CHAPTER XXXV.

THE UPPER AND NETHER MILLSTONES.

From the earliest moment General Grant assumed command in the West, the

old idea of bisecting the Confederacy seems to have monopolized his

mind. The oft-tried theory of "drilling the heart of the Rebellion"--by

cutting through to the Atlantic seaboard--had never been lost sight of,

but in Grant's hands it was to be given practical power and direction.

To effect that object, it was essential to make North Georgia the

objective point; and North Georgia--now as ever--offered a stubborn and

well-nigh insurmountable barrier. But the northern War Department was

now fully impressed with the importance of crushing the spine of the

Confederacy; and the fact was as clearly realized in the North, as in

the South, that the vital cord of Confederate being ran from Atlanta to

Richmond! Therefore, every facility of men and material was furnished

the commander, who at that moment stood out--in reflected lights from

Vicksburg and Missionary Ridge--as the military oracle of the North;

and he was urged to press this design of the campaign to a vigorous and

speedy issue.

During the winter of 1863-64, General Grant incubated his grand scheme,

and with the month of February brought forth a quadruple brood of

ridiculous mice.

His plan--in itself a good and sound one--was to secure a permanent

base nearer than the Mississippi. To accomplish this he must first

secure Mobile, as a water base, and connect that with some defensible

point inland. At the same time that this attempt was made--and while

the troops guarding the passway into Georgia might be diverted--Thomas,

commanding the Chattanooga lines, was to advance against that point.

The plan was undoubtedly sound, but the general's want of balance

caused him to overweight it, until its own ponderousness was its

destruction. On the 1st of February, Sherman, with a splendidly-appointed

force of 35,000 infantry, and corresponding cavalry and artillery,

marched out of Vicksburg; to penetrate to Mobile, or some other point

more accessible, on the line of the proposed new base. Simultaneously a

heavy force approached the city from New Orleans; Smith and Grierson,

with a strong body of cavalry, penetrated Northern Mississippi; and

Thomas made his demonstration referred to.

Any candid critic will see that four converging columns, to be

effective, should never have operated so far away from their point of

convergence, and so far separated from each other. The enterprise was

gigantic; but its awkwardness equaled its strength, and its own weight

broke its back.

Sherman, harassed by cavalry and skirmishers--advanced in solid column;

while Polk, with his merely nominal force, was unable to meet him. But

the latter fell back in good order; secured his supplies, and so

retarded his stronger adversary, that he saved all the rolling-stock of

the railroads. When he evacuated Meridian, that lately busy railroad

center was left a worthless prize to the captor.

Meantime Forrest had harassed the cavalry force of Smith and Grierson,

with not one-fourth their numbers; badly provided and badly mounted.

Yet he managed to inflict heavy loss and retard the enemy's march; but

finally--unable to wait the junction of S. D. Lee, to give the battle

he felt essential--Forrest, on the 20th February, faced the Federal

squadrons. Confident of an easy victory over the ragged handful of

dismounted skirmishers, the picked cavalry dashed gaily on. Charge

after charge was received only to be broken--and Forrest was soon in

full pursuit of the whipped and demoralized columns. Only once they

turned, were heavily repulsed, and then continued their way to Memphis.

This check of his co-operating column and the utter fruitlessness of

his own march, induced a sudden change of Sherman's intent. He fell

rapidly back to Vicksburg; his army perhaps more worn, broken and

demoralized by the desultory attentions of ours, than it would have

been by a regular defeat.

Meantime the New Orleans-Pensacola expedition had danced on and off

Mobile without result. Thomas had been so heavily repulsed on the 25th,

that he hastily withdrew to his lines at Chickamauga--and the great

campaign of General Grant had resulted in as insignificant a fizz as

any costly piece of fireworks the war produced.

On the contrary, history will give just meed to Forrest, Lee and Polk

for their efficient use of the handfuls of ill-provided men, with whom

alone they could oppose separate and organized armies. They saved

Alabama and Georgia--and so, for the time, saved the Confederacy. There

could be no doubt that the sole safety of the invading columns was

their numerical weakness. General Grant's practice of a perfectly sound

theory was clearly a gross blunder; and had Polk been in command of two

divisions more--had Lee been able to swoop where he only hovered--or

had Forrest's ragged boys been only doubled in number--the story told

in Vicksburg would have been even less flattering to the strategic

ability of the commander.

As it was, he had simply made a bad failure, and given the South two

months' respite from the crushing pressure he was yet to apply. For the

pet scheme of the North was but foiled--not ruined; and her whole power

sang but the one refrain--_Delenda est Atlanta!_

And those two months could not be utilized to much effect by the South.

Worn in resources, supplies--in everything but patient endurance, she

still came forth from the dark doubts the winter had raised, hopeful,

if not confident; calm, if conscious of the portentous clouds lowering

upon her horizon.

Meanwhile, Grant, elevated to a lieutenant-generalcy, had been

transferred to the Potomac frontier; and men, money, supplies--without

stint or limit--had been placed at his disposal.

On the 1st February, Mr. Lincoln had called for 500,000 men; and on the

14th March for 200,000 more!

General Grant, himself, testified to the absolute control given him, in

a letter to Mr. Lincoln, under date of 1st May, '64--from Culpeper C.

H., which concludes: "I have been astonished at the readiness with

which everything asked for has been granted without any explanation

being asked. Should my success be less than I desire and expect, the

least I can say is, that the fault is not with you."

With these unlimited resources, he was given almost unlimited power;

and the jubilant North crowed as loudly as it had before Manassas, the

Seven Days, or Fredericksburg.

In Richmond all was quiet. The Government had done all it could, and

the people had responded with a generous unanimity that ignored all

points of variance between it and them. All the supplies that could be

collected and forwarded, under the very imperfect systems, were sent to

the armies; all the arms that could be made, altered or repaired, were

got ready; and every man not absolutely needed elsewhere--with the rare

exceptions of influence and favoritism openly defying the law--was

already at the front.

And seeing that all was done as well as might be, the Capital

waited--not with the buoyant hopefulness of the past--but with patient

and purposeful resolve.

And the ceaseless clang of preparation, cut by the ceaseless yell of

anticipated triumph, still echoed over the Potomac--ever nearer and

ever louder. Then, by way of interlude, on the 28th March, came the

notorious Dahlgren raid. Though Kilpatrick was demoralized and driven

back by the reserves in the gunless works; though Custar's men retired

before the furloughed artillerists and home guards; and though

Dahlgren's picked cavalry were whipped in the open field by one-fourth

their number of Richmond clerks and artisans!--boys and old men who had

never before been under fire--still the object of that raid remains a

blot even upon the page of this uncivilized warfare. It were useless to

enter into details of facts so well and clearly proved. That the orders

of Dahlgren's men were to release the prisoners, burn, destroy and

murder, the papers found on his dead body showed in plainest terms.

No wonder, then, that many in Richmond drew comfort from soothing

belief in special Providence, when three trained columns of picked

cavalry were turned back in disgraceful flight, by a handful of

invalids, old men and boys!

The feeling in Richmond against the raiders was bitter and universal.

Little vindictive, in general, the people clamored that arson and

murder--as set forth in Dahlgren's orders--merited more serious

punishment than temporary detention and highflown denunciation. The

action of the Government in refusing summary vengeance on the

cavalrymen captured, was indubitably just and proper. Whatever their

object, and whatever their orders, they were captured in arms and were

but prisoners of war; and, besides, they had not really intended more

than dozens of other raiders had actually accomplished on a smaller

scale.

But the people would not see this. They murmured loudly against the

weakness of not making these men an example. And more than one of the

papers used this as the handle for violent abuse of the Government and

of its chief.

At last all preparations were complete; and the northern army--as

perfect in equipment, drill and discipline as if it had never been

defeated--came down to the Rapidan.

Grant divided his army into three corps, under Hancock, Warren and

Sedgwick; and on the 5th May, his advance crossed the river, only to

find Lee quietly seated in his path. Then commenced that series of

battles, unparalleled for bloody sacrifice of men and obstinacy of

leader--a series of battles that should have written General Grant the

poorest strategist who had yet inscribed his name on the long roll of

reverses. And yet, by a strange fatality, they resulted in making him a

hero to the unthinking masses of his countrymen.

Lee's right rested on the Orange road; and an attempt, after the

crossing, to turn it, was obstinately repulsed during the entire day,

by Heth and Wilcox. During the night Hancock's corps crossed the river,

and next morning received a fierce assault along his whole line. The

fighting was fierce and obstinate on both sides; beating back the right

and left of Hancock's line, while sharply repulsed on the center

(Warren's). Still his loss was far heavier than ours, and the result of

the battles of the Wilderness was to put some 23,000 of Grant's men

_hors de combat_; to check him and to force a change of plan at the

very threshold of his "open door to Richmond." For next day (7th May)

he moved toward Fredericksburg railroad, in a blind groping to flank

Lee.

It is curious to note the different feeling in Washington and Richmond

on receipt of the news. In the North--where the actual truth did not

reach--there was wild exultation. The battles of the Wilderness were

accounted a great victory; Lee was demoralized and would be swept from

the path of the conquering hero; Grant had at last really found the

"open door!" In Richmond there was a calm and thankful feeling that the

first clinch of the deadly tug had resulted in advantage. Waning

confidence in the valor of men, and discretion of the general, was

strengthened, and a somewhat hopeful spirit began to be infused into

the people. Still they felt there would be a deadlier strain this time

than ever before, and that the fresh and increasing thousands of the

North could be met but by a steadily diminishing few--dauntless,

tireless and true--but still how weak! Yet there was no _give_ to

the southern spirit, and--as ever in times of deadliest strain and

peril--it seemed to rise more buoyant from the pressure.

Next came the news of those fearful fights at Spottsylvania, on the 8th

and 9th--in which the enemy lost three to our one--preceding the great

battle of the 12th May. By a rapid and combined attack the enemy broke

Lee's line, captured a salient with Generals Ed Johnson and George H.

Stewart and part of their commands, and threatened, for the time, to

cut his army in two. But Longstreet and Hill sent in division after

division from the right and left, and the fight became general and

desperate along the broken salient. The Yankees fought with obstinacy

and furious pluck. Charge after charge was broken and hurled back. On

they came again--ever to the shambles! Night fell on a field piled

thick with bodies of the attacking force; in front of the broken

salient was a perfect charnel-house!

By his own confession, Grant drove into the jaws of death at Spottsylvania

_over 27,000 men_! But his object was, for the second time, utterly

frustrated; and again he turned to the left--still dogged and

obstinate--still seeking to flank Lee.

On the 14th, Grant was again repulsed so sharply that his advance

withdrew; and then the "greatest strategist since Napoleon" struck out

still for his cherished left; and, leaving "the open door," passed down

the Valley of the Rappahannock.

Lee's calm sagacity foresaw the enemy's course, and on the 23d Grant

met him face to face, in a strong position near the North Anna.

Blundering upon Lee's lines, throwing his men blindly against works

that were proved invincible, he was heavily repulsed in two

attacks--with aggregate loss amounting to a bloody battle. Failing in

the second attack (on the 25th) Grant swung off--still to the left--and

crossing the Pamunkey two days later, took up strong position near Cold

Harbor on the last day of May.

Lee also moved down to face Grant, throwing his works up on a slight

curve extending from Atlee's, on the Central Railroad, across the old

Cold Harbor field--averaging some nine miles from Richmond. Our general

was satisfied with the results of the campaign thus far; the army was

buoyant and confident, and the people were more reliant than they had

been since Grant had crossed the Rapidan. They felt that the nearness

of his army to Richmond in no sense argued its entrance into her

coveted defenses; and memories of Seven Pines, and of that other Cold

Harbor, arose to comfort them.

In the North, great was the jubilee. It was asserted that Grant could

now crush Lee and capture his stronghold at a single blow; that the

present position was only the result of his splendid strategy and

matchless daring; and the vapid boast, "I will fight it out on this

line if it takes all summer"--actually uttered while he was blindly

groping his way, by the left, to the Pamunkey!--was swallowed whole by

the credulous masses of the North. They actually believed that Grant's

position was one of choice, not of necessity; and that Lee's movement

to cover Richmond from his erratic advance--though it ever presented an

unbroken front to him, and frequently drove him back with heavy

loss--was still a retreat!

Both sides can look now calmly and critically at this campaign--seemingly

without a fixed plan, and really so hideously costly in blood. When

Grant crossed the Rapidan, he could have had no other intention than to

sweep Lee from his front; and either by a crushing victory, or a forced

retreat, drive him toward Richmond. Failing signally at the Wilderness,

he abandoned this original plan and took up the Fredericksburg line.

Here again the disastrous days of Spottsylvania foiled him completely;

and he struck for the Tappahannock and Fort Royal line. Lee's emphatic

repulse of his movement on the North Anna again sent Grant across the

Pamunkey; and _into the very tracks of McClellan two years

before_!

But there was one vast difference. McClellan had reached this base with

no loss. Grant, with all McClellan's experience to teach him, had not

reached this point at a cost of less than 70,000 men!

Had he embarked his troops in transports and sailed up the river, Grant

might have landed his army at the White House in twenty-four hours; and

that without the firing of a shot. But he had chosen a route that was

to prove him not only the greatest strategist of the age, but the most

successful as well. The difference of the two was simply this: he took

twenty-six days instead of one; he fought nine bloody engagements

instead of none; he made four separate changes in his digested plan of

advance; and he lost 70,000 men to gain a position a condemned general

had occupied two years before without a skirmish!

But the people of the North did not see this. They were only allowed

partial reports of losses and changes of plan; they were given

exaggerated statements of the damage done to Lee and of his dire

strait; and the fact of Grant's proximity to the Rebel Capital was made

the signal for undue and premature rejoicing. He was already

universally declared the captor of Richmond, by a people willing to

accept a fact with no thought of its cost; to accept a result for the

causes that produced it.

But Grant was now in a position when he could not afford to await the

slow course of siege operations. He could not allow time for the hubbub

at the North to die away and reflection to take its place. Blood to him

was no thicker than water; and he must vindicate the boasts of his

blind admirers--cost thousands of lives though it might. Once more he

marshaled his re-enforced ranks, only to hurl them into the jaws of

death. For though worn away by the fearful friction of numbers--melted

slowly in the fiery furnace of battle--the little Confederate force sat

behind its works, grim, defiant--dangerous as ever!

Could Grant crush out that handful by the pure weight of his fresh

thousands--could he literally hurl enough flesh and blood against it to

sweep it before him--then the key of every road to Richmond was in his

hands! So, on the morning of the 3d of June, Hancock's corps rushed to

the assault.

Impetuous and fierce, the charge broke Breckinridge's line. Fresh men

poured in and, for a moment, the works were in the enemy's hands. But

it was only for a moment. They rallied, relief came--the conflict was

fierce and close--but it was short. When the smoke rose, Hancock's line

was broken and retreating. Again and again he rallied it splendidly,

only to be hurled back each time with deadlier slaughter. On the other

points Warren and Burnside had been driven back with terrible loss; and

along the whole southern line the death-dealing volley into the

retreating ranks rang the joyous notes of victory. Grant had played the

great stake of his campaign and lost it!

He had lost it completely, and in an incredibly short time. Near 30,000

men told the horrid story of that ferocious hurling of flesh and blood

against earthworks. Near one-fifth of his whole force had paid for his

last great blunder, while the Confederate loss was less than _one-tenth_

his own!

Even McClellan's line had failed the sledge-hammer strategist, and

nothing was left but to transfer his army to the south side of the

James. Lingering with dogged pertinacity on his slow retreat--turning

at every road leading to the prize he yearned for, only to be beaten

back--Grant finally crossed the river with his whole force on the 13th

of June.

The great campaign was over. It had been utterly foiled at every point;

had been four times turned into a new channel only to be more signally

broken; and had ended in a bloody and decisive defeat that left Grant

no alternative but to give up his entire plan and try a new one on a

totally different line. For the southern arms it had been one unbroken

success from the Rapidan to Cold Harbor; for though sometimes badly

hurt, the Confederates had never once been driven from an important

position; had never once failed to turn the enemy from his chosen line

of advance--and had disabled at the least calculation 120,000 of his

men at the cost of less than 17,000 of their own!

Such was the southern view, at the moment, of this campaign of

invasion; as unparalleled in the history of war, as was that of

Stonewall Jackson in the Valley. Such is the view of southern thinkers,

to-day; and it is backed by the clearest judgment and calmest criticism

of the North.

That success was made the test of merit; that attrition at last wore

away unre-enforced resistance; that highest honors in life, and

national sorrow in death, were rewards of a man--truly great in many

regards, if justly measured; all these are no proof that General Grant

was either a strategist, or a thinker; no denial that his Rapidan

campaign--equally in its planning and its carrying out--was a bald and

needlessly-bloody failure!

And, realizing this at the supreme moment, can it be wondered that the

people of Richmond, as well as the victorious little army, grew hopeful

once more? Is it strange that--mingled with thanksgivings for

deliverance, unremitting care of the precious wounded, and sorrow for

the gallant dead of many a Virginia home--there rose a solemn

joyousness over the result, that crowned the toil, the travail and the

loss?

And so the South, unrefreshed but steadfast, girded her loins for the

new wrestle with the foe, now felt to be implacable!

Four Years in Rebel Capitals An Inside View of Life in the Southern Confederacy from Birth to Death · 第 35 / 38 章