

always to call him 'Baby Grey.'"

There is no doubt that Don Carlos is gone. Some say he embarked on the

Thames when he was supposed to be at the Opera, and that he will land

in Spain at one of the points where he is supposed to have a

following. Others, and among them M. de Miraflorès, say that he has

gone viâ France; that M. Calomarde managed the whole thing from Paris,

instigated by him (Miraflorès) in order to entrap Don Carlos. Anyhow,

he is gone, and whatever be the result of his enterprise it cannot be

without effect.

_London, July 16, 1834._--Lord Melbourne's successor at the Home

Office is known; it is Lord Duncannon, who has been transferred from

the Woods and Forests, which he leaves to Sir John Cam-Hobhouse. The

latter is celebrated for his friendship with Lord Byron, his Eastern

travels, and his very liberal opinions, in which, however, he is less

extreme than Lord Duncannon, who is said to be quite violent. This

shows that the Cabinet has taken on a more decidedly revolutionary

character.

Yesterday it was certain that Don Carlos had left London; to-day his

arrival in Spain is equally beyond doubt. The Tories say he has got to

Navarre after having crossed all France; and this, too, is the version

of M. de Miraflorès, who now perhaps regrets having boasted of having

deceived the Prince and surrounded him with spies who were to deliver

him up to the first Spanish outpost, while as a matter of fact he has

arrived safe and sound among his own people, by whom, it is said, he

has been enthusiastically received.

The English Ministry yesterday admitted knowing of Don Carlos's

arrival in Spain, which is believed to have taken place on the 9th,

but they say that he landed at a port in Biscaya attended only by a

single Frenchman, and that his partisans eagerly welcomed him. It is

asserted that he only went to Spain because the Northern provinces

invited him, and threatened that they would declare their independence

and constitute themselves a Republic if their natural leader did not

come to them. It is clear that there must have been great hopes on the

one hand and much to lose on the other before a man so timid and so

incapable as Don Carlos could have been persuaded to run such a risk.

Moreover, his conversation with the Duke of Wellington, which I set

down above, shows that his mind has for several weeks been occupied

with this plan of going to Spain.

_London, July 17, 1834._--The friends of the new Ministry are wearing

themselves out with assertions that the policy of the French alliance

will not be altered in any way. I believe this is true; but, in the

interests of both countries, I should have preferred that the alliance

had been founded on social order and had not depended for its

continuance on revolutionary sympathies, which give just cause for

anxiety to the rest of Europe, and may bring about conflicts in which

it would be difficult to predict who will be the victor.

We are more and more decided to return to France immediately after

Parliament rises, and perhaps even sooner.

Our more distant future is not yet to be foreseen, but Lord Grey's

example is another proof that the great figures of history should

themselves choose the circumstances of their retirement, and should

not wait till it is imposed upon them by the mistakes or the perfidy

of others.

Yesterday we received the two first volumes of a book, entitled _M. de

Talleyrand_. I have hardly looked at it, but M. de Talleyrand has read

it. He says that nothing could be more stupid, false, tedious, and

ill-imagined, and that he would not pay five shillings to have it

suppressed. I admit that I am less philosophic, and that on occasions

of this sort--which in a libellous age like ours are so numerous--I

always remember a saying of La Bruyère's, which seems to me remarkably

true. "Excessive calumny," he says, "like excessive praise, always

leaves a trace behind." As a matter of fact, the world is divided into

the foolish and the malevolent, and so there are always people who

will believe what is improbable, especially about an opponent.

_London, July 18, 1834._--Fatuity in men is a thing which spreads from

one point to all the rest. M. de Miraflorès, who is very pushing with

women and rather ridiculous, is not less presumptuous in politics. He

launches out madly and credits himself with successes which are only

due to the personal passions of the people, and which will perhaps

hardly be justified by the final result. Thus he proclaims himself the

inventor of the Quadruple Alliance, the first idea of which was

suggested to him by Lord Palmerston. Now that Don Carlos's

reappearance on Spanish territory renews the old difficulties, the

little Marquis, _proprio motu_, without waiting for orders from his

Government, sends a perfect _olla podrida_ of a note--a masterpiece of

absurdity--appealing to France and England to extend the scope of the

treaty whose object was believed to be accomplished.

The present circumstances are, however, very different. Three months

ago the two Pretenders, Miguel and Carlos, were both penned up in a

little corner of Portugal, and were thus more particularly the

business of England. Now Don Carlos is in the north of Spain, near the

French frontier. Will England carry her revolutionary tendencies so

far as to allow a French army to enter the Peninsula? Would not that

be the signal for Lord Palmerston's resignation? On the other hand,

can France, after declaring against Don Carlos, allow him again to

seize a power which he would use against her? It is not that the

Government of the Queen-Regent, which becomes more and more decrepit,

is likely to be a very good neighbour. King Louis-Philippe finds

himself in the dilemma of being faced on the other side of the

Pyrenees either with the Republican or the Legitimist principle. The

_mezzo termine_ can only be maintained by armed force--in fact, by

conquest!

This reminds me of a very true remark made by M. de Talleyrand which

has often come back to my mind during the last four years. It was said

in the midst of the intoxication of the great days of 1830. M. de

Talleyrand found one of his friends full of hopes and illusions,

patriotic phrases and emotion, over the scene at the Hôtel de Ville,

the Lafayette accolades, and the popularity of Louis-Philippe.

"Monsieur," said he, "what is wanting in all this is a trifle of

conquest."

They say that in Spain Martinez de la Rosa is _passé_, and can no

longer maintain himself in power; he will be replaced by Toreno, and

will become President of the House of Peers. It is also said that the

Queen-Regent will create him Marquis de l'Alliance.

_London, July 19, 1834._--Everything that is happening here reminds

one of the first scenes of the French Revolution. The analogy is

striking, the copy a trifle too servile. The aristocracy, the minority

of the nobility, the _tiers état_, have each their counterparts in the

Tories, the Whigs, and the Radicals. The Whigs are blinded by jealousy

and personal ambition, and will not see that they have any other

enemies than the Tories; they see no danger except on that side, and

in order to keep their rivals out of office they are precipitating

themselves and all their class into the abyss which has been dug for

them by the Radicals.

In talking over all this yesterday M. de Talleyrand quoted a remark

made to him by the Abbé Sieyès during the sittings of the Constituent

assembly. "Yes, we get on very well now that we are discussing only

_Liberty_; it is when we get on to _Equality_ that we shall quarrel."

At the very lively sitting of the Lords of the day before yesterday

Ministers very clearly marked out the line they mean to follow, and

the very men who in Lord Grey's time, less than a fortnight ago, held

the repressive clauses of the Coercion Bill to be indispensable,

announced their abandonment amid the jeers and scoffs of the House.

This was as much as to say that the Cabinet in order to survive was

putting itself at the disposal of the Radical majority in the House of

Commons, was flouting the opposition of the Lords and doing its best

to make it of no account. As one might expect, the irritation which

results from this is sharply expressed in the Upper House. All the

consolation Ministers have is the approbation which O'Connell is good

enough to bestow upon them.

_London, July 20, 1834._--I much prefer Lord Grey's second speech

delivered the day before yesterday in the House of Lords to make clear

his position which had been misrepresented by both parties, to the

first speech in which he announced his resignation. The latter I

thought was too long and too tearful, and entered too minutely into

his family affairs. The speech of the day before yesterday was more

laconic, and more closely argued; its dignity was remarkable and,

while avoiding any bitterness or personality, the speaker exposed the

chicanery which had forced him to retire. He remains well disposed to

the guiltiest parties and full of kindness to his successors as

individuals, but he will have nothing to do with their policy. His

retirement in accordance with his own instincts is greeted with the

applause of all sensible people, the humiliation of those whom he has

quitted, and the lively displeasure of all those who are the real

enemies of social order.

A fortnight ago I confess Lord Grey seemed to me nothing more than an

old man worn out, shaken to pieces, and on the point of being

discredited. Since his resignation his last political acts have been

illumined with a brilliant gleam. His fine talent for oratory which he

exercised so long in opposition has recovered all its energy now that

he is out of office again, and it may be truly said that Lord Grey who

has had one fall after another has again reached the foremost place

now that he has got free of the shameful ambuscades by which he has

been overpowered. The Cabinet is now much afraid of him and would fall

low indeed if Lord Grey was not compassionate enough to throw over it

the mantle of his protection. His colleagues, who lately spoke of him

with more pity than respect, tremble at his words to-day. Ah! how wise

it is not to survive one's self in politics, and how necessary it is

to choose time fitting for retreat.

A resignation which is both less important and less honourable is that

of Marshal Soult.[26] The reasons for his disappearance which is

accepted by the King and little regretted by the Cabinet, are said to

be internal quarrels about the question whether Algeria shall have a

military or a civil governor--about a speech from the Throne, more or

less detailed, which is to be delivered on July 31 next, but above all

the terror of the Army estimates which the Marshal is said to be

afraid to face next session. They say that they will offer his place

to Marshal Gérard.

[26] Marshal Soult had been President of the Council since 1832.

He resigned that office in July 1834.

Most fortunately for the Queen Regent of Spain some accident seems to

have happened which will enable her to appear at the opening of the

Cortès. She has much need of a piece of good luck to re-establish her

position which she has so curiously compromised by her frivolity and

inconsequence.

Lord Howick, eldest son of Lord Grey, who has no great reputation for

either physical or intellectual merit, has just resigned his position

as Under Secretary of State at the Home Office, thus following his

father's example and fortunes. This is the only instance of fidelity

which his father is likely to encounter.

Yesterday I saw Lady Cowper at her own house; she seemed to me

depressed and preoccupied. With her intelligence it is difficult for

her not to be afflicted by conduct in her relatives and friends which

is so wanting in credit. She pointed out to me not without reason the

change which has come over London life and society, the care people

take to avoid each other, the hostile way in which they speak of each

other, the unrest of every one, their distrust of the present, their

gloomy forebodings for the future, the general disorganisation, the

dispersion of the diplomatic corps, and the absence of all government

and all authority. This was striking language from the sister of the

Premier and the intimate friend of the Foreign Secretary.

She tried hard to persuade me that the offence given by the latter to

the corps diplomatique, and in particular to M. de Talleyrand, should

not be attributed to any evil intention but simply to a certain

neglect of forms which may well be excused in a man overwhelmed with

work. She seemed to be especially embarrassed by the thought that M.

de Talleyrand might take Lord Palmerston's conduct to him as a reason

for retiring. She used all her wit in fact, all her charm and good

taste, and she has all these qualities in a high degree, to justify

her friends and to mitigate the bitterness which they have provoked. I

left her much pleased with her way of putting things but not at all

converted on essential points.

_London, July 21, 1834._--The great need in which the Ministry find

themselves of some speaker in the House of Lords less discredited than

the Chancellor and cleverer than the other Ministers who are peers,

has led them to make a most extraordinary proposition, characteristic

of the absolute want of sense and refinement which distinguishes

Holland House. They seriously suggested that Lord Grey should remain,

not as Prime Minister, but as Lord Privy Seal! He had the good taste

to laugh at this proposal, taking it as a thing too grotesque to take

offence at. But how could they have had the impudence to make such a

request?

However, everything is so strange just now that one need be surprised

at nothing. Here for example is the full story of how Lord Melbourne

discharged the task committed to him by the King of doing his best to

form a Coalition Ministry. No doubt the thing was impossible; still,

Lord Melbourne chose a curious way of bringing it about. He wrote on

behalf of the King to the Duke of Wellington and to Sir Robert Peel

telling them of the commission with which he had been entrusted, and

adding that in order to save them trouble he would send them a copy of

the letter which he had just written to His Majesty showing how he

himself regarded the question. This letter contained nothing but a

strong argument against any attempt at agreement with the other side

and an enumeration of all the difficulties which made coalition

impossible. The Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel replied by

acknowledging his letter and thanking him respectfully for the

communication made to them on behalf of the King. The King was

surprised that these gentlemen did not reply in greater detail and

sent to ask for their observations. They answered: "They are all

contained in Lord Melbourne's letter to His Majesty, we have nothing

to add." Thus the curious negotiation terminated.

_London, July 22, 1834._--The phase of calm and prosperity through

which the French Government seemed again to be passing seems to be

rather disturbed by the dissensions of the Ministers among themselves

which have been caused by the resignation of Marshal Soult. It appears

that people are anxious and divided in opinion on the length and the

greater or less importance of the short session announced for July 31.

It comes at an inconvenient time for discussing events in the

Peninsula, and the flood of oratory will probably embarrass the

Government. Were Don Carlos to prevail we should have a personal enemy

on our frontiers; if the Queen-Regent triumphs, which she can only do

by throwing herself more and more into the "movement," we shall have a

revolutionary and anarchist neighbour. This could not be indifferent

to our Government, which already has only too much of the same sort of

thing to contend with. It seems, moreover, that the two armies were

too near each other not to come to blows, and the first decisive

success of either side will probably settle the subsequent course of

the conflict. Thus the issue is awaited with great and anxious

curiosity.

Now that the quarrel is no longer being fought out in Portugal, but in

Spain, the English are drawing out of it, and will give only slight

support to their dear Miraflorès. The burden of the business is

reserved for France, and it bristles with difficulties.

In the City yesterday news was spread of the death of the

Queen-Regent. Some said she had been poisoned; some that she had died

of the results of the accident which had led to her retirement. The

news is probably false, but in a country like Spain, in time of civil

war, religious fanaticism, family jealousy and quarrels run riot; evil

passions of all sorts are let loose, and no crime is more improbable

than the daily spectacle of folly and disorder.

Mr. Stanley, who replaces Lord Howick as Under-Secretary of State at

the Home Office, is quite different from the Mr. Stanley who was

lately in office. He is a kind of would-be dandy, and a complete

Radical of the worst and lowest sort. He was for a time private

secretary to Lord Durham.

The latter has contemptuously refused the embassy at Paris, which, as

he well knew, was only offered to him because he is not wanted here.

He replied that he would accept no place from a Cabinet which would

not receive him as one of themselves. Lord Carlisle has resigned the

Privy Seal.

_London, July 24, 1834._--It was generally said yesterday that the

Infanta Maria Princess of Portugal and wife of Don Carlos, has also

secretly left England to follow her husband to Spain, leaving her

children here with her sister the Duchess of Beira. Princess Maria is

said to be possessed of much courage and decision of character.

Probably she thinks that she has more than her husband, and that her

presence will inspire the Pretender with all the energy which he needs

in his difficult situation. All these Portuguese Princesses are demons

either in politics or in love, and sometimes in both. One of them,

married to a Marquis de Loulé, had an adventure with a British naval

officer, which caused much scandal at Lisbon. M. de Loulé was furious

and sent away his wife, keeping the children. Dom Pedro required his

brother-in-law to take her back, but I did not hear how the matter

ended.

Princess Isabella also caused some talk while she was Regent, and Dom

Miguel, it is said, tried to give her poison in a vegetable soup. She

is now at Lisbon, reunited to the rest of her family, or, rather, her

relatives, for love and hate are alike so perverse in the House of

Braganza that they can hardly be said to respect in any way the

natural family ties.

_A propos_ of Pretenders and curious manners, Lord Burghersh yesterday

told me a great deal about the Countess of Albany, whom he knew at

Florence. There she had as _cavaliere servente_ M. Fabre, the painter,

who had lived with her since the death of Alfieri. They used to walk

out alone, with only M. Fabre's big dog to keep them company. They

also dined alone. From eight to eleven the Countess received all

Florence. While this was going on M. Fabre retired to a mistress of an

inferior order. At eleven he reappeared at the Countess's, and his

arrival was the signal for the whole company to disperse in order that

they might sup _tête-à-tête_. The one was never asked out without the

other; this is the etiquette in Italy, and is carried to a naïve

extreme. Here is an example: Lord Burghersh, who was British Minister

at Florence, opened his house with a great ball, to which he thought

that he had invited every one of importance. However, not being as

yet very well up in the manners and customs of society, he forgot to

invite a gentleman who was attached to a certain fair lady. On the

morning of the ball my lord's steward came to him with an open letter

which he had just received, and which he asked his master to read.

Lord Burghersh read as follows: "_Sapete, caro Matteo, che sono

servita da il Cavaliere_ so-and-so; he is not invited to Lord

Burghersh's, which, as you will understand, makes it impossible for me

to go to his ball; please correct this mistake." The mistake was, in

fact, corrected, and Lord Burghersh never forgot the lesson.

"_Sapete_" to a servant, and "_sono servita_" are expressions of a

_naïveté_ which is almost beyond belief, yet quite according to

Italian manners. But, to return to the Countess of Albany and M.

Fabre, her ladyship having died, M. Fabre painted a portrait of the

dog, the companion of their walks, had it engraved, and sent a proof

to each of the Countess's friends with the following inscription: "To

the friends of the Countess of Albany from M. Fabre's dog."

_London, July 25, 1834_.--The Ministry grows very bitter against Lord

Grey, being incensed at his dignified retirement and his just disdain

of the preposterous proposal of the Privy Seal. He is called weak,

incapable and capricious, and insult is added to perfidy. The thin

veil with which this treacherous conduct is covered does not conceal

it sufficiently to prevent Lord Grey himself from beginning to be

embittered by it. I know that he has said that if his successors went

another step in the direction of revolution he would not only cease to

vote for them but openly declare against them. Decidedly he has

returned to his better instincts, and I believe he will have the

courage to purge himself, so far as that is possible, of the

imputation of having led England along a road to ruin.

Lord John Russell the mildest, the wittiest, and the most honourable

of Jacobins, the most simple minded and the most candid of

revolutionaries, the most agreeable, but also by the very reason of

his virtue, the most dangerous of Ministers, was telling me yesterday

that some months ago he had a violent argument with Lord Grey about a

measure on which they did not agree. On this occasion, Lord Grey

declared to him that he would never consent to put his name to a

revolutionary measure. "After Reform," added Lord John in his mild

little way, "this showed great weakness and want of logic." "You would

be right," I replied, "if Lord Grey, when he allowed you to pass the

Reform Bill, had foreseen all the consequences; but you will agree

with me that he did not foresee them, and that you took good care not

to point them out to him in time." Lord John laughed and said very

charmingly, "You don't expect me to confess, do you?" If all the

revolutionaries were of the type of Cobbett and O'Connell, or of the

ill-bred and cynical nature of Lord Brougham, it would be easier to be

on one's guard. But in the witty, fragile figure of the Duke of

Bedford's son how could one suspect that there lurks so much

perversity of judgment, how could one imagine that a body to all

appearance so frail and exhausted could be capable of such persistence

in thought and such violence in action?

_London, July 29, 1834._--An expedition to Woburn Abbey has

interrupted this journal. This, the third visit which I have paid to

this splendid place, was much pleasanter to me personally than the two

others, but it has furnished me with nothing to add to my previous

descriptions of it. Nothing happened there at all out of the ordinary

course of English country-house life. The hospitality dispensed is on

a great and generous scale with a little more pomp and ceremony than

one wants in country life, at least according to Continental ideas.

A party at Woburn in particular is as carefully arranged as a London

dinner-party. Twenty or thirty persons who know each other, but not

familiarly, are invited to be together for two or three days. The

hosts go to their house for the special purpose of receiving their

guests, and return to town after their departure. They have thus

themselves the air of being on a visit. However, when all is said and

done, there is so much to see and admire; the Duke of Bedford is so

charming, such a perfect embodiment of the _grand seigneur_; the

Duchess is so attentive, that it is impossible not to carry away with

one the most pleasing impressions. My own impression was particularly

so, and this in spite of the rather melancholy cloud on the

countenances of some of the leading figures. Lord Grey, for instance,

has collapsed in a rather startling way; he seems ill and worn out,

and takes no trouble to conceal his attitude, which is becoming more

and more bitter. The most voluntary of abdications are always followed

by regrets; one may die of overwork; one flickers out when one is

shelved. It is so difficult to be satisfied both with one's self and

with others.

Madame de Lieven, also, despite all her efforts, was fainting under

the burden of saying good-bye, of going away and staying away. She is

really very unhappy, and I am very sorry for her. This is the more the

case as no person of ability has ever found less resources within

herself than she. She always relies for help on her surroundings. She

must have the stir of news and conversation, and when she is alone

there is nothing left for her to do but to go to sleep. She weeps to

have to quit England; she fears St. Petersburg, but what she feels

most is the journey--a week of solitude! Her husband and children

don't count! She will stay a day at Hamburg solely for the purpose of

exchanging a few words with new people. She seized with avidity the

idea of arranging that the Baron and Baroness de Talleyrand should

visit her, though she has never seen them and does not know whether

they will amuse her. She was obviously consoled when she managed to

persuade Lord Alvanley to go on his way to Carlsbad by Hamburg in the

same packet as herself, and this though Lord Alvanley warned her that

sea-sickness made him very bad company. For her, indeed, _ennui_ is

like a conscience; her one idea is to fly from herself.

When we got back to London we heard of the Madrid massacres--always

the same horrible fable of the poisoned wells, which infuriates

popular ignorance wherever there is an epidemic of cholera, and

produces mad atrocities. The monks have been the victims on this

occasion, and the convents have been pillaged in spite of religious

fanaticism. The hand of authority was weak and impotent: the

Government had retired to St. Ildephonse, terrified and irresolute,

not knowing whether in these melancholy circumstances of plague, riot

and civil war, the Cortès should be summoned or prorogued, or, if they

should be summoned, to what place or under whose auspices! It is

impossible to imagine a concourse of circumstances more melancholy in

themselves, more fatal for Spain, or more unpleasing neighbours for

France.

Louis-Philippe is very unwilling to interfere openly and directly in

the destinies of Spain. He has even showed this unwillingness so

clearly, that the Ambassadors at Paris have divined his secret and are

taking great advantage of it. The attitude of the Ministry, which has

to reckon more directly with the national vanity and susceptibility,

is much less decided. This is the situation in which the Chambers will

meet the day after to-morrow.

One of the chief ostensible motives for Marshal Soult's retirement was

his insistence on the appointment of a soldier to govern Algiers in

opposition to the rest of the Cabinet which demanded that the Governor

should be a civilian. It appears that Marshal Gérard took the same

line as his predecessor, and that his friendship with the King has

enabled him to carry his point; anyhow, General Drouet d'Erlou has

just been appointed to the post.

_London, July 31, 1834._--Last year, when M. de Talleyrand left for

the Continent, the King of England said to him, "When are you coming

back?" The year before he had said, "I have told my Ambassador at

Paris to say to your Government that I particularly wish to have you

here." This year he says, "When are you going?" I think one can find

in these varying expressions a trace of Palmerstonian influence.

Yesterday at the King's _levée_ Lord Mulgrave received the Privy Seal

which Lord Carlisle has resigned.

In our drawing-room the conversation turned on the talent of certain

people for telling ghost stories. This reminded me of the interest

with which two years ago at Kew[27] I heard from the Duchess of

Cumberland the story of an apparition seen by herself, the remembrance

of which seemed to cause her much emotion. The impression she produced

on us was the deeper as the hour was late and a terrifying

thunderstorm was raging outside the house.

[27] Kew is situated on the right bank of the Thames. The palace

was for some time the residence of the Duke and Duchess of

Cumberland before their accession to the Throne of Hanover. There

are an Observatory and a Botanical Garden at Kew, which were

founded by George III.

The story is as follows. The Duchess of Cumberland, then Princess

Louise of Prussia, had gone to visit her mother's relatives at

Darmstadt. She was lodged in a state apartment in a part of the castle

which was rarely used, the furniture of which, though magnificent, had

not been changed for three generations. Wearied with her journey she

quickly fell asleep but all the same soon felt on her face a breath

which awakened her. She opened her eyes and saw the face of an old

lady who was leaning over her own face. Terrified by the sight she

immediately drew the bed-clothes over her eyes and remained motionless

for several moments. Want of air, however, made her change her

position and impelled by curiosity she again opened her eyes and saw

the same venerable face, pale and gentle, still staring at her. She

then screamed loudly and the nurse of Prince Frederick of Prussia who

slept with the child in the neighbouring room, the door of

communication being open, rushed in and, finding her mistress bathed

in a cold sweat, remained with her for the rest of the night. Next day

the Princess related what had happened, and urgently requested that

her room might be changed, which was done. No one was surprised for it

was said in the family that whenever any descendant of the old Duchess

of Darmstadt, who had occupied this apartment, slept there, this

venerable ancestress would come and pay her posterity a visit. The

Duke of Weimar and several other princes were cited as examples

proving the truth of this story. Many years later the Duchess of

Cumberland, then Princess Solms, and established at Frankfort, was

invited by her cousin, the Grand Duke of Hesse Darmstadt, to a great

festivity which he was preparing. The Princess went, intending to

return to Frankfort the same night. Supper over she went to a room

where her travelling dress had been laid out and was followed by the

young Grand Duchess then recently married. The latter asked the

Princess Solms whether the story of the ghost was true and asked that

it might be told her in detail. She wished to discover whether the

impression left had been strong enough to make the Princess remember

the features of their venerable ancestress. The Princess was sure that

it was so. "Very well," said the Grand Duchess "her portrait is in

this very room with two others of the same period. Take the light and

tell me which you think represents the spectre, I shall see if you are

right." The Princess with some repugnance approached the portraits and

had just recognised that of the old grandmother when the picture and

its frame crashed to the ground with a terrible noise and, had the

ladies not immediately fled, they would have been crushed by its

weight.

I do not say that this story is particularly good in itself. I only

know that it made a deep impression on me because it was very well

told, and because, when in this style of narrative you hear some one

say "I saw, I heard," it is impossible not to treat the matter

seriously. The Duchess was perfectly serious and her emotion strong,

so that I have never doubted the truth of what she told us.

The Duchess of Cumberland's absence has left, for me at least, a gap

which is very noticeable in London. She is clever and well educated,

her manners are most refined and very queenly, she is graceful and

kindly and still beautiful, especially in figure. Her kindness to me

has been enhanced by her again lately bestowing it on my second son.

In fact, whatever judgment be passed on her character, which is not

equally admired by everybody, it is impossible not to recognise that

she possesses great qualities and not to be touched by her great

affliction--the infirmity of her son Prince George. He is an amiable,

good-looking youth, who at fifteen after terrible suffering has lost

his sight. He is a fit object at once of pity and admiration; his

resignation is angelic, he shows no impatience, no regrets, no ill

temper, and he hides his sadness from his mother. He sustains the

courage of his attendants by his own, and, young as he is, he already

inspires all the respect due to a great character. His favourite

occupation is improvising on the piano, and his favourite melodies are

sad and serious; but when he recognises his mother's step he changes

to a gay and animated theme to make her think he is happy. So long as

it was hoped that remedies might check the inflammation and restore

him his sight his education was suspended. After a time, however, his

tutor--an excellent man--became convinced that his education was

suffering and his sight not profiting by this and he proposed that the

young Prince should resume the course of his studies and continue them

as far as possible without the aid of sight, on a plan submitted by

him. Prince George was silent for a time, then said with a serious

air, "Yes sir, you are right, I shall follow your advice for I feel

that as one door is being closed for me I must try all the harder to

open another."

_London, August 1, 1834._--What a melancholy dinner we had last night

at Lord Palmerston's! It was a farewell party for the Princesse de

Lieven. She went against her will, we simply for her sake. Lady Cowper

was making visible efforts to appear at ease, Lady Holland wanted

explanations of Lord Palmerston's latest offences against M. de

Talleyrand; every one obviously felt that our approaching departure

will be as final as that of the unfortunate Princess. M. de Bülow was

pale and embarrassed and looked like a pickpocket caught in the act.

Poor Dedel resembled an orphan at the funeral of both his parents.

Lord Melbourne with his coarse Norman farmer style of build looked

like anything rather than a Prime Minister.

The defeat which the Ministry purposely incurred yesterday in the

House of Commons by letting the Radicals beat them on the question of

the Irish Church did not make them look very happy, and in fact there

was a melancholy sense of embarrassment in everything and on

everybody, which oppressed me excessively.

I had not the courage this morning to go and say good-bye for the last

time to poor Madame de Lieven, who is half dead with weariness and

emotion. It was really kinder not to increase her agitation. I am

distressed at her departure as it separates me from a personage of

real distinction without much hope of seeing her again; but it also

brings home to me in the most painful manner the changes which have

taken place here during the last four years, and which have done so

much to dim the brilliancy and splendour of England. What losses the

_Corps Diplomatique_ has suffered! Kind and gentle M. Falk with all

his subtlety, his learning, and his wit, is replaced, first by the

cross-grained M. de Zuylen, and now by the excellent but insignificant

Dedel. Madame Falk's frank and simple high spirits are also much

missed. M. and Madame de Zea were more intelligent by far than the

liliputian Miraflorès, M. and Madame de Münster, were in every way

much superior to the Omptedas. I can find no one to replace the

excellent Madame de Bülow, and I believe that her absence has left her

husband's evil tendencies far too much without the check which his

wife's simple and honest nature imposed. Esterhazy is universally

regretted. His perfect good-humour, the certainty of his social touch,

the ease of his character, the magnificence of his way of life, the

subtlety of his wit, the correctness of his judgment, and the kindness

of his heart made him much beloved here, and not likely to be

forgotten. Wessenberg has also left a vacant place which has not been

filled. The departure of the Lievens enlarges the social breach, and

our own will complete the ruin. The neutral ground afforded by

diplomatic households is especially valuable in a country divided by

party spirit, in which, politics having broken so many other ties,

society can no long hold together in the old way.

We learned yesterday by telegraph that the Queen Regent of Spain had

opened the Cortès in person at Madrid on the 24th; that order was

restored in the city; that the cholera was diminishing a little; and

that Don Carlos was retiring further and further towards the French

frontier.

_London, August 3, 1834._--Nothing, I think, shows more clearly the

state into which the home policy of the English Government has fallen

than a remark made to me yesterday by Lord Sefton. "Do you know," he

said, "that, in spite of my admiration for Lord Grey, I think that we

have come to a point at which it is not only fortunate for himself but

a very good thing for the country that he has retired? He would never

have consented to the slightest courtesy being shown to O'Connell and

his friends, and yet we have no alternative but to satisfy them. It is

urgently necessary to conciliate them by condescensions against which

Lord Grey would have rebelled, and which are less repulsive to his

successors, from my friend the Chancellor downwards. It is a good

thing, you see, that we have a Government composed of people who have

no objection to condescend as much as may be necessary!"

There seems to be general approval of the speech made by the Queen of

Spain. In order to appreciate it properly one must know the condition

of the country better than I do. The best wish I can send her Majesty

is that she may not again have to deliver such a long one, and that

the circumstances of her future speeches may be very different. They

say that she spoke very gracefully. She deserves praise for having

recovered her nerve, and run the risk of infection in coming back to

address the Cortès.

The cholera is carrying off many people at Madrid. The sanitary

arrangements are bad; the heat is torrid, and cleanliness is unknown.

Twice as many women as men fall victims to the disease. The mother of

Madame de Miraflorès is among those who have succumbed.

Don Carlos, it appears, is on the point of recrossing the frontier. It

is said that he is so close to it that his outposts and the French

outposts are in sight of each other.

I don't know what ill wind is blowing in Paris, but I incline to think

that all is not so quiet there as it seems. Here is an extract from a

letter from Bertin de Veaux on this subject: "It seems that you and

the Prince de Talleyrand are fated never to come to Paris except

during a Ministerial crisis, for our Ministry is no steadier than

that in London. Here, moreover, people have made up their minds to

live from hand to mouth and, except the actors, no one pays any

attention to the play. However, when you do come your _salon_ will

soon be full, and it is before you and the Prince that all our actors,

great and small, will come and try their 'poses,' as they call them

nowadays."

In another letter there is a great deal about the dangers of to-day

and to-morrow, of the obvious aspirations of some people, of

under-currents and cross-currents, of the cabals, and the unmeasured

ambition of certain small men, and the ill-temper and sullenness of

the rest. _A propos_ of the cruel disappointments experienced by M.

Decazes, it is added: "Poor M. Decazes may strike the earth all round

him as loudly as he likes; he can make nothing emerge. It is said that

he now wants Semonville's place, and that he has perhaps some chance

of getting it as Semonville is a convenient person to disoblige, being

formidable to nobody. I do not at all like this habit of burying

people before they are dead, and I thought that they had had enough of

it since their attempt on MM. de Marbois and Gaëte, which was not a

success with the public. One is quite delighted when one comes home to

find that one has not been robbed of anything."

_London, August 4, 1834._--It seems certain that on the eve of the

opening of the Cortès, a very extensive Republican conspiracy was

discovered, in which many important persons were concerned. Palafox

and Romero have been arrested; they say that their supporters were

chiefly in Galicia. In Aragon and Catalonia the Carlists are the

dominating faction, and are making themselves troublesome. Thus there

are two flags under which Spain divides and arrays herself.

When Mr. Backhouse went to see Don Carlos in the _Donegal_ the latter

said that he had heard of the treaty of Quadruple Alliance, but wished

to see the text. Having read it, he returned it to Mr. Backhouse

without remark but with an ironical smile, which became a disdainful

laugh when Mr. Backhouse said to him that he believed the Prince to

be mistaken about the strength of his party in Spain. Except for this

the Prince was polite, gentle, and even kindly.

Parliament was to have risen on the 12th, and most members hoped to

leave London even earlier. But the day before yesterday the Duke of

Wellington called a meeting of his supporters at his house, and begged

them to remain at their posts in the interest of the safety of the

country, and to use their majority, which is admitted to be

formidable, on the dissenting question, to strike another blow for the

Church on the debate on the remaining measures which have still to be

discussed. There is some reason to fear that the Irish Protestant

clergy will be left without means of subsistence if O'Connell's Tithes

Bill is rejected, and this makes it rather doubtful what course the

Lords will take. The Bishops, however, seem to think that the Bill

would be just as bad for them as even the absence of any financial

provision. It is certain that this week marks the crisis of the

affair: if the Bill is thrown out there will be a collision between

the two Houses. Will the Ministry resign? Or will it demand _carte

blanche_ of the King? Will this be a further step in the direction of

revolution? Or will they be satisfied, as the Chancellor said

yesterday, to leave the Irish clergy to die of hunger? Lord Grey said

that it would not be so easy to leave them to die of hunger, as there

was a law which enacted that their subsistence must be provided for,

whether by tithes or otherwise. As to a creation of Peers, it was

observed that it would be necessary to create a hundred and fifty, and

on this Lord Grey said that two hundred would not be enough, because

all the old Peerage, and himself at their head, would revolt against

any Government mad and wicked enough to proceed to such an extremity.

Besides, it remained to be seen whether the King would consent. The

King is ill, depressed and exhausted; he admits as much himself, and

especially his mental preoccupation, which he does not attempt to

conceal. He is obviously suffering from extreme oppression, and from

great weakness of one eye, which he can hardly open.

This is what passed about the Garter vacant by the death of Lord

Bathurst. The King sent it to Lord Melbourne as his Prime Minister.

The latter respectfully declined it and begged that His Majesty would

bestow it on the recipient Lord Grey would have chosen, that is to

say, on the Duke of Grafton. The King did in fact send it to the Duke,

but he, deeply affected by the death of his favourite son, and

moreover feeling himself aged and averse from the world, begged His

Majesty to give it to some one who would be able to show it more

often, and who would be more active in his service. It is thought that

it will go to the Duke of Norfolk, but he is a Catholic, and it would

be the first instance of such a favour being conferred on a dissenter.

A heavy blow has just fallen on the Duke of Wellington in the midst of

the heavy cares which devolve on him as Leader of the Opposition. Mrs.

Arbuthnot, a clever and sensible woman, who was both discreet and

devoted and the Duke's faithful friend, has just been carried off by a

few days violent illness. She was in all the flower of her age, and

hitherto her health had been robust. The Duke has thus lost in one

week his old friend Lord Bathurst, and Mrs. Arbuthnot his confidante,

his consolation, his home! Deaths and departures make London very

dismal just now--every one is going about discomfited and with long

faces. People are terrified at the run of bad luck in which every day

brings forth some new catastrophe.

_London, August 5, 1834._--It is certain that Dom Miguel has signed

his protest. The Duke of Alcudia and M. de Lavradio are with him; they

are all preparing to join Don Carlos whenever he gains the slightest

success.

Lady Holland and Lady Cowper are doing all in their power to secure

that M. de Talleyrand and Lord Palmerston part on good terms. I can

understand that the friends of the latter should desire this. It is

important to them that there should not be occasion to blame Lord

Palmerston's personal incivility for the total dispersion of the more

important part of the _Corps diplomatique_, and that the evil

reputation of the English Ministry all over Europe should not be

emphasised by what M. de Talleyrand says of it at Paris. They will

succeed in securing an amicable parting without any overt rupture, but

it is impossible that a ferment which has been going on so long should

not issue in ill-feeling, embarrassment and rancour. M. de Talleyrand

could never forget that he has been uncivilly treated by a man younger

and less capable than himself. Lord Palmerston, not impertinent in

form, would take every opportunity of being so in fact, and this would

be all the easier as the age and indolence of M. de Talleyrand would

make it every day more easy to lead him into some false step. Nothing,

therefore, would be more ill-advised than to come back, and in spite

of all the pleasant and gratifying memories which attach me to

England, I confess that I shall be relieved on M. de Talleyrand's

account when he is out of public life.

_London, August 6, 1834._--It is confirmed that the Duke of Norfolk is

to have the Garter.

Spain is asking for additional articles in the Treaty of April 22

called the "Quadruple Alliance." She asks for British cruisers on the

coast of Biscaya, for a Portuguese army corps, for French money and

munitions of war and for troops on the French frontier. She asks all

her allies for the moral support of a declaration in favour of the

Regency, extending and explaining more fully the object of the first

treaty.

The prolonged uncertainty and ignorance regarding Rodil's movements

are causing anxiety about his success, and to the resulting alarm is

attributed the fall on the Stock Exchange at Paris. Ugly catastrophes

have occurred as the result of the particular misfortunes of the

moment. The Rothschilds who had flooded Europe with Spanish stock, and

who are still encumbered with a good deal themselves, are very cross

and extremely anxious.

Some clever people are saying that the Queen Regent's most serious

danger does not come from Don Carlos, but from what is called the

party of the "movement." One is much disposed to accept this view when

one thinks of the horrible remark made by Romero Alpuende, who called

the massacres at Madrid on July 17 "a slight measure of patriotic

relief."

_London, August 8, 1834._--Rodil, it seems clear, has gained a very

distinct success all along the line of the Carlists. In a regular war

this might end the struggle, but in a civil conflict ordinary rules do

not apply, and a party which seems annihilated to-day comes to life

again to-morrow.

M. de Talleyrand took leave of the King the day before yesterday. The

King was very gracious to him and to me, regretting that in the

absence of the Queen his bachelor establishment prevented him from

asking me to Windsor, where he would have been charmed to see me

before I left. This is more courteous than correct, for the Princess

Augusta is doing the honours of the Castle; ladies have been invited,

among others Lady Grey and her daughter. But it is nicely put and in

Society that is all one has a right to ask.

The King talked much about the seriousness of the situation and

observed that the cards were well shuffled, on which M. de Talleyrand

replied, "for our part, sir, we play with our cards on Your Majesty's

table."

_London, August 9, 1834._--I know nothing more embarrassing for a host

than obvious mutual hostility at close quarters among his guests.

Yesterday we thought we had escaped the Chancellor, but he came at

dessert and prolonged our dinner, eating much at his ease in his usual

dirty manner. As he ate he talked, helping himself to all subjects, as

he did to all the dishes, without stopping and without restraint. We

suffered agonies, especially on account of Lord and Lady Grey, and, in

fact, he put us all out completely, and increased, if possible, the

contempt and loathing that I feel for him.

Lord John Russell, who was dining with us, is also a little Radical,

but at least he has his father's good taste and good breeding.

Speaking of popularity and of the trouble which great people should

take for the less exalted classes of Society, Lord John told me

yesterday that nothing could overcome the Duke of Bedford's hatred of

the lesser people with whom he is surrounded. One day his steward

suggested that some of them should be asked to dinner and the Duke

refused. The man of business said, "But Your Grace, this civility will

perhaps save you fifteen thousand pounds at next election." "Perhaps,"

replied the Duke, "but if by spending money I can save myself boredom

and annoyance I consider it well spent. I will pay the fifteen

thousand pounds, but I will not give the dinner." Yet the Duke of

Bedford is very free handed, very charitable, and undertakes works on

a considerable scale solely in order to give employment to the poor.

However, he is not popular, and the wounded vanity of the middle

classes has more weight than the gratitude of the indigent whose

necessities he has relieved.

Lord and Lady Grey and their family, having, as they said, need of

change of scene and surroundings, wanted to come and pay us a visit in

France. But the sort of triumphal progress which would have awaited

Lord Grey there struck terror into the present Ministry, who would

have shrunk from the comparison of the honour done to their victim and

the contempt under which they themselves languish. So Lord Grey was

persuaded that if he went to France now it would look as if he went on

purpose to secure an ovation, which would be an improper thing to do.

Thus we shall not have the pleasure of seeing him, which I regret on

his account, as I fear that in his present irritable and painful mood

he may suffer real harm from solitude and ennui, and his wife also,

for she is even more deeply wounded than he is himself. Lord Grey has

worn himself out, morally and physically, with his labours. How much

better it would have been if he had resigned six weeks sooner--at the

same time as the four really distinguished and honourable members of

the Cabinet? He would then have marched out with all the honours of

war instead of laying down his arms!

Every one is bitten with the taste for travel, and the Lord

Chancellor, like the rest, had planned a holiday to be spent in a

picturesque and amorous pilgrimage on the banks of the Rhine in the

train of Mrs. Peter. But it seems from what he told me yesterday

himself that the King would not allow him. Since Lord Clarendon's time

no Chancellor of England has quitted the country, and the precedent is

not a happy one, for Lord Clarendon only went on his travels because

his master was in flight. Others say that the King has nothing to do

with the change in Lord Brougham's plans, but that the necessity of

paying fourteen hundred pounds out of his salary to arrange for a

Commission of the Seals in his absence is the real reason why he is

not going.

_London, August 11, 1834._--Lord Palmerston has given us a farewell

dinner. This is in his line; he loves to speed the parting guest. But

he did not take much trouble about it. Besides several diplomatists of

the second order there was no one there but Mrs. Peter--not a single

person of eminence in English Society, no one of those who are known

to be our friends. It was done as a duty, or, perhaps as an

atonement--nothing more. Perhaps he hates the Lievens more than he

does us, but he intends to advertise equally his contempt for both.

_A propos_ of the Flahauts, he put in an attempt at an explanation of

his never accepting a single one of our invitations. On this subject,

half laughingly and half bitterly, I told him a few home-truths, which

went off very well. There were many hints and double meanings and sly

digs in our conversation, which reminded me of those that take place

at the Opera ball, where the thought is all the freer for the

appearance being veiled and dissimulated. I amused myself by

frightening the "young man," as Madame de Lieven called him. He

thought it necessary to pretend to be most desirous of our prompt

return; I took him at his word, and said that I went further, and that

in my opinion M. de Talleyrand should not go away at all. He then

looked very foolish and went off on the other tack, saying that a

change of air was necessary and, in fact, indispensable; that one

required refreshment, both physical and mental--in short, all he

wanted was to see the last of us.

I looked at him closely yesterday. It is seldom that a man has a face

so expressive of his character. The eyes are hard and pale, the nose

turned up and impertinent. His smile is bitter, his laugh forced.

There is no dignity, or frankness, or correctness either in his

features or his build. His conversation is dry, but, I confess, not

wanting in wit. He has on him a stamp of obstinacy, arrogance, and

treachery, which I believe to be an exact reflection of his real

character.

_London, August 12, 1834._--In spite of the slow progress made by Don

Carlos it is difficult to be quite happy about the state of Spain.

General Alava, who has gone back there after many years of exile,

seems struck with the demoralisation and confusion which he sees. All

natural bonds are broken by party spirit--the ferocity and violence of

these Southern fanatics, no longer directed against the foreigner,

have recoiled cruelly on themselves. Republicanism is gaining

everywhere where religion is not on the side of the Legitimist party.

It appears with all the tawdry emotion of revolutionary eloquence in

the address of the Procuradores to the Queen-Regent. Already since the

opening of the Cortès the Ministry is at variance with the Second

Chamber, and one cannot think how a Regency with such a feeble

Government can possibly overcome so many adverse circumstances.

I lately saw, at Lord Palmerston's, a portrait of little Queen

Isabella II., sent by the Regent to his Lordship. To judge by this

picture, she is not at all a pretty child. She seems to have

insignificant eyes and her father's wicked mouth; and, on the whole,

is an ugly little Princess. It is a pity; women destined to sit on a

throne, especially a disputed one, find it a dangerous thing not to be

beautiful.

The species of bankruptcy proclaimed by M. de Toreno, which has proved

so fatal to a horde of small _rentiers_ at Paris, is making the little

Queen's cause unpopular there. It seems to me that this is in a way

fortunate; for if vanity and the _furia francese_ had rushed the

Government into taking too prominent a part in promoting the success

of their little neighbour, they would have found themselves drawn into

a series of embarrassments and into a network of dangers the effect of

which would have been incalculable. King Louis-Philippe is shrewd and

alert enough, where his own dynastic interests are concerned, not to

remain coldly aloof from this struggle, which cannot but end to his

disadvantage, whether anarchy triumphs under Isabella II. or

Legitimacy carries the day under Don Carlos. This being the case, it

would not be advisable to ruffle our other neighbours (for they are

neighbours and not allies) by too definite acts of intervention.

England alone is allied with us, but, undermined as she is by so many

internal wounds, can she still assert herself as she ought in the

councils of Europe? Certainly not; and she must be well aware of the

fact, for neither in the Eastern Question nor in any other question

which has come up during the last two years has England made good in

action the boasting of her language.

The cholera continues to ravage Madrid, attacking chiefly the upper

classes and particularly women. It has also appeared again, though

slightly, in Paris and London.

_London, August 13, 1834._--The Irish Tithes Bill has been rejected by

the House of Lords, as was expected, and by so large a majority that

it would be difficult to create enough new Peers to redress the

balance. And yet how can one imagine next Session opening with the

same Upper House and the same Ministry? The Ministry say that they

will not give in, that they care nothing for the House of Lords, and

will get on with the Commons alone without caring at all about the

Clergy or the Peers, and without paying much attention to the Crown.

It is the Crown that should assert itself at this juncture; but, alas!

the Crown is in a most benighted condition.

Lord Grey told me he did not agree with the Chancellor that the only

obstacles came from the House of Lords. He thinks that there will be

very serious trouble in the Commons, where Mr. Stanley, the

ex-Minister, is preparing a most violent attack on the Government.

Lord Grey has been staying away from the House of Lords; he feared he

might perhaps be forced to speak and that, not being able to hide his

distaste for the Cabinet's alliance with O'Connell, he might do an

injury to the Ministry for which he does not wish to be responsible.

_London, August 14, 1834._--Grandees of Spain, it seems, are allowed

to behave in a very free and easy way with their sovereigns. They

smoke cigars with them and often finish the cigar which the monarch

has left half consumed. The Duke of Frias, who was once Ambassador

here, is a curious, absurd, and absent-minded person who puts himself

about for nobody; he came back some time ago on a few days visit to

London. He went to the King's levée, and pushing forward his funny

little face said to His Majesty: "You must know me." The King, who at

first did not clearly remember him and was offended at the familiarity

of his manner, said: "No, I don't know you." "I was Ambassador here,"

replied the little Duke, "when you were _only_ Duke of Clarence." On

this the King very nearly lost his temper, and, waving him on,

repeated emphatically: "No, no, I don't know you." He then turned to

the Minister of the Netherlands who came next and said to him aloud:

"Who is that clown?" This was a curious scene.

_London, August 18, 1834._--For several days I have been oppressed by

the unwholesome atmosphere in which we live in London, profoundly

agitated by the illness of my friends, and overwhelmed with all the

preparations for my approaching departure. Thus my notes have been

neglected. I should have liked to set down some of my last

recollections of London, which are blurred with illness, anxiety and

regret, but which are none the less precious.

I have seen the Duke of Wellington and Lord Grey, who came to say

good-bye, and expressed a friendship and esteem which I consider a

great honour. Lord Grey I leave trying to quiet his conscience and to

deceive himself about the too rapid progress of his country's affairs,

which he has placed in a train that his successors will accelerate.

The Duke of Wellington is not deceived about the seriousness of the

situation, but he has made up his mind to struggle to the last and

doesn't know the meaning of discouragement. It is not that he wishes

to oppose all the proposals of the Ministry or to obstruct

systematically all administration and stop the machinery of

government. He is too honest a man for that. But he thinks it his duty

and that of the Upper House to make themselves a bulwark for the

protection of the ancient and fundamental bases of the constitution.

The personality of the King spoils almost every chance of safety. His

successor is a child with perhaps almost more against her, the more so

as her mother, the future Regent, seems to be very obstinate and very

narrow-minded.

It is impossible not to think with terror of the future of this great

country, which was still so brilliant and so proud four years ago when

I came to it, and whose glory is now so tarnished when I am leaving it

perhaps for ever.

I do not admit the possibility of M. de Talleyrand's coming back.

There are too many good reasons why he should not. I set them forth in

a letter which I have written to him and which describes his position

pretty correctly, so I insert it here.

"I have a serious duty towards you of which I am never more conscious

than when your glory is at stake. When I speak to you you sometimes

find me a little irritating, and then I am silent and do not tell you

all that I think--the whole truth. Allow me therefore to write to you,

and please forgive anything that may seem displeasing because of the

devotion which inspires what I write. Without claiming a very great

share of cleverness I don't think I am altogether at fault in forming

an opinion about you whom I know so well, and whose difficulties and

embarrassments I am in such a good position for observing. It is not

therefore lightly that I press you to abandon public life and to

retire from the scene where a disordered society is playing a sorry

part. Do not remain any longer at a post in which you will necessarily

be called upon to demolish the edifice which you have laboured so hard

to sustain. You know what I feared last year, and how greatly, when

you made up your mind to return to England. I foresaw all the

repugnance which you would find in performing your task with the

instruments at your disposal. Confess that my forebodings have to a

great extent been realised. This year there are a thousand additional

aggravating circumstances. Think of the circumstances in which you

would find yourself. What do we see in England? A society divided by

party spirit, and agitated by all the passions which arise from that

spirit, losing every day something of its brilliancy, its breeding and

its security, a King without firmness influenced chiefly by the very

man of all his Cabinet who has most injured you, a frivolous,

presumptuous, arrogant Minister, who pays you none of the respect due

to your age and position. He obstructs and impedes business by every

means in his power. His one thought is to secure the triumph of his

own ideas; he has no thought of educating himself by studying yours.

He leads you on from uncertainty to uncertainty, entraps you with

contradictions, leaves you in ignorance and doubt, carries on

independently of you things in which you ought to have a share, and

then glories in the success of his treachery and scorn. Do you think

you can preserve much longer with such a man, the dignity which befits

you? Do you not feel that it is already compromised, in fact, and soon

will be in the public eye? Moreover, do you think that an Ambassador

who is a great personage, a man of your social gifts, can be

acceptable to a Government which is being swept away by the current of

Revolution, especially when you have already enough to do to struggle

against a similar movement in your own country? You have founded an

alliance on a common basis of good order, stable equilibrium, and

conservation of existing institutions. Will it please you to continue

it on the basis of common sympathy with anarchy?

"Do not forget that the support and consolation which you have found

for several years in your relations with your colleagues will no

longer be there, now that the face of the Diplomatic Corps in London

has changed so much. The new Spain, the new Portugal, the shapeless

form of Belgium, are the only conspicuous features, as impudent as

they are vulgar. You would therefore be isolated in England and in the

trying situation which would be the result, where would you find

support? Not in the Government you represent, for pettiness,

indiscretion, vanity, and intrigue dominate everything in Paris. Only

the greatness of your position in London enabled you to hold them in

check. Our little Ministers are more on Lord Granville's side than

ours, and you would not have their support in dominating things here.

You came here four years ago, not to make your fortune, your career or

your reputation. All these were made long ago; you came, not out of

affection for those who are conducting our government, for whom you

have neither love nor affection. You came solely to render a great

service to your country at a moment of the gravest peril. It was a

perilous enterprise at your age! It was a bold thing to reappear to

still the storm after fifteen years of retirement! You accomplished

what you attempted; let that suffice you. Henceforth you can do

nothing but diminish the importance of what you have done. Remember

the truth of Lord Grey's words: 'When one has kept one's health, and

one's faculties, one may still at an advanced age usefully occupy

one's self with public affairs. But, in critical times like the

present, a degree of attention, activity and energy is required which

belongs only to the prime of life and not to its decline.' When one is

young, one moment is as good as another for joining in the fray; when

one is old the only thing to do is to choose a good time for leaving

it. Here Lord Grey was the last, all too feeble barrier against the

revolutionary spirit; here you have been the last barrier against the

struggle of the powers with each other. Lord Grey realised too late

that he was being carried away by the torrent; do you not also feel

that your influence has become as inadequate as his? The noble and

touching farewell words of Lord Grey threw a last fleeting ray of

light on his career; his retirement became a triumph; another day and

he was effaced! The last two champions of the old Europe should quit

public life at the same time. May they carry with them into their

retirement the consciousness of their efforts and their services, and

may history one day show that the coincidence of their departures was

honourable to both.

"This and only this I conceive to be the fitting close of your public

life. All considerations which might lead you to think otherwise are

unworthy of you. You cannot be influenced by the possibility of a

little more amusement, a few more social resources. Are you to count

the trifling excitements of dispatches, couriers, and news? The

interest produced by such things is too often a child's plaything. Are

we even to consider the more or less material tranquillity we enjoy?

Is the epoch of shocks and revolutionary torments at an end in France?

I do not know. Is it more or less distant in England? I cannot tell.

Will solitude be trying? Shall we seek distraction in travel? What in

a word will be the arrangement of our private life? What does it

matter? I am younger than you, and might, perhaps, more naturally take

some thought for that; but I should think myself unworthy of your

confidence and of the truth which I am now venturing to tell you if

the slightest consideration of my own comfort made me keep anything

from you. When one is a historical personage as you are, one has no

right to think of any other future than the future of history.

History, as you know, judges the end of a man's life more severely

than the beginning. If, as I am proud to believe, you think as highly

of my judgment as of my affection, you will be as frank with yourself

as I am with you now. You will have done with all self-created

illusions, all specious arguments and subtle pieces of self-love, and

you will put an end to a situation which would soon lower you in other

eyes than mine. Do not bargain with the public. Dictate its judgment,

do not submit to it. Confess that you are old in order that people may

not say that you are aging. Say nobly and simply before all the world,

'The time has come!'"

Dom Miguel has left Genoa and has been seen at Savona. This is

particularly displeasing to Lord Palmerston.

_London, August 19, 1834._--It appears that while Dom Miguel was at

Savona several vessels were seen in the offing which hoisted English

colours and made many signals, following which Dom Miguel is said to

have returned to Genoa. This is what was being said yesterday, but no

explanation is forthcoming.

_London, August 20, 1834._--M. de Talleyrand left London yesterday,

probably never to return. That, at least, is what he said himself.

There is always something solemn and peculiarly painful in doing a

thing for the last time, in departure, in absence, in saying good-bye,

especially when one is eighty. I think he felt it, I know I feel it

for him. Besides, surrounded as I am with illness, and ill myself,

this being the anniversary of my mother's death, remembering all the

pleasant things that have happened to me in England, I feel very weak

and discouraged by the thought of departure. I said good-bye to M. de

Talleyrand with a heart-sinking as great as if I was not to see him

again in four days, and I might well have said to him as I said to

Madame de Lieven, "I mourn my departure in yours."

M. de Talleyrand's last impressions of his public life here were not

precisely agreeable. After many hours spent at the Foreign Office in

the company of M. de Miraflorès, of M. de Sarmento, and of Lord

Palmerston, who, as usual, kept everybody waiting a long time, the

additional articles (which are of no great importance) of the Treaty

of April 22, the Quadruple Alliance, were signed in the middle of the

night. Lord Palmerston wanted to extend the scope of the Treaty. M. de

Talleyrand, on the other hand, desired rather to narrow its

obligations. Lord Granville's absence from Paris had left the French

Government free from this source of obsession, so they held their

ground and authorised M. de Talleyrand to maintain his position, and

Lord Palmerston gained nothing by his wilfulness, Lord Holland by his

draughtsmanship, or Miraflorès by his antics.

There are two stories which I have heard M. de Talleyrand tell so

often that for me they have lost their freshness. They seemed very

good when first I heard them, so I will set them down here. They both

have to do with the campaigns of the Emperor Napoleon, which ended in

the Peace of Tilsit.

At Warsaw, where he remained during part of the winter of 1806-7, the

Emperor received an ambassador[28] from Persia, who seems to have been

a man of wit. At any rate, M. de Talleyrand says that Napoleon asked

the Persian whether he was not surprised to find a Western Emperor so

near the East, and that the Ambassador replied, "No, sir, for

Tah-masp-Kouli-Khan got even nearer." I have always had my doubts

about the authenticity of this retort, which, I believe, to have been

invented by M. de Talleyrand himself in one of his moments of

irritation against the Emperor, an irritation to which he gave vent in

malicious sayings usually attributed to other people. Some, however,

he acknowledged as his own, and, indeed, I have heard them said for

the first time; such, for instance, as his remark in 1812, "It is the

beginning of the end" (_C'est le commencement de la fin_), which has

been so often quoted since, which has received such numerous

applications, and has become public property and almost a commonplace.

The unfortunate campaign of 1812 inspired more than one of M. de

Talleyrand's most mordant sayings. I remember one day M. de Dalberg

came to my mother's, and said that all the _matériel_ of the army was

lost. "Not at all," said M. de Talleyrand, "for the Duc de Bassano has

just arrived." The Duc de Bassano was at that particular time, and for

a very good reason, the object of M. de Talleyrand's displeasure. The

Emperor desired to recall M. de Talleyrand to office, and it had been

agreed that he should follow His Majesty to Warsaw. This was to remain

a secret until the day of his departure. The Emperor, however, told

the Duc de Bassano who, being disturbed at the revival of a favour

which might disturb his own position, told his wife. She took it upon

herself to put an end to the affair, and used, for this purpose, a M.

de Rambuteau, a talkative, pompous, and smooth-spoken person,

pretentious and pliant at the same time, who fancied himself in love

with the Duchess, and did her husband's dirty work. M. de Rambuteau,

then, having been thoroughly coached by the Duchesse de Bassano, went

about everywhere spreading the news of the journey to Warsaw, saying

that M. de Talleyrand was boasting about it and telling every one. The

Emperor was offended, and M. de Talleyrand remained in France

preparing reprisals.

[28] Myrza-Rhyza-Kan, Envoy Extraordinary of Seth-Ali, Shah of

Persia, to Napoleon I, at Warsaw, in March 1807.

But to come to the second story which M. de Talleyrand so often

tells--he says that the Persian Ambassador, who made such subtly witty

replies to the Emperor Napoleon, was a very tall, handsome man,

whereas another Oriental, the Turkish Ambassador,[29] was a little

man, short, squat, common and ridiculous. At a great ball, given by

Count Potocki, the two Ambassadors were ascending the staircase

together, and the little Turk darted forward in order to enter the

ball-room before his colleague. The latter, seeing himself passed,

stretched out his arm so as to make a kind of yoke, under which he

calmly allowed the Mussulman to pass.

[29] Eminin-Effendi, accredited by the Sultan Mustapha IV. to the

Emperor Napoleon at Warsaw in March 1807.

_London, August 22, 1834._--The English Ministers wished to insert in

the King's Speech on the prorogation of Parliament a phrase very

offensive to the Upper House, in revenge for the rejection of the

Dissenters Bill and The Protestant Clergy in Ireland Tithes Bill. But

the King opposed this with sufficient firmness to secure the

abandonment of the phrase, after a very sharp struggle which rather

delayed the hour of the sitting.

The Queen has returned from her journey and has been received with

ceremonious cordiality by the City of London, the chief magistrates of

which went out to meet her. Her health is better. I think with

pleasure of all the consolations which Providence in its equity

reserves for her.

M. de Bülow announces that he has applied for leave of absence on

family affairs and that he is sure to obtain it. He says he wants to

go to the Hague to face the storm there, and having dispersed it at

the Hague, to face more boldly that which he foresees at Berlin. I

believe he will in fact go to the Hague, but much more for the purpose

of rehabilitating himself by a few platitudes than of fighting his

quarrel to a finish. He does not wish to reach Berlin until he has

received absolution at the Hague; that at least is my opinion.

_London, August 23, 1834._--Here I end my London Journal with the

regret that I did not begin it sooner. It would perhaps have possessed

greater interest if I had. But four years ago when I arrived in this

city I had neither pleasant memories of the past nor much interest in

the present, nor much thought for the future. I then asked no more of

each day as it succeeded its predecessor than a little distraction,

and I paid little attention to the features which marked out each from

the other....

_Dover, August 24, 1834._--I was quite astonished to find myself

expected here and all along the road. The Duke of Wellington who goes

this way to Walmer Castle, his residence as Lord Warden of the Cinque

Ports, had announced my arrival. A single family named Wright, who are

very excellent people, keep almost all the inns on the road.

Last year after a storm I was received here by a very pretty Mrs.

Wright, who kept the Ship Hotel. She had the manner of a Queen and it

was only to-day that I learned that she had been one--on the stage,

and that her husband had been ruined by her extravagance. The hotel is

now kept by people called Warburton, who do it in great style. I was

again struck by the respectful politeness with which one is received

in English inns when one changes horses, and with the pleasant

language and good manners of the humblest people. On the way I heard

of the Duke of Wellington, of the death of Mrs. Arbuthnot, of the

passage of M. de Talleyrand, of the desire to see us back in England,

and all this in the most charming way possible.

I am to sail in a French packet--the weather is good and the sea calm.

Farewell to England, but not to the memory of the four happy years

which I have spent there, and which have passed with a rapidity to be

explained by the interest of the events which have happened, and the

particular sources of pleasure and contentment which I have found

there! Farewell once more to this hospitable country which I leave

with regrets and gratitude!

_Paris, August 27, 1834._--I arrived here yesterday evening at ten

o'clock to find M. de Talleyrand awaiting me. The general impression I

got of him was that he was rather depressed and bored; yet he said he

was very much pleased with the Tuileries where he seems to be much in

fashion. He also says that he is so popular in Paris that the

passers-by stop before his carriage and lift their hats to him; but in

spite of all this he repeats that he knows no one here, that he is

bored and that every one is aged and worn out.

_Paris, August 28, 1834._--I was at Saint-Cloud yesterday. The King

did me the honour to speak to me a great deal, perhaps too much, for I

had to say something on my side, and at Court my one desire is to be

silent. This conversation, however, was very interesting, for the

King, who is witty on all subjects and intelligent about everything,

talked about many things--the state of England at present, the

break-up of which is so disquieting for her neighbours, Lord Grey's

retirement which is greatly deplored here, Don Carlos's departure from

England and the part great or small which the Duke of Wellington

played in bringing it about. Here he is supposed to have arranged it

all, a belief which I vigorously combated as I believed myself in duty

bound to do. Then we talked of intervention in Spain, then of the

Salic Law and in fact of everything that is occupying people just now.

The King talked very well. He insisted much on the fact that he alone

had opposed the immediate intervention demanded by his Ministers, and

closing his large hand he showed me his fist and said, "Do you

understand Madame? I had to hold back by the mane steeds which have

neither mouth nor bridle!"

As regards the Salic law he said, "I am 'Salic law' to my finger tips;

the Dukes of Orleans always have been, you will believe me when I say

so. But when I struggled for the law they thought that I should have

less chance if it were destroyed, so every one lent a hand in its

destruction instead of helping me to maintain it. I was left alone to

fight French ignorance and vanity and all the other difficulties of

the situation, and now I am reproached with having abandoned my own

cause in that of Don Carlos. I have no enmity against him, no love for

Isabella, but people would have what has come to pass. The two years

before I came to the Throne saw the preparation of the deplorable

state of things which now prevails in the Peninsula. However, whether

Anarchy triumphs under Isabella, or the Inquisition under Don Carlos,

I may be troubled by them being my neighbours, but I cannot be shaken.

We have made enormous internal progress, though I admit that much

remains to be done, and with what instruments!"

The King then entered into many details relating to the troubles of

his office and ended by saying, "Madame you must know that I have to

be the Director in everything and the Master in nothing."

_A propos_ of the state of England, and of the complications which

will arise there owing to the age and sex of the heir to the throne,

His Majesty said, "What a deplorable thing it is to see all these

little girl Kings in a time like the present!" He went on to a

dissertation full of real eloquence on the disadvantages of female

rule, then suddenly stopped with a polite phrase and a sort of apology

which was quite unnecessary. So I said that I thought that what M. de

Talleyrand said of wits was true of women, "they were useful for

anything but sufficient for nothing."

The King then talked for a long time about the restorations at

Versailles and Fontainebleau. He has had Louis XIV.'s room at

Versailles refurnished exactly as it was, that is with hangings

embroidered by the Demoiselles de Saint-Cyr. One panel represents the

Sacrifice of Abraham, a second that of Iphigenia, a third the loves of

Armida. The King has had replaced in this room a portrait of Madame de

Maintenon giving a lesson to Mlle. de Nantes. Versailles will be a

true Museum of the history of France. I am grateful to the King for

his respect for tradition; our historic monuments will owe him a great

deal.

What a sad letter Alava writes from Milan! He paints a most melancholy

picture of Spain, and can foresee only a series of circumstances, each

of which will be more fatal than the other. He tells me that the

ignorance and presumption there are beyond belief, and that the

half-knowledge of things which comes from France and England is

perhaps doing more harm than absolute ignorance. The state of

bankruptcy there is flagrant; the cholera is more horrible than

elsewhere, and is made worse by the stupidity of the people who at the

funerals of cholera victims are seen eating tomatoes and cucumbers

raw! At Segovia, on the other hand, the sanitary junta ordered that in

each house visited by the epidemic all the effects of the deceased

should be burned and all the survivors shut up in the hospital,

including the priest present during the last moments of the departed!

_Paris, August 29, 1834._--How excited and busy every one is at Paris!

How their minds work! How completely tranquillity and calm are unknown

here! Yet there is progress and amelioration everywhere, but without

regularity or measure. There are so many small intrigues, small

passions and small cabals to exhaust people that no one can enjoy what

is good or rest his soul in the prospect of a quiet future. This

feverish way of living consumes people, and I find the members of the

French Cabinet appallingly aged. They are little old men with the

saddest air in the world.

M. Thiers has passed through a series of disillusions and

embarrassments which have made him wish for retirement; he feels

humiliated and discouraged. The King has supported him, cheered him up

and protected him, and has not been sorry to make this protection

felt. He even said, "It is no bad thing that _Messieurs les gens

d'esprit_ should see from time to time that they have need of the

King."

M. le Duc d'Orléans spent an hour with me. He is anxious to be married

and is determined to be so. He is weary both of dissipation and of the

youthful frivolities which are injuring and belittling him. He is

also disgusted with the real inactivity of his public life. He desires

a home, a house of his own. He wishes to take root, to form a circle,

to settle down, in short, to get older. All these views are very

proper.

The choice of a wife is the more difficult, as there are more

prejudices than ever to overcome. The Russian Grand-duchess would be

the most brilliant marriage, but would they have him? Then there are

some sentimental regrets for Poland here which would make such a

marriage unpopular in France and perhaps impossible in Russia. An

Austrian Arch-duchess would not be very easy to get, and besides,

alliances in that quarter always seem to be unlucky. The King of

Prussia's niece, to whom Louis-Philippe inclines, seems to be

insignificant in appearance and delicate in health. She has been

brought up in habits of parsimony, and the possible subjects of

quarrel which might arise between two Powers between whom the Rhine is

in dispute, make the Duke somewhat averse from the Prussian Princess.

From reports which are current it appears that the young Prince is

more in favour of the second daughter of the King of Würtemberg, who

is tall, well made, pretty, witty and vivacious. She takes it from her

mother, the Grand-duchess Catherine of Russia, one of the most

distinguished women of her time, and, when she wished to be so, very

charming. She was, however, an ambitious, restless and intriguing

person, and I hope that her daughter does not resemble her in

everything. M. le Duc d'Orléans asked for M. de Talleyrand's advice

and mine on the subject; we asked for time to reflect.

The Prince has invited himself to Valençay for the beginning of

October to talk all this over at our ease. He has sense and a good

judgment, and is not without ambition. There are excellent features in

his character, but both his qualities and his defects make a

distinguished wife essential.

They say that Marshal Gérard is not pleased with his post as Minister

of War. It appears that he only took it on a promise of a portfolio

for his brother-in-law M. de Celles--a foolish and impracticable idea.

However, they promised in order to persuade the Marshal to accept,

and then were not ashamed to break their word.

As to the marriage of the Prince Royal, I see that the question of

religion is indifferent to him and of secondary importance to the

King. The Queen alone would stand out for a preliminary conversion,

but no rupture of negotiations would occur on this point.

The exaggerated ideas of the King of Naples on the subject of the

Princess Marie's dowry have suspended all idea of a marriage in that

quarter. There is general regret in the Royal Family except on the

part of the Princess herself, who dreams of continuing here her aunt's

existence, which she thinks charming.

_Paris, August 30, 1834._--From what M. Thiers tells me, it seems that

the King, on Marshal Soult's retirement, thought of summoning M. de

Talleyrand to the Presidency of the Council. This idea is even now

again in his mind when he thinks of Marshal Gérard's probable

retirement. But M. de Talleyrand would not accept on any account and

besides, as Thiers said to the King, "Madame de Dino does not wish

it."

At dinner yesterday at Saint-Cloud the King spoke to me with much

acrimony of the Duc de Broglie who, he said, had wished to keep him

out of everything. He complained bitterly of the Duke's conduct. He

complains of a good many people, but is arranging with Rigny and

counting on M. Thiers.

M. de Talleyrand is very much the fashion indeed at the Palace because

he is saying everywhere that the King should have a free hand. I am

also the fashion because I am a good listener, and because I say, as I

think, that the King is the cleverest man in France. The King speaks

on all subjects very well, a great deal, and at great length. He

listens to himself, and, at least, is conscious of his ability. He

loves the memory of the Regent, of whom Saint-Cloud naturally reminds

him. He told me that Louis XVIII. also loved his memory and appeared

much shocked at the calumnies of which he had been the object. "I," he

said, "am his best justification." But when Louis XVIII. said all

this he ended curiously, for, having insisted on the outrageous

character of these calumnies, he added, "Nevertheless, the verses of

Lagrange-Chancel are so good that I have them by heart and like to say

them over."[30] This was a curious conclusion to come to in a

conversation with the present King.

[30] Lagrange-Chancel was concerned in the conspiracy of

Cellamare, and launched against Philippe d'Orléans three virulent

pamphlets in verse, which were soon followed by two others.

(_Philippiques_, 1720.)

_Paris, September 1, 1834._--This morning I saw M. de Rigny, who told

me that the news from Spain was most embarrassing. Martinez de la Rosa

is beginning to say that without the armed intervention of France all

will go to the devil. The King is very strongly against intervention,

much more so than his Ministers, who seem to me to be much agitated by

this terrible neighbour.

Hatred of Lord Palmerston is so general here that no one troubles to

conceal it. M. de Rigny is deafened by it on all sides. _A propos_ of

this he told me that as Palmerston's exhibitions of arrogance and his

hostile demonstrations were never, in fact, followed by any action,

they had ceased to make any impression, and that people only said,

"Ah, that's only one of Palmerston's little outbursts!" and then

thought no more of it.

M. Guizot has succeeded to Rigny's place in this house; he is much

pleased with the internal condition of the country, but he justly says

that, if in addition to our domestic difficulties we had to interfere

in a revolution in Spain, and were to be at the same time confronted

with one in England we should indeed be undone. It seems certain that

the new Chamber of Deputies is infinitely better than the last, and

that it is recruited from a higher class. Material progress has also

sensibly advanced. France left to herself without external

embarrassments is evidently in a very good way indeed.

Prince Czartoriski, very languid as usual, also came in; he intends to

establish himself definitely at Paris.

At last I have been able to go out and call on the Werthers, where I

heard more complaints of Palmerston. When I came back M. de Talleyrand

set me to arranging papers, and I turned up a curious letter, signed

Ferdinand, Carlos, Antonio, which was written from Valençay by these

three Princes to express their gratitude and affection.

_Paris, September 2, 1834._--I have had a visit from M. Thiers, who

told me what follows. All reports from Spain agree that Don Carlos

will have just as many men as he can get muskets, and that he is only

waiting for a consignment of arms to march on Madrid, where everything

is going wrong. Dom Miguel in his turn is preparing to reappear in the

Peninsula. If, therefore, the blockade is not effective enough to

prevent the importation of arms the Queen's cause is desperate, unless

France intervenes actively in Spanish affairs. The question may arise

in an acute form at any moment and opinion is much divided. Bertin de

Veaux and some others are in favour of armed intervention if it should

become necessary to save the Queen, because, they say, if Don Carlos

triumphs Carlism will become everywhere audacious, and France will

have an implacable enemy on her frontiers. With so immediate a danger

behind her here, every movement would be paralysed in a war, which

would be all the more likely to be forced on her, and her chances of

success the less. To this the King and M. de Talleyrand reply: "But if

you intervene you will have war all the sooner! And, moreover, who is

going to help you? Is England, undermined by her internal troubles,

likely to be of any assistance?" To that the answer is: "Her

neutrality is enough." "But can you count on her neutrality. Does it

not depend on the duration and composition of the present Cabinet,

whose existence is extremely doubtful?" M. de Rigny is much distracted

by these conflicting opinions and is terribly embarrassed. Every one

is racking their brains for an expedient.

_Rochecotte,[31] September 7, 1834._--The weather, which had been

wretched for two whole days, improved yesterday, and a veritable sun

of Austerlitz pierced the clouds to welcome my arrival at

Langeais.[32] All the town surrounded the carriage, and all along the

road, till I reached this place. I received many greetings and saw

many smiling faces which much pleased me.

[31] Rochecotte is a château built at the end of the eighteenth

century which the Duchesse de Dino bought in 1825, and afterwards

improved and greatly extended. In 1847 she presented it to her

daughter the Marquise de Castellane. Rochecotte is charmingly

situated on the slope of the Loire Valley, commanding the village

of Saint Patrice, in the Department of Indre et Loire.

[32] Langeais is a large town rather more than two leagues from

Rochecotte. It is situate on the right bank of the Loire, and is

dominated by a castle built in 992, and reconstructed in the

thirteenth century by Pierre de la Brosse. In 1491 the marriage

of King Charles VIII. and Anne de Bretagne was solemnised there.

The valley is very green, the Loire is full; the careful cultivation

and the resulting richness are admirable; the hemp, which is one of

the local industries, is as high as the vegetation of the Tropics, and

in fact I am delighted with all I see.

_Rochecotte, September 8, 1834._--My life here is neither political

nor social, and can be of no general interest. I will, however,

continue to note the little incidents which strike me.

Yesterday, after luncheon, while I was resting my poor head in a

_chaise longue_ in the salon, the Abbé Girolet sat beside me in a

large arm-chair and told me he had a favour to ask. This was that I

should undertake to be his sole executor. He has little of value to

leave, and the charges on the succession will absorb at least the

whole of it, but there was no one but me whom he could trust to look

after his servants and his pensioners, and if I would do so he could

die happy. I said he should do as he liked, and asked him to leave

everything to me as he wished, but to spare me details then which

would be painful to me, and which in any case I should learn only too

soon. He took my hand and thanked me warmly for what he calls my

kindness to him, and then after this momentary effort relapsed into

the silent, almost somnolent condition from which he rarely emerges.

_Valençay, September 11, 1834._--I arrived here yesterday evening,

having stopped for a little on the way at Bretonneau's charming

country house near Tours, and having admired the delightful road from

Tours to Blois, which is so full of memories for me. It was dark,

except for the moon, when I reached the post station of Selles, where

I was expected. At the first crack of the postillion's whip every

window was lit up with candles by the inhabitants, the effect of which

was quite like an illumination. While they were changing horses the

population surrounded the carriage with cries of welcome. Even the

Sister Superior of the hospital, an old friend of mine, came to the

door of the carriage to speak to me though it was nine o'clock. I was

quite deafened and overwhelmed, but at the same time much touched. It

was more than four years since I had passed that way, and I was far

from expecting that they would remember the few services I rendered

them in old times.

At last, at ten o'clock, under a magnificent moon, I reached my

destination in the splendid courts of Valençay. M. de Talleyrand,

Pauline, Mlle. Henriette,[33] Demion, and all the servants were under

the arcades with many lights. It made a pretty picture.

[33] Mlle. Henriette Larcher, governess to Mlle. Pauline de

Périgord.

_Valençay, September 12, 1834._--Here is the principal passage in a

letter from Madame Adélaïde to M. de Talleyrand: "You will no doubt

remember the discussion which took place in my room on the absurdity,

the danger, and the uselessness of declaring war on Don Carlos. It

seems, nevertheless, that some people wish to raise the question

again. You treated the question in my presence in a manner so lucid

and convincing that one would hardly have thought that it would have

come up again. However, I think it right to warn you that there is a

danger of it, and you would do well to make clear in England the

danger of taking this false step, which can only end in evil. It seems

that England is embarrassed by a promise to furnish Spain with naval

assistance, and that this absurd proposition is being entertained as a

way out of that promise. I think, therefore, that it would be well if

you at once wrote to England on the subject. I attach great importance

to this, for no one can do it so well or so effectively as you."