But, we have to get back to the first ennobled of the Hickses and

his friend, the widow. Lord Campden and Sir George Croke united in

insisting that she should return to Lord Lumley the ring she had

accepted, and therewith give him his _coup de grâce_. Ring and letter

were despatched on St. Valentine’s Day, and Lord Lumley made his final

exit. All London was busy with wondering what the next move would

be. It seemed in favour of Sir Edward. Sir Henry Wotton met him in

the presence chamber, and wished him ‘full sail.’ The mother of Sir

Edward’s late wife, accompanied by that deceased wife’s sister, were

indefatigable in lauding Dering’s conjugal virtues in the widow’s ear.

Beneficed clergymen, church dignitaries, London gentlemen, country

squires, met in the best room in the widow’s house and sang the chorus

of his praise. The provoking beauty could not be brought to a decision.

She had made a selection, she said, but she really could not say of

whom. All in good time. And so this singular love affair proceeded,

till the widow consented to grant one more interview, positively for

the last time, to her pertinacious suitor, and failed to perform her

promise.

‘I will go to Sir Heneage Finch,’ cried the perplexed wooer.

It is very clear that all along Finch perplexed Dering quite as much

as the widow did. The Recorder spoke well of Sir Edward to himself and

to his friends, and promised to speak well of him to the widow. And

perhaps he did; but at the same time Sir Heneage did not neglect his

own interests. One morning the bells of St. Dunstan’s in the West,

the fashionable church for marriages, rang out a merry wedding peal.

Dr. Raven came out of prison, where he was some time in durance for

his silly assault, just in time to hear the peal. Sir Edward may be

supposed to have put his head out inquiringly from his window. If so,

he must have enjoyed a pretty sight--that of Sir Heneage Finch, in

holiday array, leading into the beautiful widow Bennett’s house that

most tantalising of fair women, as his bride--Lady Finch! Bow bells

took up the peal, as if to announce to all Cocagne that they had all

the while known what was going on. Cockneydom protested that it had

never expected any other issue to the City comedy. Indeed there was a

double marriage. While the widow had been playing with her suitors, her

niece, pretty Mary Croke, daughter of Sir George, had been indulging

in pretty love passages with Harbottle, afterwards Sir Harbottle

Grimstone, Master of the Rolls. On April 16, 1629, aunt and niece, with

their respective lovers, met at St. Dunstan’s, and were then and there

happily married.

The marriage of Sir Heneage with the fair widow was productive of

two daughters,[1] of whom one, Anne, married that Earl of Conway

so celebrated by Burnet for his ignorance. When a foreign minister

once spoke to him of the Circles of Germany, my lord laughed, and

asked, ‘What have circles to do with affairs of state?’ We may

appropriately add that Mrs. Bennett’s son, Simon, became a man of

immense wealth--wealth which his three daughters carried into as many

noble families, very much to the satisfaction of the latter. But what

of the disappointed lover in this comedy? Well, the curtain went down

merrily for him also. He happened to see pretty Unton Gibbes, daughter

of the Warwickshire Sir Ralph, and Sir Edward, having an alacrity

in falling in love, was ‘over head and ears’ immediately. The lady

went straightway to the same depths. They came up together, happy man

and wife, and lived like young lovers. He was passionately attached

to her to the last; but she survived him full thirty years, finding

solace at the affectionate hands of two sons and two daughters. For

Unton, Sir Edward had one of those pet names which, outside the circle

of love, sound so unlovely. It was NUMPS! ‘My ever dear Numps,’ he

says, in a letter addressed to her from London, in 1640, full of

political intelligence, ‘thy pretious and hearty letter I received

with that ardor that it was written.... I shall not see thee so soon

as I wish.... God preserve my pretty children and send thee ease of

thy troublesome cough.... I thank thee for the length of thy welcome

letters, wherein I confess that I cannot equal thy love;’ and he

ends with ‘Thine, more and more, if possibly,’ &c. One passage of

public news in this letter brings a well-known incident before us.

‘The scaffolds are up in Westminster Hall, and Strafford comes to the

barre on Monday morning.’ Some of Sir Edward’s letters to his wife are

subscribed ‘to thy best self the heart of thine own Edward Dering.’

And if he writes ‘thine in haste,’ he adds, ‘but heartily,’ and writes

outside, ‘To my best and dearest friend the Lady Dering,’ while my

lady endorses them, ‘From my dearest.’ One letter quaintly begins with

‘My dear and my comfortable Numps, my happiness is (for the greatest

part of it in this world) circuited in the same sphere with thine.

Love and cheerfulness are blessings invaluable, and if perchance some

excentricke motion interpose, all at last (as in the sphaeres) helpe

to make up the harmony. So I hope with us every motion shall helpe the

tune.’ It would seem that, in absence, they encouraged one another from

Scripture. ‘I did presently, as you wished,’ he writes, ‘read over

the 91 Spalme (as you call it). I did think to return you a text, but

am in haste;’ and ‘Thine own, as ever, for ever.’ The same tone makes

musical all his letters, and her own seem to have been attuned to the

same melody. The former are full moreover of most interesting public

intelligence.

For a troubled time Sir Edward was the much perplexed and ill-requited

Lieutenant of Dover Castle. Released from that charge, he was the

happy, intellectual, Kentish squire. Next, his county returned him to

the Long Parliament, and he commenced his career with fierce opposition

to Laud, hoping that ‘His Grace would have more grace, or no Grace at

all.’ Sir Edward was what would now be called an Ultra-Radical. He

was for abolishing bishops and was ill-affected towards royalty. He

took up with the ‘Root and Branch’ party, and they pushed him forward

to the proposing of revolutionary measures; and when he withdrew from

the course which they had forced him to take they loaded him with

execration, and succeeded in turning him out of Parliament for breach

of privilege. Subsequently, he lay hid from the pursuit of Parliament,

and he is said to have disguised himself as a parson and to have

read prayers in a village church. He joined the King. His estate was

sequestered, his house at Surrenden was plundered. At a later period

the Parliament allowed him to enter on signing the Covenant and paying

a composition; but before the affair was concluded the erst lover of

the twenty-thousand-pound widow was, in 1644, laid to rest in Pluckley

churchyard, which neither covenanting nor compounding can ever disturb.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] It was his son, by a former marriage, who became Lord Chancellor

and Earl of Nottingham.

_TO BRIGHTON AND BACK AGAIN._

Some few years ago, philosophers were jostling excursionists in

once gay Brighthelmstone; they discussed the prospects of science,

and united archæology with a considerable amount of picnicking and

claret-cup. We here submit for the general recreation a paper that was

not read at the meeting of the British Association in that town, but

which will be perused in the larger Elsewhere. Its staple commodity

will consist of the anecdotal waifs and strays connected with old

Brighton, which philosophers do not regard, but which have an especial

value and interest of their own. Accordingly we pass by the Druidical

mistletoe, British barrows, Roman coins, and Saxons, Danes, and

Normans, and we come at once to the Brighton of the middle of the last

century, when rumours of wars from abroad connected themselves with a

literary question and song-writing at home.

About the year 1758 fears of invasion caused several camps to be

established on our south coast. There was one at Brighton. Martial

spirit attuned the popular lyre to both warlike and sentimental

strains. One of the airs then composed has remained popular to this

day. ‘The Girl I left behind me’ was originally known by that and also

by a second name, ‘Brighton Camp,’ to which reference is made in the

following verse:--

Oh, ne’er shall I forget the night,

The stars were bright above me,

And gaily lent their silv’ry light,

When first she vow’d to love me.

But now I’m bound to Brighton Camp,

Kind Heaven then pray guide me,

And send me safely back again

To the girl I’ve left behind me.

This air has been claimed as Irish by Moore and by Bunting. The former

took great liberties with the air. Bunting left it as he found it. But

he did not find it till the year 1800, when he heard it played by an

Irish harper named O’Neile. The harper had probably picked it up from

some regimental band leaving their quarters; but it was popular in

England nearly half a century before the date of its first being known

in Ireland.

Let those who throng Brighton now just consider what it was about a

century ago. In 1761 we read that ‘the men of the town were wholly

employed in fishing, and the women in mending their nets.’ There was,

however, a free school in Brighton; and boys of twelve years of age,

who had learned navigation there, obtained very fair wages in the

‘fishery.’ There was a population, fixed and movable, even at that

period. Many of the houses are described as ‘of flint, with windows

and doors frequently adorned with very good brick.’ When Brighton took

its first step forward for the purpose of attracting visitors we may

learn from a contemporary chronicle of 1761, in which we read that

‘Of late the town has become a resort for the drinking of salt water

and for bathing. If the town grows in the next seven years as it has

done in the last seven, there will be no better in England.’ Brighton

then boasted of ‘one or two public rooms that could be equalled only

by those of York.’ People could then put up with what was called

‘accommodation,’ which was of a very uncomfortable character; but

everything was of a free-and-easy quality, and most visitors were

content to take things as they found them.

To this rule, however, there was one notable exception, just where we

should expect to find it.

Nearly a hundred years have elapsed since Dr. Johnson wrote to Boswell,

in November of the year 1776, ‘I was some weeks this autumn at

Brighthelmstone. The place was very dull, and I was not well.’ The fact

is, that Johnson cared little for the beauties of nature. He was like

Charles Lamb, who once being at the summit of a mountain from which

there was a prospect of unsurpassable grandeur, saw nothing but with

his mind’s eye, and that was at the moment directed to the ham and

beef shop at the corner of St. Martin’s Court. In like manner, Johnson

hated prospects and views. We have the authority of Mrs. Piozzi for

recording that Johnson used to say the best garden was the one which

produced the most roots and fruits, and the river most to be prized was

the one which produced the most fish. The Doctor unmercifully laughed

at Shenstone for valuing a stream according to its picturesqueness, and

not its productiveness. Mrs. Piozzi believed that a walk in a wood when

it rained was the only rural image which pleased Johnson. The pleasure

then was perhaps derived from the thought that the rain would swell

the peas, or make the turnips grow, or in some way or other tend to

the comforting of the inward man. The feeling was akin to that of the

epicurean who dwelt fondly on the orient gale which prospered the ship

freighted with sugar for his gooseberry pie. It was that of Southey’s

philosopher, who reverenced pig, and who, feeling a certain amount of

poetry in a fragrant breeze, exclaimed,

O’er yon blossom’d field

Of beans it came, and thoughts of bacon rise.

Johnson detested the very sight of Brighton Downs, ‘because it was a

country so truly desolate,’ he said, ‘that if one had a mind to hang

oneself for desperation at being obliged to live there, it would be

difficult to find a tree on which to fasten the rope.’ When the sage

uttered this dictum he had certainly overlooked the subject of mutton.

He forgot how admirable Sussex land was for turnip husbandry, and that

even where the flints lay thickest the corn crops were all the more

luxuriant. He did love forest trees, and might have remembered that

the Sussex oak has no superior. He was fond of milk, and might have

respected the Sussex cows which keep themselves almost beef, while they

give rich milk, if so little of it. Hate the Downs! Let all such people

remember, especially if they have a liking for a haunch of mutton,

that the rot was never known to be caught upon the South Downs; reason

sufficient to authorise an epicure’s respect. We see poetry even in a

Brighton fish shop. Was it not Sir Wilfred himself who made first-rate

fishermen of the primitive Brighton bunglers?

Johnson and Lamb are not the only intellectual persons whose minds

could turn from the contemplation of great to the consideration of

smaller things. When Charles James Fox was with a party viewing the

old master-pieces in the Louvre, he turned from them to bewail the

too great effulgence of the sun. ‘This heat,’ he remarked, ‘will burn

up all my turnips at St. Anne’s.’ So, Thomas Granville, replying to

Rogers, who was referring to the overpowering glory of a sunset at

which they were looking, observed that it was ‘handsome.’

Half a century ago, Brighton was as destitute of trees as it was in

Johnson’s time. But now, if the Doctor were alive and had a halter,

he would find no difficulty in searching for a branch from which he

might hang, the very bulkiest of acorns. Where formerly only the hardy

tamarisk grew, we may now see, as a local historian (Erredge) points

out, that ‘belts and copses of thriving trees have reared their heads,

and the elm, fir, sycamore, horse-chestnut, larch, beech, hazel, birch,

hawthorn, and the holly, and other evergreens, having, by culture,

become acclimatised, thrive so well as to induce the belief that they

are indigenous to the south-east coast.’

That Brighton should have changed in a certain number of years is a

matter for no surprise at all. The sea rolls its waves over the site

on which the primitive village stood exposed to its fury. The cliffs

which from behind the village looked proudly over the waves have been

in part destroyed by the assailing waters which, it was once thought,

were too remote ever to do them harm. But all this has been the work of

time, and of a very long time. Yet change quite as remarkable has been

accomplished within the lives of many persons still living. They must

be old persons indeed, and must have suffered fourscore years at least

of change of themselves, in order to have been within the periods of

what Brighthelmstone _was_ and what Brighton _is_. What it was towards

the close of the last century, about 1790, when it had ceased to be

the secluded fishing village it once had been, can scarcely now be

realised. It was no uncommon thing for the town to be then visited by

unlicensed rovers of the deep. These thieves, who ranged from Beachy

Head to Selsey Bill, would drop anchor after dark, and send a company

of rascals on shore in a boat, whose mission it was to break into some

rich farmer’s house, or some well-endowed mansion near the coast, and

carry off thence every article of value that was portable and could be

turned to pirate’s use. There was such terror of these water-rats, that

wherever they broke in their coming paralysed honest people, who were

powerless through terror. They bound and gagged the inmates of houses

which they intended to despoil, caroused without limit, and having

plundered the dwelling, staggered down to the beach, and carried on

board their burglarious freight. They would then lift anchor and drop

down along the coast on their way to a place of refuge, or to attack

some other house where there was promise of booty and good cheer. Their

audacity is explicable only on the ground that they had confederates

among the police authorities, if such things were in those early days.

In ancient times, when the French landed there and attacked the town,

the Sussex men turned out with alacrity, and often gave the invaders a

tremendous thrashing. The sons of those Sussex men quailed in presence

of the native rascalry, which was often cruel, but generally avoided

murder.

If any archæologist care about the Druidical name for Brighton--if

indeed there ever was one--or sigh to learn by what classic term the

Romans designated their station on the sea, the care and the sigh are

expended in vain. Let such antiquary console himself by laughing at the

explanation of its later name, handed down from one local historian

to another. Brighthelmstone, as it was called, has not puzzled the

easily-satisfied etymologists. To explain it they invent a Saxon

bishop who never existed, Brighthelm. They both beatify and canonise

him under the title of St. Brighthelm, and having raised him to this

dignity, they erect a _stone_ to commemorate him, or a ‘ton,’ i.e.,

‘town,’ in which he may dwell, and thus we arrive at ‘Brighthelmstone.’

Some etymologists pooh-poohed this derivation altogether, and they

put forth something worse of their own. With them ‘Brighthelmstone’

is born of the shining helms of the Saxon galleys which used (or did

not use) to be off the town! Another party sees in the name simply the

indication that the town once belonged to a warrior whose family name

was Brighthelm. We must frankly confess that one theory is quite as

reasonable as the other.

But, whatever the meaning of the name and whencesoever it came,

there was a universal outcry of alarm and disgust when people in a

hurry, or not much observant of orthography, cut the name down from

a stately three- to a little two-decker. When Brighthelmstone began,

in 1787, to be called Brighton, and _that_ even in print, there was a

howl of reprobation and a general demand to ‘give us back our three

syllables!’ Even Sylvanus Urban in that year moved out of his old ways

into the new-fangled groove, and talked of ‘Brighton’ as if he were a

fashionable young fop wearing a round hat and his own hair, instead of

cocked hat and powder. Sylvanus had announced that a certain Mr. Norman

of Bromley had recently died at ‘Brighton!’ Instantly Mr. Urban was

assailed with an _et tu Brute_ sort of assault. Afflicted archæologists

never thought such a blow could come from St. John’s Gate. One

gentleman remonstrated in a tone of the deepest suffering. He argued

that, if this abbreviating custom be carried on, Brighthelmstone will

not only be wronged, but the world at large, and universal in geography

particular, will be thrown into utter confusion. Foreign nations,

potentates, governments, scholars, foreign humanity generally, we are

told, will be bewildered, and will no longer be able to distinguish

between Brighthelmstone in Sussex and Brighton a village in Yorkshire!

Brighton in Yorkshire seems to have withdrawn itself modestly from the

world; and if the Emperor of Germany reads of the demise of Brown,

Jones, or Robinson at Brighton, that august person will not be troubled

as to its local whereabout.

If Brighton Camps had their picturesque aspect and a certain connection

with poetry, they had occasional deep shadows to contrast with their

lights. The camp of 1795 is especially remarkable for its dark

colouring. The defenders of the country were left by the circumlocution

office of that day with an insufficient quantity of bread, and with

nasty flour to make it. The hungry Oxford militia plundered a mill,

and having got all they wanted for their own stomachs, they seized

a quantity of corn at Newhaven, not for their half-starved comrades

in camp, but for the pleasure of throwing the whole of it into the

river at that place. Eight of the mutineers were tried, of whom two,

Cooke (called ‘Captain’) and Parish, were sentenced to be shot, the

rest to be flogged. During the eight days of trial the circumlocution

office gave them as little food as when the office drove them to

mutiny through hunger. If it had not been for the morning and evening

supplies passed to them through the bars of their airing ground by

Samaritans of Russell Street, the accused militiamen would not have

lived through the trial to be shot or flogged. The last ceremony was

carried out with much lugubrious pomp. Three of the six men received

an instalment of 300 strokes, equivalent to 2,700 lashes, and the

other three were respited for future punishment. Then came the more

merciful act of putting quickly to death the two men condemned to be

shot. There was indeed much slow circumstance before the two culprits

were fairly in face of the company of their fellow-militiamen selected

to carry out the sentence. For the support and encouragement of the

firing party not to shirk their duty and attempt to run, there was

drawn up behind them a company of artillery, with shotted cannon and

lighted matches, ready to blow the firing party to atoms if they showed

any reluctance to destroy their two comrades. They showed nothing but

alacrity under the circumstances. Cooke and Parish, kneeling composedly

on their own coffins, were shot by what was curiously described as ‘a

delinquent platoon of twelve of their own regiment at the distance

of only six paces,’ and then did not kill both! One, as he lay on

the ground, had to be ‘finished’ by a pistol-shot through the head.

Perhaps the ‘delinquent platoon’ were too hungry to aim steadily. One

thing is sure, namely, that nobody at the circumlocution office was

flogged for famishing the soldiers, nor was the rascal who supplied

the filthy so-called flour hanged. Probably he held the plate at the

next Brighton Charity Sermons, and sneered at the poor folk who only

contributed ‘coppers.’

In the first year of the present century the ‘Crown and Anchor’ in

East Street was proudly known as ‘The Hotel’; but the ‘Ship’ soon

endeavoured to attract fashionable visitors by a dining-room decorated

with ‘The Story of Telemachus’ in bronze on blue. At that time coaches

had not learned to run between Brighton and London in five hours.

In summer the earliest coach left Brighton at 7 A.M., and arrived

in London at 5 P.M. The night coach left at 10 P.M. and was due in

London at 7 the next morning, keeping its time when it could. Then

for crossing ‘the streak of liquid silver,’ there were ‘pacquets’

advertised to run ‘in time of peace’ three times a week, always setting

sail, weather permitting, in the evening. One of these ‘pacquets’

manifested Napoleonic ideas, for it was called the _Buonaparte_

schooner, and it made a great boast of having two cabins, a state room,

and the means of making up twenty beds.

At this period it is amusing to read in a local record that ‘literature

is not neglected in this town; for in Middle Street there is an academy

where young gentlemen are boarded and educated.’ The idea that a

boarding-school necessarily implies literary cultivation has long since

expired.

In and About Drury Lane, and Other Papers, Vol. 2 (of 2) Reprinted from the pages of the 'Temple Bar' Magazine · 第 4 / 19 段