LANGUAGE
Sir George Grierson, in his Linguistic Survey of India, places [222]
the Lhota language in the central sub-group of Naga languages, together
with Ao, Tangsa, [223] Thukumi [224] and Yachumi. The Lhotas have no
script of their own, though they have a tradition that they once
possessed skins with writing on them. Being hungry they ate the skins
and have been illiterate savages ever since. [225]
The grammar of the language has been described by Dr. W. G. Witter of
the American Baptist Foreign Mission Society in his Outline Grammar of
the Lhota Naga Language. I propose to confine myself, therefore, to a
brief note founded on that work.
There are two dialects, the Liye and Ndrung, spoken north and south of
the Doyang respectively, which differ but little save in the
pronunciation of certain consonants. For example, Liye tiing (seven)
becomes kiing in Ndrung; similarly otyak (basket) becomes okyak; otyam
(needle) becomes opyam, and so on.
Vowels.
[Alphabet.]
A long as in “father.”
A short as u in “but.”
E long as a in “pay.”
E short as e in “then.”
I long as in “machine.”
I short, a little longer than the i in “sin.”
O long as in “bone.”
O short as in French “dot.”
U long as in oo in “fool.”
U short as in “pull.”
Ü as in “turn.”
Only syllables which are strongly long or short have been so marked.
Diphthongs.
There are no true diphthongs. The separate sounds of vowels which occur
together can just be distinguished, though often very faintly.
Consonants.
B as in English.
C never used alone.
Ch as in “church.”
Chh as ch, but with more aspiration. Sometimes approaching
“ts” in sound.
D as in English.
F as in English.
G never used alone. When it follows n it is pronounced as
the g in “singer,” not as the g in “finger.”
H as in English “hen.” Aspirates the consonant with which
it is combined.
J not used.
K as in English.
Kh as in “funk-hole.”
L usually as in English, but sometimes pronounced almost
like n.
M as in English.
Mm like m, but with the sound held longer.
N as in English. A final n often only gives a nasal sound
to the vowel it follows.
Nn like n, but with the sound held longer.
P as in English.
Ph as in “tap-house,” not as f.
Q not used.
R as in English, but rather more rolled.
Rr as r, but much rolled.
T as in English.
Th as in “hot-house.”
V as in English.
W as in English.
X not used.
Y as in “year.”
Z as in “zebra.”
Grammar.
[Article.] For the indefinite article mătsanga is used both with
persons and things, and nchyua with persons only. The article is,
however, usually omitted unless there is some special emphasis on the
singleness of the person or thing spoken of. The place of the definite
article is taken by demonstrative pronouns.
[Gender.] There is no distinction of gender except in the case of
animate objects. For human beings epue, “male,” and elue, “female,” are
added when the sex is not otherwise indicated; e.g. ngāro, “infant,”
ngaro epue, “little boy,” ngaro elue, “little girl.” In the case of
animals, ōpong, “male,” and ōkhu, “female,” are used; e.g. wōkō, “pig,”
wokopong, “boar,” wokokhu, “sow.”
[Number.] The plural termination is “ang,” affixed to the demonstrative
pronoun chi or shi. “The men have gone”: “Kyonchiang yichaka.” The word
“ōni” is used as a form of dual. “We two,” eni (i.e. e-oni). “My father
and your brother came yesterday”: “Āpo nā nīta oni nchü roa.”
[Case.] The subject of a transitive verb takes the suffix nā, which is
also that of the instrument. In the case of two or more subjects the
suffix is attached to the one nearest the verb. When the subject is
followed by an adjective qualifying it, the suffix is attached to the
adjective.
Etsi-na sōko yūchaka.
The Sahib “madhu” has drunk.
The object immediately precedes the transitive verb governing it and is
not inflected.
E-na soko yuka.
We “madhu” will drink.
The direct object precedes the indirect.
Ōtsi Chongsĕmo pia.
Rice to Chongsemo give.
The noun is not inflected for the genitive. The possessor precedes the
thing possessed.
Yănăsao ’tsi Chongsemo pia.
Yanasao’s rice to Chongsemo give.
Place and time are rendered by postpositions such as i, “to,” “in”; na,
“from,” “with”; lo, “to”; theni, “with,” “from,” and many others.
Shi-na ora-i wo. Ā-ki-lo woa. Eng-iya-thang-na.
He the jungle-to will go. My-house-to go. Sun-coming-time-from
(i.e. “from dawn”).
[Adjectives.] Adjectives follow the nouns they qualify and take the
suffixes instead of the noun.
Ōtūng săpo-lo.
Tree tall-on.
When a noun is used as an adjective it precedes the noun it qualifies.
Ora kyon.
Jungle-man.
To form the comparative an adjective takes the suffix “wo” or sometimes
for euphony “mo.”
Yanasao Asao sapowo.
Yanasao (than) Asao (is) taller.
In interrogative sentences the adjective plus the comparative suffix wo
is repeated first with the interrogative suffix alo, and then with the
interrogative suffix ela.
Yanasao sapow’alo Asao sapow’ela?
Yanasao taller Asao taller?
(i.e. Which is taller, Yanasao or Asao?)
The superlative is formed by adding the suffix “wo” to the adjective as
in the comparative, and putting some word meaning “all” before the noun
representing the things among which comparison is being made.
Lănga ’tung shi sapowo. (i.e. This is the tallest tree).
All trees this taller
[Numerals.] The cardinals are as follows:—
1. Ēkha (only used in counting, otherwise matsanga or
nchyua is used).
2. Ēni.
3. Ēthăm.
4. Mēzü.
5. Mungo.
6. Tĭrok.
7. Tiing.
8. Tīza.
9. Tŏkū.
10. Tāro.
11. Tarosi ekha (lit. “ten-with one”).
12. Tarosi eni.
13. Tarosi etham.
14. Tarosi mezü.
15. Tarosi mungo.
16. Tarosi tirok or mezüna mekwi mpen (lit. “by four
twenty not making”).
17. Tarosi tiing or ethamna mekwi mpen.
18. Tarosi tiza or enina mekwi mpen.
19. Tarosi toku or ekhana mekwi mpen.
20. Mekwi.
21. Mekwisi ekha.
30. Thămdro (i.e. etham taro).
40. Zūro (i.e. mezu taro).
50. Tiingya.
60. Rokro (i.e. tirok taro).
70. Ekha tiing (i.e. “seven times once the sum of
fingers”).
80. Ekha tiza (Liye), Zaro (Ndrung).
90. Ekha toku.
100. Ekha taro.
1000. Thanga.
Fractions:—
½ = poko.
1½ = matsanga-si poko.
⅓ = Echu etham chuche matsanga (i.e. “One part of three parts”).
Counting is done on the fingers, and reckoning is kept by little
bundles of sticks. It is a common sight to see, say, five little bits
of bamboo stuck up in a prominent place in a wayside granary, or five
notches cut in a log. This means that the owner will claim Rs. 5 from
whoever damages the granary or misappropriates the log.
There are no true ordinals.
First = ōvūngōchī (the one in front).
Second = ovungochi sīlāmo (the one behind the one in front).
Third = ovungochi chito oni silamo (the one behind both that one
and the one in front).
Ordinal adverbs are formed by the prefix echo or echung.
Once = echoa or echunga.
Twice = echoni or echungeni, etc.
[Pronouns.] The personal pronouns are as follows:—
First person Singular A, ai, aiyo, akha.
Plural E, eten, eyo.
Second person Singular Nna, nno, ni, yi, i.
Plural Ni, nino, nte, yi.
Third person Singular Mbo, and the demonstrative pronouns hi,
shi, chi.
Plural Oten, and the demonstrative pronouns
hiang, shiang, chiang.
Personal pronouns take the same suffix as nouns.
A mokthata.
I am tired.
A-na pīka.
I will give.
As in nouns, the possessive is formed by placing the possessor before
the thing possessed.
My house = Āki (= A-oki).
The demonstrative pronouns are as follow:—Hi or shi, “this,” chi,
“that,” hiang or shiang, “these,” oten or chiang, “those.” They follow
the noun they qualify and take suffixes as do adjectives.
A-na oki-shi-lo otsi tsōka.
I house-this-in rice will eat.
The interrogative pronouns are as follow:—
Who? = ochi, ocho.
Which? = ocho, kuwe, ko.
What? = ochi or ocho (referring to persons); ntio, nyu,
nyuwo (referring to things).
Nno ntio chonala?
You what are wanting?
A relative clause in English is usually rendered in Lhota by the verb
followed by wochi (lit. “go that”), often pronounced mochi for euphony.
A-na echo-mō-chi a-pia
I wanted-one-the me-give
(i.e. give me the one I wanted).
The interrogative pronouns are, however, sometimes used as relatives.
A-na kuwe chonana chi a-pia.
I what wanted that me-give.
[The Verb.] The verb is not conjugated for person and number. Certain
suffixes are used to express tense. They are as follow:—
-a = perfect or future, the context giving the sense. It is also the
termination of the imperative. Thus, from the verbal root tso = eat—
Ana tsoa = { I will eat.
{ I have eaten.
Tsoa = eat.
-ka is the ordinary termination of the future—
Ana tsoka = I will eat.
-cho is the ordinary termination of the preterite—
Ana tsocho = I ate, I have eaten.
-ala is the ordinary termination used to express continual action, and
is apparently a form of the verb lia, “is”—
Ana tsoala = { I am eating.
{ I was eating.
To express habitual action the verbal root without any termination is
used.
Ana otsi tso = I eat rice.
The verbal root followed by a faint v sound expresses future action.
Ana tsov = I will eat.
Further shades of meaning are expressed by a large number of verbal
modifiers which are added sometimes to the verbal root, and sometimes
to the verbal root plus the termination -a. These modifiers are
followed by the suffixes already mentioned. The commonest are as
follow:—
(1) vān indicates continuance. Alone it means “stay,” “remain,” “live.”
Ana tsoavancho = I continued eating.
Ana ochi vana = I live there.
(2) kam also indicates continuance.
Ana otsi tsoakāma = I am eating rice.
(3) chak implies completion.
Ana atsi tsochaka = I have eaten up my rice.
A reduplicated form of chak is also sometimes used to express the
English pluperfect.
Ana atsi tsochakchaka = I had eaten up my rice.
(4) sāla implies immediate future.
Ana tsosala = I am just about to eat.
(5) tok has a causative, or permissive sense.
Ana shi tsotokala = I am making him eat.
Shi tsotoka = Let him eat.
(6) hng is a verbal root meaning “wish.”
Ana tsohnga = I wish to eat.
(7) pvu is added to the reduplicated verbal root to express frequency.
Shina tsopvu tsopvu vanala = He is always eating.
(8) lan or lam expresses repetition.
Shina rolancho = He came back again.
(9) ten or tem indicates the first doing of an act.
Ana tsotencho = I ate first.
(10) ta indicates that several people are acting together.
Otena tsotala = They are eating together.
(11) khān signifies absolute completeness.
Ana atsi tsokhancho = I have eaten up all my rice.
(12) nhyu indicates incompleteness.
Ana otsi tsonhyua = I have eaten part of the rice.
(13) s = “more.”
Otsi apisa = Give me more rice (pi = “give”).
(14) hrak = “got.”
Ana otsi tsohraka = I got some rice to eat.
(15) kok = ability.
Ana oso tsokoka = I can eat meat.
(16) che or cheyu also = ability.
Ana otsi ntsoche = I cannot eat rice.
[Imperative Mood.] The following examples show the shades of meaning of
the terminations in use.
tsoa = eat.
tsosa = eat more.
tsoalo = go on eating.
[Participial Clauses.] The sense of English participles and participial
clauses is given by postpositions and adverbs added to the verbal stem
or the verbal stem plus a. Examples are as follow:—
(1) -na “from,” “by,” the instrumental postposition.
Ana otsi tsona... = { I, if I eat rice.
{ I, by eating rice.
(2) -i = “at.”
Shina amhungi atapcho = { He at seeing me struck me.
{ He struck me as soon as he saw me.
(3) thang = “at the time of.”
Ana tsoathang shina atapcho = He struck me when I was eating.
(4) -le = “at the time of”—usually added to verbal modifier van.
Ana tsoavanle shina atapcho = He struck me when I was eating.
(5) sanati = “immediately after.”
tsosanati woa = Go as soon as you have eaten.
(6) si or sa = “after.”
tsosi woa = Go when you have eaten.
(7) leha or chakla denote concession.
Ana otsi ntsoleha woka = Though I have not eaten I will go.
[Directional Prefixes.] Certain prefixes are added to verbs of motion
to indicate direction.
(1) chung = “up”; chungwoka = I will go up.
(2) cho = “down”; chowoka = I will go down.
(3) thre or thro = “in”; threyia = come in. throwoa = go in.
(4) chi = “out”; chiyia = go out.
[Conditional Clauses.] A conditional clause is usually expressed
participially by means of the postposition -na added to the verbal
stem. Another method is to add -wo to the verbal root of the protasis
and -katola to the verbal root of the apodosis.
Otsi hello liwo ana tsokatola [226]
= If rice were here I would eat.
[Purpose.] Purpose is usually expressed by adding the postposition -lo,
“to,” to the verbal root. It may also be expressed by the prefix e-,
either with or without the postposition -lo, or by the suffix kiatto.
Ana tsolo rōcho. }
Ana etsolo rocho. } I came to eat.
Ana etso rocho. }
Ana tsokiatto rocho. }
[Negative.] With the imperative the prohibitive prefix tī- is used.
Titsoa = Do not eat.
In the other tenses n (or sometimes for euphony m) is prefixed to the
verb.
Ana ntso = I do not eat.
[Interrogatives.] The following suffixes are added to the verbal root
plus the termination -a.
(1) -ke.
Nno tsoake = Do you eat?
(2) -nūng.
Nno tsoanung = Do you eat?
(3) -la, with a reduplicated verbal root.
Nna tsotsoala = Do you eat?
(4) -ela, with a reduplicated verbal root. This form is only used when
speaking of past time. The termination -a of the verbal root is elided
and disappears.
Nno tsotsoela = Did you eat?
(5) For double questions -lo is suffixed to the affirmative verb and
-la (or -ela) to the negative verb.
Nno tsoalo ntsoala = Do you eat or not?
(6) -ne is used in asking permission.
Ana tsoane = May I eat?
[Voice.] There is no passive form of the verb.
I have eaten up my rice = ana atsi tsochaka.
My rice has been eaten up = atsi tsochaka.
The latter appears to be really a case in which the subject is
understood.
[Verbal Synonyms.] As in other Naga languages, different verbs are used
for variations of the same act. Dr. Witter gives the following list as
an example.
Ephyopala = to wash in general.
Etsiala = ,, ,, clothes.
Süala = ,, ,, dishes.
Myuala = ,, ,, face.
Phiala = ,, ,, feet.
Ntsakala = ,, ,, hands.
[Adverbs.] The following are typical examples. Many are composite words
formed from a noun or pronoun and a postposition.
Always = echung. Perhaps = kanyu.
Formerly = nkolo. Probably = kache.
By day = engilo. In this way = heto.
Last night = nsamo. In that way = chito.
To-night = osamo. On the right = amymwe.
To-day = nching. On the left = aiyiwe.
To-morrow = ochü. Ahead = ovungwe.
Yesterday = nchü. Behind = silamwe.
Now = nthanga. There = ochi.
Suddenly = ekhiapa. Here = hello.
[Postpositions.] Several have been noted in connection with the verb.
Examples of others are as follow:—
Among = onungo. Towards = we.
Below = okapi. With = pana.
Between = yite. Near = nthango.
From, with = theni. In front of = mhatungi.
Syntax.
In a simple sentence the subject comes first and the verb last, with
the object between them.
Ana otsi tsoka.
I rice will eat.
Adverbs usually come first.
Ochü ana otsi tsoka.
To-morrow I rice will eat.
Interrogative adverbs, however, often follow the subject.
Chongsemo kothang rov?
Chongsemo when will come?
Possessive nouns and pronouns precede the thing possessed, but
adjectives follow the noun they qualify.
Ana Chongsemo ’tsi mhōna tsoka.
I Chongsemo’s rice good will eat.
In compound sentences the principal clause stands last.
Ochi nyanya vāna ana ntsiala.
There a goat is I know.
In reporting the words of a third person the actual words spoken are
placed with the particle to immediately in front of the principal verb.
Thus “Chongsemo said he would go” would be in Lhota—
Chongsemona ana wov to ezocho.
Chongsemo I will go thus said.
If the actual words of the speaker are not used the indirect discourse
is placed after the principal clause and its verb takes the affix
-lato.
Chongsemona ezocho omona wolato.
Chongsemo said he would go.
[Specimens.] The following specimens of the language with
literal translations will serve to illustrate the grammar and syntax.
I.—The Story of the Cuckoo and the Crow.
Păngpăng-to nā kāshāk-to ōni ōkămo tscōtācho. Ole
cuckoo and crow they-two friends became. Then
pangpang-chi-na kashak-chi ēzōchō “Ā-kăm, nnā-hā ōnyu-shi-ki
cuckoo-that (to) crow-that said “my-friend, you-too gum-this-with
mhōna ā-rānīke ana-ha onyu-shi-ki mhona i-ranika.” to
well me-ornamenting I-too gum-this-with well you-will ornament.”
thus
ezoa mhona eranitokcho. Chi-silōcho kashak-chi-na
having said well made him ornament. That-after crow-that
pangpang-chi ezocho “A-kam, nna-ha mhona a-ranike ana-ha
(to) cuckoo-that said my-friend, you-too well me-ornamenting I-too
mhona i-ranichoka.” to ezoa onyu-chi picho. Ole
well you-will ornament.” thus having said gum-that gave. Then
pangpang-chi-na “A-kam, a-pfu-na a-tsāla, a-pfu-na
cuckoo-that “my-friend my-mother me-is calling, my-mother
a-tsala,” to ezoa onyu-chi-na kashak-chi kŭrri-lo
me-is calling,” thus having said gum-that-with cuckoo-that head-on
tyankaisi tsancho. Chī-tsōkō-nā nhūnga-cha kashak-cho
having poured out ran away. That-reason-from now-till crow-the
nyĭkā-lā. Hochi-na pangpang-cho kashak khȳua engo n-sāmphina
black-is. That-from cuckoo-the crow fearing (by) day not-wandering
zāmo-thăng-tai “pangpang pangpang.” to khua samphiala.
darkness-time-only “cuckoo cuckoo.” thus crying wanders.
Translated into ordinary English the story runs as follows:—
The cuckoo and the crow became sworn friends. One day the cuckoo said
to the crow, “My friend, you ornament me prettily with this gum and I
will do the same to you,” and got the crow to do as he was asked. The
crow then made the same request to the cuckoo and gave him the gum. But
the cuckoo cried, “My mother is calling me, my mother is calling me,”
and poured the gum all over the crow’s head and ran away. That is why
the crow is black and the cuckoo is so frightened of the crow that he
only wanders about at night, calling, “Cuckoo, cuckoo.” [227]
II.—How Children were turned into Monkeys.
Onpoi-na otsoi epue ’ts ekha elue ’ts ekha to pōki
man and wife children male child one female child one too having got
vāsi elue-chi tchhīcho. Tole epue-chi-na elue-chi tchhicho silo
having been wife-the died. Then husband-the wife-the died after
elue ethăn soa vāncho. Ole elue ethan-chi-na elue etchhio-chi
wife new took remained. Then wife new-the wife dead-the
’tsoi t’-oni-chi n-nzām elăm kangshi ntsonshicho. Osi nchōkāchō
children two-the not-pitying much trouble gave. But one day
mbo-na nūngri-t’-oni “li-nhyako wota, otsi-cho a-na
she (to the) children-two “field-to watch go food I
eng-aku ni-’ni hāntokmūngka; oki ti-yitake.” to
day-every (for) you two will have taken down; home do not come.” Thus
ezoa wotokcho. Chi-silo mbo-na otsi kīlāto zīro-chü
having said made to go. That-after she food calling-it rat-dung
hōno-chü māku-to tai nkapnkapi
chicken-dung husks-too only having tied up in leaves
nungri-t-’oni hantokmungcho. Tole nungri-t-’oni-na eng-aku
(to) the children-two had carried down. Then children-two day-every
mbo-na otsi kilato ziro-chü hono-chü na maku-to
she food calling it rat-dung chicken-dung and husks-too
nkapnkapi hantokmung-chi lānphelānphei
having tied up in leaves having had taken down-that which having opened
zesi sicho. Chi-silo-cho nungri-t-’oni-na kyon etsoyu
saw. That-after children-the two man’s food and drink
n-chămcheo ora-i tsangti-longpen-tai
not-remembering jungle-in nuts berries-only
hlotso-hloyuta vancho. Ole nchokacho opo-na
picking eating-picking drinking stayed. Then one day (their) father
otsi hānsi wo “oyi, otsi tsota.” to ezoa tsale
food carrying going “come, food eat.” Thus having said calling
nungri-t-’oni-na “A-po, eyo nhungo kyon etsoyu
children-the two “my-father, we now man’s food and drink
n-chamche kama yākso kamayiala.” to ezoa
“wu-wu”
not-remembering having become monkeys are becoming.” Thus saying
“wu-wu”
to khuta yakso kamayicho. Chi-silo-cho opo-na “Toka
ni-ni-na
thus calling monkeys became. That-after (the) father “Then you-two
yakso kama yi-na oyan mung-thang-mungri eli chepya
monkeys having become being-from village emung-time-keeping is seeing
’yam-li penchü-muchü shotso shoiya yitake,” to
village-fields seeds-roots scratching up digging up will go,” thus
ezoa yitokcho. Hochi-na nhunga-liya yakso-na oyan
having spoken let (them) go. This-from now-till monkeys village
mung-thang-mungri eli chepya ’yam-li penchü-muchü shotso
emung-time-keeping is seeing village-fields seeds-roots scratching up
shoiyala to rutala.
digging up are thus (men) say.
The interpretation of the tale is as follows:—
A man and his wife had one son and one daughter. The wife died and the
man married again. But the new wife did not love her step-children and
ill-used them. One day she said to them, “Go down and watch the fields.
I will send food down for you every day. Do not come back to the
house.” But instead of food she only sent down rat-dung and
chicken-dung and rice husks tied up in leaves. When the children opened
the leaves they saw that their step-mother had sent them down filth
instead of food. Then they forgot what human food was like and took to
picking and eating berries in the jungle. One day their father brought
down some food and called them to come and eat it, but they said, “We
have forgotten what human food is like, father. We are turning into
monkeys.” With these words they called out “wu-wu” and turned into
monkeys. Then their father said, “You have turned into monkeys, and now
you will watch for the days when the villagers are keeping emung and
cannot go to the fields, and will scratch up the roots and seeds they
have sown.” That is why to this day monkeys scratch up the roots and
seeds in the fields when they see that the village is keeping emung.
Abuse and Nicknames.
The figurative expressions used by Lhotas in jest or for purposes of
abuse are so apt and to the point that they deserve brief notice. A
dwarfish person is called either hampochütang (fowl’s-dung) or
zitsenaro (mouse). A woman of loose morals is called nyanyavu
(she-goat) or ntsingo (a small fish with the reputation of taking any
bait thrown to it). The expression wokomhi (pig’s tail) is applied to a
fussy man who is always running backwards and forwards. Nangkinangka
(chrysalis) denotes a sulky man. Shamakok (wasp) is a man with a very
small waist. Potak (duck) is a man who waggles his posterior as he
walks. In a quarrel a man will sometimes address his opponent as
sakaptso (“born under the verandah of the house,” i.e. bastard), and
will be called songkoptso (“born under the granary”) in return. A man
with no teeth is nicknamed okingkham (open door), and so on.
Baby Language.
An English mother who says to her baby, “Didums wantum’s bottleums
denums?” uses language sufficiently like that in ordinary use to be
intelligible to a mere bachelor, but the Lhotas have a curious custom,
when addressing small children, of using words which are in no way
connected with the speech of every-day life. For instance, “boiled
rice” is called mama, “madhu” is koko, “rain” is tsetse, “eat” is
hamto, “go to sleep” is shoboto, “get up” is hoksi, “sit down” is
phato, “go along” is tsatsato, “I will smack you” is khakto, and so on.
The origin of this baby dialect is unknown, but it is noticeable that
the Aos use almost identical words in addressing their children.