1803.
Strained relations with France—Prosecution and trial of Jean
Peltier for libel against Napoleon—Rumours of war—King’s
proclamation—Napoleon’s rudeness to Lord Whitworth—Hoax on the Lord
Mayor—Rupture with France—Return of Lord Whitworth, and departure of
the French Ambassador.
POLITICAL Caricatures, or, as they should rather be called, Satirical
Prints, form very good indications as to the feeling of the country;
and, on the commencement of 1803, they evidently pointed to a rupture
with France, owing to the ambition of Napoleon. Lord Whitworth found
him anything but pleasant to deal with. He was always harping on
the license of the British press, and showed his ignorance of our
laws and constitution by demanding its suppression. Hence sprung the
prosecution, in our Law Courts, of one Jean Peltier, who conducted a
journal in the French language—called _L’Ambigu_.
Napoleon’s grumbling at the license of our press, was somewhat amusing,
for the French press was constantly publishing libels against England,
and, as Lord Hawkesbury remarked, the whole period, since the signing
of the treaty, had been “one continued series of aggression, violence,
and insult, on the part of the French Government.” Still, to show
every desire to act most impartially towards Napoleon, although the
relations with his government were most strained, Jean Peltier was
indicted; and his trial was commenced in the Court of King’s Bench, on
the 21st of February, 1803, before Lord Ellenborough and a special jury.
The information was filed by the Attorney General, and set forth: “That
peace existed between Napoleon Bonaparte and our Lord the King; but
that M. Peltier, intending to destroy the friendship so existing, and
to despoil said Napoleon of his consular dignity, did devise, print,
and publish, in the French language, to the tenor following”—what
was undoubtedly calculated to stir up the French against their ruler.
The Attorney General, in his speech, details the libels, and gives
the following description of the paper. “The publication is called
_The Ambigu, or atrocious and amusing Varieties_. It has on its
frontispiece a sphinx, with a great variety of Egyptian emblematical
figures, the meaning of which may not be very easy to discover, or
material to inquire after. But there is a circumstance which marks this
publication, namely, the head of the sphinx, with a crown on it. It
is a head, which I cannot pretend to say, never having seen Bonaparte
himself, but only from the different pictures of him, one cannot fail,
at the first blush, to suppose it was intended as the portrait of the
First Consul,” &c.
It is very questionable, nowadays, whether such a press prosecution
would have been inaugurated, or, if so, whether it would have been
successful, yet there was some pretty hard hitting. “And now this
tiger, who dares to call himself the founder, or the regenerator, of
France, enjoys the fruit of your labours, as spoil taken from the
enemy. This man, sole master in the midst of those who surround him,
has ordained lists of proscription, and put in execution, banishment
without sentence, by means of which there are punishments for the
French who have not yet seen the light. Proscribed families give
birth to children, oppressed before they are born; their misery has
commenced before their life. His wickedness increases every day.”
The Attorney General gave many similar passages, which it would be
too tedious to reproduce, winding up with the following quotation:
“‘Kings are at his feet, begging his favour. He is desired to secure
the supreme authority in his hands. The French, nay, Kings themselves,
hasten to congratulate him, and would take the oath to him like
subjects. He is proclaimed Chief Consul for life. As for me, far from
envying his lot, let him name, I consent to it, his worthy successor.
Carried on the shield, let him be elected Emperor! Finally (and Romulus
recalls the thing to mind), I wish, on the morrow, he may have his
apotheosis. Amen.’ Now, gentlemen, he says, Romulus suggests that idea.
The fate that is ascribed to him is well known to all of us—according
to ancient history, he was assassinated.”
Peltier’s counsel, a Mr. Mackintosh, defended him very ably, asking
pertinently: “When Robespierre presided over the Committee of Public
Safety, was not an Englishman to canvass his measures? Supposing we
had then been at peace with France, would the Attorney General have
filed an information against any one who had expressed due abhorrence
of the furies of that sanguinary monster? When Marat demanded 250,000
heads in the Convention, must we have contemplated that request without
speaking of it in the terms it provoked? When Carrier placed five
hundred children in a square at Lyons, to fall by the musketry of the
soldiery, and from their size the balls passed over them, the little
innocents flew to the knees of the soldiery for protection, when
they were butchered by the bayonet! In relating this event, must man
restrain his just indignation, and stifle the expression of indignant
horror such a dreadful massacre must excite? Would the Attorney General
in his information state, that when Maximilian Robespierre was first
magistrate of France, as President of the Committee of Public Safety,
that those who spoke of him as his crimes deserved, did it with a
wicked and malignant intention to defame and vilify him....
“In the days of Cromwell, he twice sent a satirist upon his government
to be tried by a jury, who sat where this jury now sit. The scaffold
on which the blood of the monarch was shed was still in their view.
The clashing of the bayonets which turned out the Parliament was still
within their hearing; yet they maintained their integrity, and twice
did they send his Attorney General out of court, with disgrace and
defeat.”
However, all the eloquence, and ingenuity, of his counsel failed to
prevent a conviction. Peltier was found guilty and, time being taken to
consider judgment, he was bound over to appear, and receive judgment
when called upon. That time never came, for war broke out between
France and England, and Peltier was either forgotten, or his offence
was looked upon in a totally different light.
The English Government looked with great distrust upon Napoleon, and
the increasing armament on the Continent, and temporized as to the
evacuation of Malta, to the First Consul’s intense disgust. But the
Ministry of that day were watchful, and jealous of England’s honour,
and as early as the 8th of March, the King sent the following message
to Parliament:
“GEORGE R.
“His Majesty thinks it necessary to acquaint the House of Commons,
that, as very considerable military preparations are carrying on in
the ports of France and Holland, he has judged it expedient to adopt
additional measures of precaution for the security of his dominions;
though the preparations to which His Majesty refers are avowedly
directed to Colonial service, yet, as discussions of great importance
are now subsisting between His Majesty and the French Government,
the result of which must, at present, be uncertain, His Majesty is
induced to make this communication to his faithful Commons, in the
full persuasion that, whilst they partake of His Majesty’s earnest
and unvarying solicitude for the continuance of peace, he may rely
with perfect confidence on their public spirit, and liberality, to
enable His Majesty to adopt such measures as circumstances may appear
to require, for supporting the honour of his Crown, and the essential
interests of his people.
“G. R.”
An address in accordance with the message was agreed to by both Houses,
and, on the 10th, the King sent Parliament another message, to the
effect he intended to draw out, and embody, the Militia. On the 11th of
March the Commons voted the following resolution, “That an additional
number of 10,000 men be employed for the sea service, for eleven lunar
months, to commence from the 26th of February, 1803, including 3400
Marines.”
Events were marching quickly. On the 13th of March Napoleon behaved
very rudely to Lord Whitworth; in fact it was almost a parallel case
with the King of Prussia’s rudeness to M. Benedetti on the 13th of
July, 1870. But let our Ambassador tell his own story:
“_Despatch from Lord Whitworth to Lord Hawkesbury dated Paris the 14th
of March, 1803_.
“MY LORD,
“The messenger, Mason, went on Saturday with my despatches of that
date, and, until yesterday, Sunday, I saw no one likely to give me any
further information, such as I could depend upon, as to the effect
which His Majesty’s Message had produced upon the First Consul.
“At the Court which was held at the Tuileries upon that day, he
accosted me, evidently under very considerable agitation. He began
by asking me if I had any news from England. I told him that I had
received letters from your lordship two days ago. He immediately
said, ‘And so you are determined to go to war.’ ‘No!’ I replied,
‘we are too sensible of the advantages of peace.’ ‘Nous avons,’ said
he, ‘déjà fait la guerre pendant quinze ans.’ As he seemed to wait
for an answer, I observed only, ‘C’en est déjà trop.’ ‘Mais,’ said
he, ‘vous voulez la faire encore quinze années, et vous m’y forcez.’
I told him that was very far from His Majesty’s intentions. He then
proceeded to Count Marcow, and the Chevalier Azara, who were standing
together, at a little distance from me, and said to them, ‘Les Anglais
veulent la guerre, mais s’ils sont les premiers à tirer l’epée, je
serai le dernier à la remettre. Ils ne respectent pas les traités. Il
faut dorénavant les couvrir de crêpe noir.’ He then went his round.
In a few minutes he came back to me, and resumed the conversation,
if such it can be called, by saying something civil to me. He began
again: ‘Pourquoi des armémens? Contre qui des mesures de précaution?
Je n’ai pas un seul vaisseau de ligne dans les ports de France; mais,
si vous voulez armer, j’armerai aussi; si vous voulez vous battre,
je me battrai aussi. Vous pourrez peut-être tuer la France, mais
jamais l’intimider.’ ‘On ne voudrait,’ said I ‘ni l’un, ni l’autre.
On voudrait vivre en bonne intelligence avec elle.’ ‘Il faut donc
respecter les traités,’ replied he; ‘malheur à ceux qui ne respectent
pas les traités; ils en serait responsible à toute l’Europe.’ He
was too much agitated to make it advisable for me to prolong the
conversation; I therefore made no answer, and he retired to his
apartment, repeating the last phrase.
“It is to be remarked, that all this passed loud enough to be overheard
by two hundred people who were present, and I am persuaded that there
was not a single person, who did not feel the extreme impropriety of
his conduct, and the total want of dignity as well as of decency, on
the occasion.
“I propose taking the first opportunity of speaking to M. Talleyrand on
this subject.
“I have the honour to be, &c.
“(_Signed_) WHITWORTH.”
He did call on Talleyrand, who assured him that it was very far from
the First Consul’s intention to distress him, but that he had felt
himself personally insulted by the charges which were brought against
him by the English Government; _and that it was incumbent upon him to
take the first opportunity of exculpating himself, in the presence
of the ministers of the different Powers of Europe_: and Talleyrand
assured Lord Whitworth that nothing similar would again occur.
And so things went on, the French wishing to gain time, the English
temporizing also, well knowing that the peace would soon be broken.
We are not so virtuous ourselves, in the matter of false news, as to be
able to speak of the following Stock Exchange _ruse_ in terms of proper
indignation. It was boldly conceived, and well carried out.
On the 5th of May, 1803, at half-past eight in the morning, a man,
booted and spurred, and having all the appearance of just having come
off a long journey, rushed up to the Mansion House, and inquired for
the Lord Mayor, saying he was a messenger from the Foreign Office, and
had a letter for his lordship. When informed that he was not within,
he said he should leave the letter, and told the servant particularly
to place it where the Lord Mayor should get it the moment of his
return. Of course the thing was well carried out; the letter bore Lord
Hawkesbury’s official seal, and purported to be from him. It ran thus:
“_Downing Street_, 8 a.m.
“TO THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD MAYOR.
“Lord Hawkesbury presents his compliments to the Lord Mayor, and is
happy to inform him that the negotiations between this country, and the
French Republic, have been amicably adjusted.”
His lordship made inquiries as to the messenger, and, as the whole
thing seemed to be genuine, he wrote one copy, which was straightway
stuck up outside the Mansion House, and sent another to Lloyd’s, going
himself to the Stock Exchange with the original, and, about 10 a.m.,
wrote to Lord Hawkesbury expressing his satisfaction. Before a reply
could be obtained, and the whole fraud exposed, Mr. Goldsmid called
at the Mansion House, saw the letter, and pronounced it a forgery.
Meanwhile, the excitement on the Stock Exchange had been terrible.
Consols opened at 69, and rose, before noon, to over 70, only to sink,
when the truth came out, to 63. If the bargains had been upheld, it
would have been hopeless ruin to many; so a committee of the Stock
Exchange decided that all transactions on that day, whether for
money or time, were null and void. The perpetrators of this fraud,
consequently, did not reap any benefit; nor were they ever found out,
although the Lord Mayor offered a reward of £500.
The Caricaturists were, at this time, very busy with their satirical
pictures, some of which are very good, especially one by Gillray (May
18, 1803) called “Armed Heroes.” Addington, in military costume, with
huge cocked hat and sword, bestrides a fine sirloin of the “Roast Beef
of Old England,” and is vapouring at little Bonaparte, who, on the
other side of the Channel, is drawing his sword, and hungrily eyeing
the beef. Says he:
“Ah, ha! sacrè dieu! vat do I see yonder?
Dat look so invitingly Red and de Vite?
Oh, by Gar! I see ’tis de Roast Beef of Londres,
Vich I vill chop up, at von letel bite!”
Addington alternately blusters and cringes, “Who’s afraid? damme! _O
Lord, O Lord, what a Fiery Fellow he is!_ Who’s afraid? damme! _O dear!
what will become of ye Roast Beef?_ Damme! who’s afraid? _O dear! O
dear!_” Other figures are introduced, but they are immaterial.
But the crisis was rapidly approaching. On the 12th of May Lord
Whitworth wrote Lord Hawkesbury: “The remainder of this day passed
without receiving any communication from M. de Talleyrand. Upon this,
I determined to demand my passports, by an official note, which I sent
this morning by Mr. Mandeville, in order that I might leave Paris in
the evening. At two I renewed my demand of passports, and was told
I should have them immediately. They arrived at five o’clock, and I
propose setting out as soon as the carriages are ready.” He did not,
however, land at Dover until a quarter to twelve on the night of the
17th of May, where he found the French Ambassador, General Andreossi,
almost ready to embark. This he did early in the morning of the 19th of
May, being accompanied to the water side by Lord Whitworth.
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