"The deplorable state of Christianity in this century, arising partly

from that astonishing ignorance that gave a loose rein both to

superstition and immorality, and partly from an unhappy concurrence of

causes of another kind, is unanimously lamented by the various writers

who have transmitted to us the history of these miserable times" (p.

213). Yet "the gospel" spread. The Normans embraced "a religion of which

they were totally ignorant" (p. 214), A.D. 912, because Charles the

Simple of France offered Count Rollo a large territory on condition that

he would marry his daughter and embrace Christianity: Rollo gladly

accepted the territory and its encumbrances. Poland came next into the

fold of the Church, for the Duke of Poland, Micislaus, was persuaded by

his wife to profess Christianity, A.D. 965, and Pope John III. promptly

sent a bishop and a train of priests to convert the duke's subjects.

"But the exhortations and endeavours of these devout missionaries, who

were unacquainted with the language of the people they came to instruct

[how effective must have been their arguments!] would have been entirely

without effect, had they not been accompanied with the edicts and penal

laws, the promises and threats of Micislaus, which dejected the courage

and conquered the obstinacy of the reluctant Poles" (p. 214). "The

Christian religion was established in Russia by means every way similar

to those that had occasioned its propagation in Poland" (p. 215); the

Greek wife of the Russian duke persuaded him to adopt her creed, and he

was baptized A.D. 987. Mosheim assumes that the Russian people followed

their princes of their own accord, since "we have, at least, no account

of any compulsion or violence being employed in their conversion" (p.

215); if the Russians adopted Christianity without compulsion or

violence, all we can say is, that their conversion is unique. The Danes

were converted in A.D. 949, Otto the Great having defeated them, and

having made it an imperative condition of peace, that they should

profess Christianity. The Norwegians accepted the religion of Jesus on

the same terms. Thus the greater part of Europe became Christian, and we

even hear a cry raised by Pope Sylvester II. for the deliverance of

Palestine from the Mahommedans--for a holy war. Christianity having now

become so strong, learning had become proportionately weak; it had been

sinking lower and lower during each succeeding epoch, and in this tenth

century it reached its deepest stage of degradation. "The deplorable

ignorance of this barbarous age, in which the drooping arts were

entirely neglected, and the sciences seemed to be upon the point of

expiring for want of encouragement, is unanimously confessed and

lamented by all the writers who have transmitted to us any accounts of

this period of time" (p. 218). In vain a more enlightened emperor in the

East strove to revive learning and encourage study: "many of the most

celebrated authors of antiquity were lost, at this time, through the

sloth and negligence of the Greeks" (p. 219). "Nor did the cause of

philosophy fare better than that of literature. Philosophers, indeed,

there were; and, among them, some that were not destitute of genius and

abilities; but none who rendered their names immortal by productions

that were worthy of being transmitted to posterity" (p. 219). So low,

under the influence of Christianity, had sunk the literature of

Greece--Greece Pagan, which once brought forth Pythagoras, Socrates,

Plato, Euclid, Zenophon, and many another mighty one, whose fame rolls

down the ages--that Greece had become Greece Christian, and the vitality

of her motherhood had been drained from her, and left her without

strength to conceive men. In the West things were yet worse--instead of

Rome Pagan, that had spread light and civilization--the Rome of Cicero,

of Virgil, of Lucretius--we have Rome Christian, spreader of darkness

and of degradation, the Rome of the Popes and the monks. The Latins

"were, almost without exception, sunk in the most brutish and barbarous

ignorance, so that, according to the unanimous accounts of the most

credible writers, nothing could be more melancholy and deplorable than

the darkness that reigned in the western world during this century....

In the seminaries of learning, such as they were, the seven liberal

sciences were taught in the most unskilful and miserable manner, and

that by the monks, who esteemed the arts and sciences no further than as

they were subservient to the interests of religion, or, to speak more

properly, to the views of superstition" (p. 219). But the light from

Arabia was struggling to penetrate Christendom. Gerbert, a native of

France, travelled into Spain, and studied in the Arabian schools of

Cordova and Seville, under Arabian doctors; he developed mathematical

ability, and returned into Christendom with some amount of learning:

raised to the papal throne, under the name of Sylvester II., he tried to

restore the study of science and philosophy, and found that his

geometrical figures "were regarded by the monks as magical operations,"

and he himself "as a magician and a disciple of Satan" (p. 220).

The vice of the clergy was something terrible. "These corruptions were

mounted to the most enormous height in that dismal period of the Church

which we have now before us. Both in the eastern and western provinces,

the clergy were, for the most part, composed of a most worthless set of

men, shamefully illiterate and stupid, ignorant, more especially in

religious matters, equally enslaved to sensuality and superstition, and

capable of the most abominable and flagitious deeds. This dismal

degeneracy of the sacred order was, according to the most credible

accounts, principally owing to the pretended chiefs and rulers of the

universal Church, who indulged themselves in the commission of the most

odious crimes, and abandoned themselves to the lawless impulse of the

most licentious passions without reluctance or remorse--who confounded,

in short, all difference between just and unjust, to satisfy their

impious ambition, and whose spiritual empire was such a diversified

scene of iniquity and violence as never was exhibited under any of those

temporal tyrants who have been the scourges of mankind" (p. 221). Such

is the verdict passed on Christian rule by a Christian historian. In the

East we see such men as Theophylact; "this _exemplary_ prelate, who sold

every ecclesiastical benefice as soon as it became vacant, had in his

stable above 2000 hunting horses, which he fed with pignuts, pistachios,

dates, dried grapes, figs steeped in the most exquisite wines, to all

which he added the richest perfumes. One Holy Thursday, as he was

celebrating high-mass, his groom brought him the joyful news that one of

his favourite mares had foaled; upon which he threw down the Liturgy,

left the church, and ran in raptures to the stable, where, having

expressed his joy at that grand event, he returned to the altar to

finish the divine service, which he had left interrupted during his

absence" (p. 221, note). We shall see, in a moment, how the masses of

the people were housed and fed while such insane luxury surrounded

horses. In the west, the weary tale of the Roman pontiffs cannot all be

narrated here. Take the picture as drawn by Hallam: "This dreary

interval is filled up, in the annals of the papacy, by a series of

revolutions and crimes. Six popes were deposed, two murdered, one

mutilated. Frequently two, or even three, competitors, among whom it is

not always possible by any genuine criticism to distinguish the true

shepherd, drove each other alternately from the city. A few respectable

names appear thinly scattered through this darkness; and sometimes,

perhaps, a pope who had acquired estimation by his private virtues may

be distinguished by some encroachment on the rights of princes, or the

privileges of national churches. But, in general, the pontiffs of that

age had neither leisure nor capacity to perfect the great system of

temporal supremacy, and looked rather to a vile profit from the sale of

episcopal confirmations, or of exemptions to monasteries. The corruption

of the head extended naturally to all other members of the Church. All

writers concur in stigmatizing the dissoluteness and neglect of decency

that prevailed among the clergy. Though several codes of ecclesiastical

discipline had been compiled by particular prelates, yet neither these

nor the ancient canons were much regarded. The bishops, indeed, who were

to enforce them, had most occasion to dread their severity. They were

obtruded upon their sees, as the supreme pontiffs were upon that of

Rome, by force or corruption. A child of five years old was made

Archbishop of Rheims. The see of Narbonne was purchased for another at

the age of ten" ("Europe during the Middle Ages," p. 353, ed. 1869).

John X. made pope at the solicitation of his mistress Theodora, the

mother-in-law of the sovereign, and murdered at the instance of

Theodora's daughter, Marozia; John XI., illegitimate son of the same

Marozia, and of the celibate pontiff, Sergius III.; Boniface VII.

expelled, banished, returning and murdering the reigning pope: what

avails it to chronicle these monsters? Below the popes, a clergy as

vicious as their rulers, squandering money, plundered from the people in

dissoluteness and luxury. And the people, what of them?

As late as A.D. 1430 the houses of the peasantry were "constructed of

stones put together without mortar; the roofs were of turf--a stiffened

bull's-hide served for a door. The food consisted of coarse vegetable

products, such as peas, and even the bark of trees. In some places they

were unacquainted with bread. Cabins of reeds plastered with mud, houses

of wattled stakes, chimneyless peat fires, from which there was scarcely

an escape for the smoke, dens of physical and moral pollution swarming

with vermin, wisps of straw twisted round the limbs to keep off the

cold, the ague-stricken peasant with no help except shrine-cure," i.e.,

cure by the touching bone of saint, or image of virgin (Draper's

"Conflict between Religion and Science," p. 265). Even among the

wealthy, the life was coarse and rough; carpets were unknown; drainage

never thought of. The Anglo-Saxon "'nobles, devoted to gluttony and

voluptuousness, never visited the church, but the matins and the mass

were read over to them by a hurrying priest in their bed-chambers,

before they rose, themselves not listening. The common people were a

prey to the more powerful; their property was seized, their bodies

dragged away to distant countries; their maidens were either thrown into

a brothel or sold for slaves. Drinking, day and night, was the general

pursuit: vices, the companions of inebriety, followed, effeminating the

manly mind.' The baronial castles were dens of robbers. The Saxon

chronicler [William of Malmesbury, from whom the quotation above]

records how men and women were caught and dragged into those

strongholds, hung up by their thumbs or feet, fire applied to them,

knotted strings twisted round their heads, and many other torments

inflicted to extort ransom" (Ibid, p. 266). When the barons had nearly

finished their evil lives, the church stepped in, claiming her share of

the plunder and the wealth thus amassed, and opening the gates of

paradise to the dying thief. The cities were as wretched as their

inhabitants: no paving, no cleaning, no lighting. In the country the old

Roman roads were unmended, unkept; Europe was slipping backwards into

uttermost barbarism. Meanwhile things were very different where the

blighting power of Christianity was not in the ascendant. "Europe at the

present day does not offer more taste, more refinement, more elegance,

than might have been seen, at the epoch of which we are speaking, in the

capitals of the Spanish Arabs. Their streets were lighted and solidly

paved. The houses were frescoed and carpeted; they were warmed in winter

by furnaces, and cooled in summer with perfumed air brought by

underground pipes from flower-beds. They had baths, and libraries, and

dining-halls, fountains of quicksilver and water. City and country were

full of conviviality, and of dancing to the lute and mandolin. Instead

of the drunken and gluttonous wassail orgies of their northern

neighbours, the feasts of the Saracens were marked by sobriety. Wine was

prohibited.... In the tenth century, the Khalif Hakem II. had made

beautiful Andalusia the paradise of the world. Christians, Mussulmans,

Jews, mixed together without restraint.... All learned men, no matter

from what country they came, or what their religious views, were

welcomed. The khalif had in his palace a manufactory of books, and

copyists, binders, illuminators. He kept book-buyers in all the great

cities of Asia and Africa. His library contained 400,000 volumes,

superbly bound and illuminated" (Ibid, pp. 141, 142). When the

Christians in the fifteenth century seized "beautiful Andalusia," they

erected the Inquisition, burned the books, burned the people, banished

the Jews and the Moors, and founded the miserable land known as modern

Spain.

There was but little heresy during this melancholy century; people did

not think enough even to think badly. The Paulicians spread through

Bulgaria, and established themselves there under a patriarch of their

own. Some Arians still existed. Some Anthropomorphites gave some

trouble, maintaining that God sat on a golden throne, and was served by

angels with wings: their "heresy" is, however, directly supported by the

Scriptures. A.D. 999, a man named Lentard began to speak against the

worship of images, and the payment of tithes to priests, and asserted

that in the Old Testament prophecies truth and falsehood are mingled.

His disciples seem to have merged into the Albigenses in the next

century.

The year A.D. 1000 deserves a special word of notice. Christians fancied

that the world was to last for but one thousand years after the birth of

Christ, and that it would therefore come to an end in A.D. 1000. "Many

charters begin with these words: 'As the world is now drawing to its

close.' An army marching under the emperor Otho I. was so terrified by

an eclipse of the sun, which it conceived to announce this consummation,

as to disperse hastily on all sides" ("Europe during the Middle Ages,"

Hallam, P. 599) "Prodigious numbers of people abandoned all their civil

connections, and their parental relations, and giving over to the

churches or monasteries all their lands, treasures, and worldly effects,

repaired with the utmost precipitation to Palestine, where they imagined

that Christ would descend to judge the world. Others devoted themselves

by a solemn and voluntary oath to the service of the churches, convents,

and priesthood, whose slaves, they became in the most rigorous sense of

that word, performing daily their heavy tasks; and all this from a

notion that the Supreme Judge would diminish the severity of their

sentence, and look upon them with a more favourable and propitious eye,

on account of their having made themselves the slaves of his ministers.

When an eclipse of the sun or moon happened to be visible, the cities

were deserted, and their miserable inhabitants fled for refuge to hollow

caverns, and hid themselves among the craggy rocks, and under the

bending summits of steep mountains. The opulent attempted to bribe the

Deity and the saintly tribe, by rich donations conferred upon the

sacerdotal and monastic orders, who were looked upon as the immediate

vicegerents of heaven" (p. 226). Thus the Church still reaped wealth out

of the fear of the people she deluded, and while fields lay unsown, and

houses stood unrepaired, and the foundations of famine were laid, Mother

Church gathered lands and money into her capacious lap, and troubled

little about the starving children, provided she herself could wax fat

on the good things of the world which she professed to have renounced.

CENTURY XI.

The Prussians, during this century, were driven into the fold of the

Church. A Christian missionary, Adalbert, bishop of Prague, had been

murdered by the "fierce and savage Prussians," and in order to show the

civilising results of the gentle Christian creed, Boleslaus, king of

Poland, entered "into a bloody war with the Prussians, and he obtained,

by the force of penal laws and of a victorious, army, what Adalbert

could not effect by exhortation and argument. He dragooned this savage

people into the Christian Church" (p. 230). Some of his followers tried

a gentler method of conversion, and were murdered by the Prussians, who

clearly saw no reason why Christians should do all the killing. We have

already seen that Sylvester II. called upon the Christian princes to

commence a "holy war" against "the infidels" who held the holy places of

Christianity. Gregory VII. strove to stir them up in like fashion, and

had gathered together an army of upwards of 50,000 men, whom he proposed

to lead in person into Palestine. The Pope, however, quarrelled with

Henry IV., emperor of Germany, and his project fell through. At the

close of this century, the long-talked of effort was made. Peter the

Hermit, who had travelled through Palestine, came into Europe and

related in all directions tales of the sufferings of the Christians

under the rule of the "barbarous" Saracens. He appealed to Urban II.,

the then Pope, and Urban, who at first discouraged him, seeing that

Peter had succeeded in rousing the most warlike nations of Christian

Europe into enthusiasm, called a council at Placentia, A.D. 1095, and

appealed to the Christian princes to take up the cause of the Cross. The

council was not successful, and Urban summoned another at Clermont, and

himself addressed the assembly. "It is the will of God" was the shout

that answered him, and the people flew to arms. "Every means was used to

excite an epidemical frenzy, the remission of penance, the dispensation

from those practices of self-denial which superstition imposed or

suspended at pleasure, the absolution of all sins, and the assurance of

eternal felicity. None doubted that such as persisted in the war

received immediately the reward of martyrdom. False miracles and

fanatical prophecies, which were never so frequent, wrought up the

enthusiasm to a still higher pitch. [Mosheim states, p. 231, that Peter

the Hermit carried about with him a letter from heaven, calling on all

true Christians to deliver their brethren from the infidel yoke.] And

these devotional feelings, which are usually thwarted and balanced by

other passions, fell in with every motive that could influence the men

of that time, with curiosity, restlessness, the love of licence, thirst

for war, emulation, ambition. Of the princes who assumed the cross,

some, probably from the beginning, speculated upon forming independent

establishments in the East. In later periods, the temporal benefits of

undertaking a crusade undoubtedly blended themselves with less selfish

considerations. Men resorted to Palestine, as in modern times they have

done to the colonies, in order to redeem their time, or repair their

fortune. Thus Gui de Lusignan, after flying from France for murder, was

ultimately raised to the throne of Jerusalem. To the more vulgar class

were held out inducements which, though absorbed in the more overruling

fanaticism of the first crusade, might be exceedingly efficacious when

it began rather to flag. During the time that a crusader bore the cross,

he was free from suit for his debts, and the interest of them was

entirely abolished; he was exempted, in some instances, at least, from

taxes, and placed under the protection of the Church, so that he could

not be impleaded in any civil court, except on criminal charges, or

disputes relating to land" ("Europe during the Middle Ages," Hallam, pp.

29, 30). Thus fanaticism and earthly pleasures and benefits all pushed

men in the same direction, and Europe flung itself upon Palestine. Men,

women, and children, poured eastwards in that first crusade, and this

mixed vanguard of the coming army of warriors was led by Peter the

Hermit and Gaultier Sans-Avoir. This vanguard was "a motley assemblage

of monks, prostitutes, artists, labourers, lazy tradesmen, merchants,

boys, girls, slaves, malefactors, and profligate debauchees;" "it was

principally composed of the lowest dregs of the multitude, who were

animated solely by the prospect of spoil and plunder, and hoped to make

their fortunes by this holy campaign" (p. 232). "This first division, in

their march through Hungary and Thrace, committed the most flagitious

crimes, which so incensed the inhabitants of the countries through which

they passed, particularly those of Hungary and Turcomania, that they

rose up in arms and massacred the greatest part of them" (Ibid). "Father

Maimbourg, notwithstanding his immoderate zeal for the holy war, and

that fabulous turn which enables him to represent it in the most

favourable points of view, acknowledges frankly that the first division

of this prodigious army committed the most abominable enormities in the

countries through which they passed, and that there was no kind of

insolence, in justice, impurity, barbarity, and violence, of which they

were not guilty. Nothing, perhaps, in the annals of history can equal

the flagitious deeds of this infernal rabble" (Ibid, note). Few of these

unhappy wretches reached the Holy Land. "To engage in the crusade and to

perish in it, were almost synonymous" (Hallam, p. 30), even for those

who entered Palestine. The loss of life was something terrible. "We

should be warranted by contemporary writers in stating the loss of the

Christians alone during this period at nearly a million; but at the

least computation, it must have exceeded half that number" (Ibid). The

real army, under Godfrey de Bouillon, consisted of some 80,000

well-appointed horse and foot. But at Nice the crowd of crusaders

numbered 700,000, after the great slaughter in Hungary. Jerusalem was

taken, A.D. 1099, and it was there "where their triumph was consummated,

that it was stained with the most atrocious massacre; not limited to the

hour of resistance, but renewed deliberately even after that famous

penitential procession to the holy sepulchre, which might have calmed

their ferocious dispositions if, through the misguided enthusiasm of the

enterprise, it had not been rather calculated to excite them" (Ibid, p.

31). The last crusade occurred A.D. 1270, and between the first in 1096

and the last in 1270, human lives were extinguished in numbers it is

impossible to reckon, increasing ever the awful sum total of the misery

lying at the foot of the blood-red cross of Christendom.

A collateral advantage accrued to the clergy through the crusades;

"their wealth, continually accumulated, enabled them to become the

regular purchasers of landed estates, especially in the time of the

crusades, when the fiefs of the nobility were constantly in the market

for sale or mortgage" (Ibid, p. 333).

The last vestiges of nominal paganism were erased in this century, and

it remained only under Christian names. Capital punishment was

proclaimed against all who worshipped the old deities under their old

titles, and "this dreadful severity contributed much more towards the

extirpation of paganism, than the exhortations and instructions of

ignorant missionaries, who were unacquainted with the true nature of the

gospel, and dishonoured its pure and holy doctrines by their licentious

lives and their superstitious practices" (p. 236). Learning began to

revive, as men, educated in the Arabian schools, gradually spread over

Europe; thus: "the school of Salernum, in the kingdom of Naples, was

renowned above all others for the study of physic in this century, and

vast numbers crowded thither from all the provinces of Europe to receive

instruction in the art of healing; but the medical precepts which

rendered the doctors of Salernum so famous were all derived from the

writings of the Arabians, or from the schools of the Saracens in Spain

and Africa" (p. 237). "About the year 1050, the face of philosophy began

to change, and the science of logic assumed a new aspect. This

revolution began in France, where several of the books of Aristotle had

been brought from the schools of the Saracens in Spain, and it was

effected by a set of men highly renowned for their abilities and genius,

such as Berenger, Roscellinus, Hildebert, and after them by Gilbert de

la Porre, the famous Abelard and others" (p. 238). Thus we see that in

science, in philosophy, in logic, we alike owe to Arabia the revival of

thought in Christendom. Progress, however, was very slow, and the

thought was not yet strong enough to arouse the fears of the Church, so

it spread for a while in peace.

Hallam sums up for us the state of learning, or rather of ignorance,

during the eighth, ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries, and his account

may well find its place here. "When Latin had thus ceased to be a living

language, the whole treasury of knowledge was locked up from the eyes of

the people. The few who might have imbibed a taste for literature, if

books had been accessible to them, were reduced to abandon pursuits that

could only be cultivated through a kind of education not easily within

their reach. Schools confined to cathedrals and monasteries, and

exclusively designed for the purposes of religion, afforded no

encouragement or opportunities to the laity. The worst effect was that,

as the newly-formed languages were hardly made use of in writing, Latin

being still preserved in all legal instruments and public

correspondence, the very use of letters, as well as of books, was

forgotten. For many centuries, to sum up the account of ignorance in a

word, it was rare for a layman, of whatever rank, to know how to sign

his name. Their charters, till the use of seals became general, were

subscribed with the mark of the cross. Still more extraordinary it was

to find one who had any tincture of learning. Even admitting every

indistinct commendation of a monkish biographer (with whom a knowledge

of church music would pass for literature), we could make out a very

short list of scholars. None certainly were more distinguished as such

than Charlemagne and Alfred. But the former, unless we reject a very

plain testimony, was incapable of writing; and Alfred found difficulty

in making a translation from the pastoral instruction of St. Gregory, on

account of his imperfect knowledge of Latin. Whatever mention,

therefore, we find of learning and the learned, during these dark ages,

must be understood to relate only to such as were within the pale of

clergy, which indeed was pretty extensive, and comprehended many who did

not exercise the offices of religious ministry. But even the clergy

were, for a long period, not very materially superior, as a body, to the

uninstructed laity. An inconceivable cloud of ignorance overspread the

whole face of the Church, hardly broken by a few glimmering lights, who

owe almost the whole of their distinction to the surrounding

darkness.... Of this prevailing ignorance it is easy to produce abundant

testimony. Contracts were made verbally, for want of notaries capable of

drawing up charters; and these, when written, were frequently barbarous

and ungrammatical to an incredible degree. For some considerable

intervals, scarcely any monument of literature has been preserved,

except a few jejune chronicles, the vilest legends of saints, or verses

equally destitute of spirit and metre. In almost every council the

ignorance of the clergy forms a subject for reproach. It is asserted by

one held in 992, that scarcely a single person was to be found in Rome

itself who knew the first element of letters. Not one priest of a

thousand in Spain, about the age of Charlemagne, could address a common

letter of salutation to another. In England, Alfred declares that he

could not recollect a single priest south of the Thames (the most

civilised part of England) at the time of his accession who understood

the ordinary prayers, or could translate Latin into his mother-tongue.

Nor was this better in the time of Dunstan, when it is said, none of the

clergy knew how to write or translate a Latin letter. The homilies which

they preached were compiled for their use by some bishops, from former

works of the same kind, or the writings of the Christian fathers.... If

we would listen to some literary historians, we should believe that the

darkest ages contained many individuals, not only distinguished among

their contemporaries, but positively eminent for abilities and

knowledge. A proneness to extol every monk of whose productions a few

letters or a devotional treatise survives, every bishop of whom it is

related that he composed homilies, runs through the laborious work of

the Benedictines of St. Maur, the 'Literary History of France,' and, in

a less degree, is observable even in Tiraboschi, and in most books of

this class. Bede, Alcuin, Hincmar, Raban, and a number of inferior

names, become real giants of learning in their uncritical panegyrics.

But one might justly say, that ignorance is the smallest defect of the

writers of these dark ages. Several of these were tolerably acquainted

with books; but that wherein they are uniformly deficient is original

argument or expression. Almost every one is a compiler of scraps from

the fathers, or from such semi-classical authors as Boethius,

Cassiodorus, or Martinus Capella. Indeed, I am not aware that there

appeared more than two really considerable men in the republic of

letters from the sixth to the middle of the eleventh century--John,

surnamed Scotus, or Erigena, a native of Ireland, and Gerbert, who

became pope by the name of Sylvester II.: the first endowed with a bold

and acute metaphysical genius, the second excellent, for the time when

he lived, in mathematical science and useful mechanical invention"

("Europe during the Middle Ages," Hallam, pp. 595-598).

If we look at the ministers of the Church, the old story of tyranny and

vice is told over again during this century. Among its popes is numbered

Benedict IX., deposed for his profligacy, restored and again deposed,

restored by force of arms, and selling the pontificate, so that three

popes at once claimed the tiara, and were all three declared unworthy,

and a fourth placed on the throne. Fresh disturbances followed, and new

usurpers, until in A.D. 1059 the election of the pope was taken out of

the hands of the people and transferred to the college of cardinals, a

change which was much struggled against, but which was ultimately

adopted. In A.D. 1073 Hildebrand was elected pope under the title of

Gregory VII.; this man, perhaps, more than any other, augmented the

temporal power of the papacy. It was he who moulded the church into the

form of an absolute monarchy, and fought against all local privileges

and national freedom of the churches in each land; it was he who claimed

rule over all kings and princes, and treated them as vassals of the

Roman see; it was he who, in 1074, calling a council at Rome, caused it

to decree the celibacy of the clergy, so that priests having no home,

and no family ties, might feel their only home in the Church, and their

only tie to Rome; it was he who struggled against Germany, and who kept

the excommunicated emperor standing barefoot and almost naked in the

snow for three days, in the courtyard of his castle. A bold bad man was

this Hildebrand, but a man of genius and a master-mind, who conceived

the mighty idea of a universal Church, wherein all princes should be

vassals, and the head of the Church absolute monarch of the world.

It was at the annual council of Rome, A.D. 1076, that Pope Gregory VII.

recited and proclaimed "all the ancient maxims, all the doubtful

traditions, all the excessive pretensions, by which he could support his

supremacy. It was, in a manner, the abridged code of his domination--the

laws of servitude that he proposed to the world at large. Here are the

terms of this charter of theocracy: 'The Roman Church is founded by God

alone. The Roman pontiff alone can legitimately take the title of

universal ... There shall be no intercourse whatever held with persons

excommunicated by the Pope, and none may dwell in the same house with

them.... He alone may wear the imperial insignia. All the princes of the

earth shall kiss the feet of the Pope, but of none other.... He has the

right of deposing emperors.... The sentence of the Pope can be revoked

by none, and he alone can revoke the sentences passed by others. He can

be judged by none. None may dare to pronounce sentence on one who

appeals to the See Apostolic. To it shall be referred all major causes

by the whole Church. The Church of Rome never has erred, and never can

err, as Scripture warrants. A Roman pontiff, canonically ordained, at

once becomes, by the merit of Saint Peter, indubitably holy. By his

order and with his permission it is lawful for subjects to accuse

princes.... The Pope can loose subjects from the oath of fealty.' Such

are the fundamental articles promulgated by Gregory VII. in the Council

of Rome, which the official historian of the Church reproduced in the

commencement of the seventeenth century as being authentic and

legitimate, and Rome has never disavowed it. Borrowed in part from the

false Decretals, resting, most of them, on the fabulous donation of

Constantine, and on the successive impostures and usurpations of the

first barbarous ages, they received from the hand of Gregory VII. a new

character of force and unity. That pontiff stamped them with the

sanction of his own genius. Such authority had never before been

created: it made every other power useless and subaltern" ("Life of

Gregory VII.," by Villemain, trans. by Brockley, vol. ii., pp. 53-55).

Thus the struggle became inevitable between the temporal and the

spiritual powers. "In every country there was a dual government:--1.

That of a local kind, represented by a temporal sovereign. 2. That of a

foreign kind, acknowledging the authority of the Pope. This Roman

influence was, in the nature of things, superior to the local; it

expressed the sovereign will of one man over all the nations of the

continent conjointly, and gathered overwhelming power from its

compactness and unity. The local influence was necessarily of a feeble

nature, since it was commonly weakened by the rivalries of conterminous

states and the dissensions dexterously provoked by its competitor. On

not a single occasion could the various European states form a coalition

against their common antagonist. Whenever a question arose, they were

skilfully taken in detail, and commonly mastered. The ostensible object

of papal intrusion was to secure for the different peoples, moral

well-being; the real object was to obtain large revenues and give

support to large bodies of ecclesiastics. The revenues thus abstracted

were not unfrequently many times greater than those passing into the

treasury of the local power. Thus, on the occasion of Innocent IV.

demanding provision to be made for three hundred additional Italian

clergy by the Church of England, and that one of his nephews, a mere

boy, should have a stall in Lincoln Cathedral, it was found that the sum

already annually abstracted by foreign ecclesiastics from England was

thrice that which went into the coffers of the king. While thus the

higher clergy secured every political appointment worth having, and

abbots vied with counts in the herds of slaves they possessed--some, it

is said, owned not fewer than twenty thousand--begging friars pervaded

society in all directions, picking up a share of what still remained to

the poor. There was a vast body of non-producers, living in idleness and

owning a foreign allegiance, who were subsisting on the fruits of the

toil of the labourers" ("Conflict between Religion and Science," Draper,

pp. 266, 267).

The struggle between the Greek and Latin Churches, hushed for awhile,

broke out again fiercely A.D. 1053, and in 1054 Rome excommunicated

Constantinople, and Constantinople excommunicated Rome. The disputes as

to transubstantiation continued, and shook the Roman Church with their

violence. Outside orthodoxy, some of the old heresies lingered on. The

Paulicians wandered throughout Europe, and became known in Italy as the

Paterini and the Cathari, in France as the Albigenses, Bulgarians, or

Publicans. The Council of Orleans condemned them to be burned alive, and

many perished.

CENTURY XII.

The wars which spread Christianity were not yet entirely over, but we

only hear of them now on the outskirts, so to speak, of Europe, except

where some tribes apostatized now and then, and were brought back to the

true faith by the sword. The struggles between the popes and the more

stiff-necked princes as to their relative rights and privileges

continued, and we sometimes see the curious spectacle of a pontiff on

the side of the people, or rather of the barons, against the king:

whenever this is so, we find that the king is struggling against Roman

supremacy, and that the pope uses the power of the nation to subdue the

rebellious monarch. We do not find Rome interfering to save the people

from oppression when the oppressor is a faithful and obedient son of

Holy Church.

Fresh heresies spread during this century, and we everywhere met with

one corrective--death. Most of them appear to have grown out of the old

Manichæan heresy, and taught much of the old asceticism. The Cathari

were hunted down and put to death throughout Italy. Arnold of Brescia,

who loudly protested against the possessions of the Church, and

maintained that church revenues should be handed over to the State,

proved himself so extremely distasteful to the clergy that they arrested

him, crucified him and burned his dead body (A.D. 1155). Peter de Bruys,

who objected to infant baptism, and may be called the ancestor of the

Baptists, was burnt A.D. 1130. Many other reformers shared the same

fate, and one large sect must here be noted. Peter Waldus, its founder,

was a merchant of Lyons, who (A.D. 1160) employed a priest to translate

the Gospels for him, together with other portions of the Bible. Studying

these, he resolved to abandon his business and distribute his wealth

among the poor, and, in A.D. 1180, he became a public preacher, and

formed an association to teach the doctrines of the Gospel, as he

conceived them, against the doctrines of the Church. The sect first

assumed only the simple name of "the poor men of Lyons," but soon became

known as the Waldenses, one of the most powerful and most widely spread

sects of the Middle Ages. They were, in fact, the precursors of the

Reformation, and are notable as heretics protesting against the authorty

of Rome because that authority did not commend itself to their reason;

thus they asserted the right of private judgment, and for that assertion

they deserve a niche in the great temple of heretic thought.

CENTURY XIII.

In the far west of Europe paganism still struggled against Christianity,

and from A.D. 1230 to 1280 a long, fierce war was waged against the

Prussians, to confirm them in the Christian faith; the Teutonic knights

of St. Mary succeeded finally in their apostolic efforts, and at last

"established Christianity and fixed their own dominion in Prussia" (p.

309), whence they made forays into the neighbouring countries, and

"pillaged, burned, massacred, and ruined all before them." In Spain,

Christianity had a yet sadder triumph, for there the civilized Moors

were falling under the brutal Christians, and the "garden of the world"

was being invaded by the hordes of the Roman Church. The end, however,

had not yet come. In France, we see the erection of THE INQUISITION, the

most hateful and fiendish tribunal ever set up by religion. The

heretical sects were spreading rapidly in southern provinces of France,

and Innocent III., about the commencement of this century, sent legates

extraordinary into the southern provinces of France to do what the

bishops had left undone, and to extirpate heresy, in all its various

forms and modifications, without being at all scrupulous in using such

methods as might be necessary to effect this salutary purpose. The

persons charged with this ghostly commission were Rainier, a Cistercian

monk, Pierre de Castelnau, archdeacon of Maguelonne, who became also

afterwards a Cistercian friar. These eminent missionaries were followed

by several others, among whom was the famous Spaniard, Dominic, founder

of the order of preachers, who, returning from Rome in the year 1206,

fell in with these delegates, embarked in their cause, and laboured both

by his exhortations and actions in the extirpation of heresy. These

spiritual champions, who engaged in this expedition upon the sole

authority of the pope, without either asking the advice, or demanding

the succours of the bishops, and who inflicted capital punishment upon

such of the heretics as they could not convert by reason and argument,

were distinguished in common discourse by the title of _inquisitors_,

and from them the formidable and odious tribunal called the

_Inquisition_ derived its origin (pp. 343, 344). In A.D. 1229, a

council of Toulouse "erected in every city a _council of inquisitors

consisting of one priest and two laymen_" (Ibid). In A.D. 1233, Gregory

IX. superseded this tribunal by appointing the Dominican monks as

inquisitors, and the pope's legate in France thereupon went from city to

city, wherever these monks had a monastery, and there appointed some of

their number "inquisitors of heretical pravity." The princes of Europe

were then persuaded to lend the aid of the State to the work of blood,

and to commit to the flames those who were handed over as heretics to

the civil power by the inquisitors. The plan of working was most

methodical.

The rules of torture were carefully drawn out: the prisoner was stripped

naked, the hair cut off, and the body then laid on the rack and bound

down; the right, then the left, foot tightly bound and strained by

cords; the right and left arm stretched; the fleshy part of the arm

compressed with fine cords; all the cords tightened together by one

turn; a second and third turn of the same kind: beyond this, with the

rack, women were not to be tortured; with men a fourth turn was

employed. These directions were written in a Manual, used by the Grand

Inquisitor of Seville as late as A.D. 1820. An analysis is given by Dr.

Rule, in his "History of the Inquisition," Appendix to vol. i., pp.

339-359, ed. 1874. Then we hear, elsewhere, of torture by roasting the

feet, by pulleys, by red-hot pincers--in short, by every abominable

instrument of cruelty which men, inspired by religion, could conceive.

Let the student take Llorente and Dr. Rule alone, and he will learn

enough of the Inquisition horrors to make him shudder at the sight of a

cross--at the name of Christianity.

Llorente gives the most revolting details of the torture of Jean de

Salas, at Valladolid, A.D. 1527, and this one case may serve as a

specimen of Inquisition work during these bloodstained centuries.

Stripped to his shirt, he was placed on the _chevalet_ (a narrow frame,

wherein the body was laid, with no support save a pole across the

middle), and his feet were raised higher than his head; tightly twisted

cords cut through his flesh, and were twisted yet tighter and tighter as

the torture proceeded; fine linen, thrust into his mouth and throat,

added to the unnatural position, made breathing well nigh impossible,

and on the linen water slowly fell, drop by drop, from a suspended

vessel over his head, till every struggling breath stained the cloth

with blood (see "Histoire critique de l'Inquisition d'Espagne," t. II.,

pp. 20-23, ed. 1818). This Spanish Inquisition, during its existence,

punished heretics as follows:--

Burnt alive ....................... 31,912

Burnt in effigy.................... 17,659

Heavily punished................... 291,450

-------

Total 341,021

(Ibid, t. IV. p. 271). Add to this list the ruined families, some of

whose members fell victims to the Inquisition, and then--remembering

that Spain was but one of the countries which it desolated--let the

student judge of the huge total of human agony caused by this awful

institution. Nor must it be forgotten that its dungeons did not gape

only for those who opposed the pretensions of Rome; men of science,

philosophers, thinkers, all these were its foes; Llorente gives a list

of no less than 119 learned and eminent scientific men who, in Spain

alone, fell under the scourge of the Inquisition (see t. II. pp.

417-483).

One special crime of the Church in this age must not be forgotten: her

treatment of Roger Bacon. Roger Bacon was a Franciscan monk, who not

only studied Greek, Hebrew, and Oriental languages, but who devoted

himself to natural science, and made many discoveries in astronomy,

chemistry, optics, and mathematics. He is said to have discovered

gunpowder, and he proposed a reform of the calendar similar to that

introduced by Gregory XIII., 300 years later. His reward was to be

hooted at as a magician, and to be confined in a dungeon for many years.

The heretics spread and increased in this century, spite of the terrible

weapon brought to bear against them. The "Brethren and Sisters of the

Free Spirit," known also as Beghards, Beguttes, Bicorni, Beghins, and

Turlupins, were the chief additional body. They believed that all things

had emanated from God, and that to Him they would return; and to this

Eastern philosophy they added practical fanaticism, rushing wildly

about, shouting, yelling, begging. The Waldenses and Albigenses

multiplied, and diversity of opinion spread in every direction.

CENTURY XIV.

This fourteenth century is one of the epochs that sorely test the

ingenuity of believers in papal infallibility; for the cardinals, having

elected one pope in A.D. 1378, rapidly took a dislike to him, and

elected a second. The first choice, Urban VI., remained at Rome; the

second, Clement VII., betook himself to Avignon. They duly

excommunicated each other, and the Latin Church was rent in twain. "The

distress and calamity of these times is beyond all power of description;

for not to insist upon the perpetual contentions and wars between the

factions of the several popes, by which multitudes lost their fortunes

and lives, all sense of religion was extinguished in most places, and

profligacy arose to a most scandalous excess. The clergy, while they

vehemently contended which of the reigning popes was the true successor

of Christ, were so excessively corrupt as to be no longer studious to

keep up even an appearance of religion or decency" ("Europe During the

Middle Ages," Hallam, p. 359).

Meanwhile, the struggle between Rome and the heretics went on with

ever-increasing fury. In England, Dr. John Wickcliff, rector of

Lutterworth, became famous by his attack on the mendicant orders in A.D.

1360, and from that time he raised his voice louder and louder, till he

spoke against the pope himself. He translated the Bible into English,

attacked many of the prevailing superstitions, and although condemned as

holding heretical opinions, he yet died in peace, A.D. 1387. Rome

revenged itself by digging up his bones and burning them, about thirteen

years later. Rebellion spread even among the monks of the Church, and a

vast number of some nonconformist Franciscan monks, termed Spirituals,

were burned for their refusal to obey the pope on matters of discipline.

The intense hatred between the Franciscan and Dominican orders made the

latter the willing instrument of the papacy; and, in their character as

inquisitors, they hunted down their unfortunate rivals as heretics. The

Flagellants, a sect who wandered about flogging themselves to the glory

of God, fell also under the merciless hands of the inquisitors, as did

also the Knights Templars in France. A new body, known as the Dancers,

started up in A.D. 1373, and spread through Flanders; but the priests

prayed them away by exorcising the dancing devils that, they said,

inhabited the members of this curious sect. Among the sufferers of this

century one name must not be forgotten: it is that of Ceccus Asculanus.

This man was an Aristotelian philosopher, an astrologer, a

mathematician, and a physician. "This unhappy man, having performed some

experiments in mechanics that seemed miraculous to the vulgar, and

having also offended many, and among the rest his master [the Duke of

Calabria], by giving out some predictions which were said to have been

fulfilled, was universally supposed to deal with infernal spirits, and

burned for it by the inquisitors, at Florence, in the year 1337" (p.

355). There seems no green spot on which to rest the eye in this weary

stretch of blood and fire.

CENTURY XV.

In this fifteenth century the knell of the Church rang out; it is

memorable evermore in history for the discovery of the New World, and

the consequent practical demonstration of the falsehood of the whole

theory of the patristic and ecclesiastical theology. In the flood only

"Noah and his three sons, with their wives, were saved in an ark. Of

these sons, Sham remained in Asia and repeopled it. Ham peopled Africa;

Japhet, Europe. As the fathers were not acquainted with the existence of

America, they did not provide an ancestor for its people" ("Conflict

between Religion and Science," Dr. Draper, p. 63). Lactantius, indeed,

inveighed against the folly of those who believed in the existence of

the antipodes, and Augustine maintained that it was impossible there

should be people living on the other side of the earth. Besides, "in the

day of judgment, men on the other side of a globe could not see the Lord

descending through the air" (Ibid, p. 64). Clearly there was no other

side, theologically; only Columbus sailed there. Another fatal blow was

struck at the Church by the invention of the printing press, about A.D.

1440, an invention which made knowledge possible for the many, and by

diffusion of knowledge made heresy likewise certain. It is not for me,

however, to trace here the progress of heretic thought; that brighter

task is for another pen; mine only to turn over the bloodstained and

black pages of the Church. One name stands out in the list of the

pontiffs of this century, which is almost unparalleled in its infamy; it

is that of Roderic Borgia, Pope Alexander VI. Foully vicious, cruel, and

bloodthirsty, he is startlingly bad, even for a pope. Among his children

are found the names of Cæsar and Lucretia Borgia, names whose very

mention recalls a list of horrible crimes. Alexander died A.D. 1503,

from swallowing, by mistake, a poison which he and his son Cæsar had

prepared for others. Turning to the heretics, we see great lives cut

short by the terrible blows of the inquisition:--Savanarola, the brave

Italian preacher, the reformer monk, tortured and burned A.D. 1498; John

Huss, the enemy of the papacy, burned A.D. 1415, in direct violation of

the safe conduct granted him; Jerome, of Prague, the friend and

companion of Huss, burned A.D. 1416. Myriads of their unhappy followers

shared their fate in every European land. But to Spain belongs the

terrible pre-eminence of cruelty in this last century before the

Reformation. In the year 1478 a bull of Pope Sixtus IV. established the

Inquisition in Spain. "In the first year of the operation of the

Inquisition, 1481, two thousand victims were burnt in Andalusia; besides

these, many thousands were dug up from their graves and burnt; seventeen

thousand were fined or imprisoned for life. Whoever of the persecuted

race could flee, escaped for his life. Torquemada, now appointed

Inquisitor-General for Castile and Leon, illustrated his office by his

ferocity. Anonymous accusations were received, the accused was not

confronted by witnesses, torture was relied upon for conviction; it was

inflicted in vaults where no one could hear the cries of the tormented.

As, in pretended mercy, it was forbidden to inflict torture a second

time, with horrible duplicity it was affirmed that the torment had not

been completed at first, but had only been suspended out of charity

until the following day! The families of the convicted were plunged into

irretrievable ruin.... This frantic priest destroyed Hebrew Bibles

wherever he could find them, and burnt six thousand volumes of Oriental

literature at Salamanca, under an imputation that they inculcated

Judaism" (Draper's "Conflict of Science and Religion," p. 146).

Torquemada was, indeed, a worthy successor of Moses. During his eighteen

years of power, his list of victims is as follows:--

Burnt at the stake alive................... 10,220

Burnt in effigy, the persons having died

in prison or fled the country............ 6,860

Punished with infamy, confiscation, perpetual

imprisonment, or loss of civil

rights .................................. 97,321

-------

Total .....................................114,401

--("History of the Inquisition," by Dr. W.H. Rule, vol. i., p. 150. Full

details of numbers are given in the "Histoire critique de l'Inquisition

d'Espagne," Llorente, t. I., pp. 272-281).

Cardinal Ximenes was not quite so successful as Torquemada, but still

his roll is long:

Burnt at the stake alive ................... 3,564

Burnt in effigy ............................ 1,232

Punished heavily .......................... 48,059

------

--(Ibid, p. 186). Total ................... 52,855

In A.D. 1481, in the bishoprics of Seville and Cadiz, "two thousand

Judaizers were burnt in person, and very many in effigy, of whom the

number is not known, besides seventeen thousand subject to cruel

penance" (Ibid, p. 133). In A.D. 1485, no less than 950 persons were

burned at Villa Real, now Ciudad Real.

Spite of all this awful suffering, heretics and Jews remained

antagonistic to the church, and in March, A.D. 1492, the edict of the

expulsion of the Jews was signed. "All unbaptized Jews, of whatever age,

sex, or condition, were ordered to leave the realm by the end of the

following July. If they revisited it, they should suffer death. They

might sell their effects, and take the proceeds in merchandise or bills

of exchange, but not in gold or silver. Exiled thus, suddenly from the

land of their birth, the land of their ancestors for hundreds of years,

they could not in the glutted market that arose sell what they

possessed. Nobody would purchase what could be got for nothing after

July. The Spanish clergy occupied themselves by preaching in the public

squares sermons filled with denunciations against their victims, who,

when the time for expatriation came, swarmed in the roads, and filled

the air with their cries of despair. Even the Spanish onlookers wept at

the scene of agony. Torquemada, however, enforced the ordinance that no

one should afford them any help.... Thousands, especially mothers with

nursing children, infants, and old people, died by the way--many of them

in the agonies of thirst" (Ibid, p. 147). Thus was a peaceable,

industrious, thoughtful population, driven out of Spain by the Church.

Nor did her hand stay even here. Ferdinand, alas! had completed the

conquest of the Moors; true, Granada had only yielded under pledge of

liberty of worship, but of what value is the pledge of the Christian to

the heretic? The Inquisition harried the land, until, in February 1502,

word went out that all unbaptized Moors must leave Spain by the end of

April. "They might sell their property, but not take away any gold or

silver; they were forbidden to emigrate to the Mahommedan dominions; the

penalty of disobedience was death. Their condition was thus worse than

that of the Jews, who had been permitted to go where they chose" (Ibid,

p. 148). And so the Moors were driven out, and Spain was left to

Christianity, to sink down to what she is to-day. 3,000,000 persons are

said to have been expelled as Jews, Moors and Moriscoes. The Moors

departed,--they who had made the name of Spain glorious, and had spread

science and thought through Europe from that focus of light,--they who

had welcomed to their cities all who thought, no matter what their

creed, and had covered with an equal protection Mahommedan, Christian,

and Jew.

Nor let the Protestant Christian imagine that these deeds of blood are

Roman, not Christian. The same crimes attach to every Church, and Rome's

black list is only longer because her power is greater. Let us glance at

Protestant communions. In Hungary, Giska, the Hussite, massacred and

bruised the Beghards. In Germany, Luther cried, "Why, if men hang the

thief upon the gallows, or if they put the rogue to death, why should

not we, with all our strength, attack these popes and cardinals, these

dregs of the Roman Sodom? Why not wash our hands in their blood?" ("The

Spanish Inquisition," Le Maistre, p. 67, ed. 1838). Sandys, Bishop of

London, wrote in defence of persecution. Archbishop Usher, in an address

signed by eleven other bishops, said: "Any toleration to the papists is

a grievous sin." Knox said, "The people are bound in conscience to put

to death the queen, along with all her priests." The English Parliament

said, "Persecution was necessary to advance the glory of God." The

Scotch Parliament decreed death against Catholics as idolaters, saying

"it was a religious obligation to execute them" (Ibid, pp. 67, 68).

Cranmer, A.D. 1550, condemned six anabaptists to death, one of whom, a

woman, was burned alive, and in the following year another was committed

to the flames; this primate held a commission with "some others, to

examine and search after all anabaptists, heretics, or contemners of the

book of Common Prayer" ("Students' History of England," D. Hume, p. 291,

ed. 1868).

In Switzerland, Calvin burned Servetus. In America, the Puritans carried

on the same hateful tradition, and whipped the harmless Quakers from

town to town. Wherever the cross has gone, whether held by Roman

Catholic, by Lutheran, by Calvinist, by Episcopalian, by Presbyterian,

by Protestant dissenter, it has been dipped in human blood, and has

broken human hearts. Its effect on Europe was destructive, barbarising,

deadly, until the dawning light of science scattered the thick black

clouds which issued from the cross. One indisputable fact, pregnant with

instruction, is the extremely low rate of increase of the population of

Europe during the centuries when Christianity was supreme. "What, then,

does this stationary condition of the population mean? It means, food

obtained with hardship, insufficient clothing, personal uncleanness,

cabins that could not keep out the weather, the destructive effects of

cold and heat, miasm, want of sanitary provisions, absence of

physicians, uselessness of shrine cure, the deceptiveness of miracles,

in which society was putting its trust; or, to sum up a long catalogue

of sorrows, wants and sufferings in one term--it means a high

death-rate. But, more, it means deficient births. And what does that

point out? Marriage postponed, licentious life, private wickedness,

demoralized society" (Draper's "Conflict of Religion and Science," p.

263). "The surface of the Continent was for the most part covered with

pathless forests; here and there it was dotted with monasteries and

towns. In the lowlands and along the river courses were fens, sometimes

hundreds of miles in extent, exhaling their pestiferous miasms, and

spreading agues far and wide." In towns there was "no attempt made at

drainage, but the putrefying garbage and rubbish were simply thrown out

of the door. Men, women, and children slept in the same apartment; not

unfrequently domestic animals were their companions; in such a confusion

of the family it was impossible that modesty and morality could be

maintained. The bed was usually a bag of straw; a wooden log served as a

pillow. Personal cleanliness was utterly unknown; great officers of

state, even dignitaries so high as the Archbishop of Canterbury, swarmed

with vermin; such, it is related, was the condition of Thomas à Becket,

the antagonist of an English king. To conceal personal impurity,

perfumes were necessarily and profusely used. The citizen clothed

himself in leather, a garment which, with its ever-accumulating

impurity, might last for many years. He was considered to be in

circumstances of ease, if he could procure fresh meat once a week for

his dinner. The streets had no sewers; they were without pavement or

lamps. After night-fall, the chamber-shutters were thrown open, and

slops unceremoniously emptied down, to the discomforture of the wayfarer

tracking his path through the narrow streets, with his dismal lantern in

his hand" (Ibid, p. 265). Little wonder indeed, that plagues swept

through the cities, destroying their inhabitants wholesale. The Church

could only pray against them, or offer shrines where votive offerings

might win deliverance; "not without a bitter resistance on the part of

the clergy, men began to think that pestilences are not punishments

inflicted by God on society for its religious shortcomings, but the

physical consequences of filth and wretchedness; that the proper mode of

avoiding them is not by praying to the saints, but by ensuring personal

and municipal cleanliness. In the twelfth century it was found necessary

to pave the streets of Paris, the stench in them was so dreadful. At

once dysenteries and spotted fever diminished; a sanitary condition,

approaching that of the Moorish cities of Spain, which had been paved

for centuries, was attained" (Ibid, p. 314). The death-rate was still

further diminished by the importation of the physician's skill from the

Arabs and the Moors; the Christians had depended on the shrine of the

saint, and the bone of the martyr, and the priest was the doctor of body

as well as of soul. "On all the roads pilgrims were wending their way to

the shrines of saints, renowned for the cures they had wrought. It had

always been the policy of the Church to discourage the physician and his

art; he interfered too much with the gifts and profits of the

shrines.... For patients too sick to move or be moved, there were no

remedies except those of a ghostly kind--the Paternoster and the Ave"

(Ibid, p. 269). Thus Christianity set itself against all popular

advancement, against all civil and social progress, against all

improvement in the condition of the masses. It viewed every change with

distrust, it met every innovation with opposition. While it reigned

supreme, Europe lay in chains, and even into the new world it carried

the fetters of the old. Only as Christianity has grown feebler has

civilization strengthened, and progress has been made more and more

rapidly as a failing creed has lost the power to oppose. And now, day by

day, that progress becomes swifter; now, day by day, the opposition

becomes fainter, and soon, passing over the ruins of a shattered

religion, Free Thought shall plant the white banner of Liberty in the

midst of the temple of Humanity; that temple which, long desecrated by

priests and overshadowed by gods, shall then be consecrated for evermore

to the service of its rightful owner, and shall be filled with the glory

of man, the only god, and shall have its air melodious with the voice of

the prayer which is work.

* * * * *

INDEX TO SECTION IV. OF PART II.

* * * * *

INDEX OF BOOKS USED.

Draper, Conflict of Religion and Science...425, 433, 437, 449, 455,

456, 464, 465, 471, 472, 475, 476

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History...424

Gibbon, Decline and Fall...425, 429, 432, 433, 435

Hallam, Europe during the Middle Ages...454, 457, 458, 459, 460, 461,

462, 463, 470, 471

Hume, Student's History of England...474

Le Maistre, Spanish Inquisition...474

Llorente, Histoire critique de l'Inquisition d'Espagne...468, 469, 472, 473

Mosheim, Ecclesiastical History...Used throughout

Rule, History of the Inquisition...468, 472

Villemain, Life of Gregory VII...464

* * * * *

INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

Advent of Christ expected...456, 457

Alexandrine Library, destruction of...432

Arius...433, 434

Boniface, Apostle of Germany...442

Century 2nd and 3rd...423, 429

Century 4th...429, 435

Century 5th...435, 439

Century 6th...439, 441

Century 7th...441, 442

Century 8th...442, 447

Century 9th...447, 451

Century 10th...451, 457

Century 11th...457, 465

Century 12th...466, 467

Century 13th...467, 469

Century 14th...469, 470

Century 15th...471, 474

Charlemagne...442, 444

Christianity, general effect of...474, 476

Church, wealth of...425, 440, 441, 444, 457, 460

Church, doctrine of...426, 450

Church, refuge for evil doers...442

Clergy, frauds of...431, 444, 448, 449

Clergy, vice of...426, 431, 435, 437, 441, 447, 448, 451, 453, 454, 469

Constantine...424, 425

Conversions...429, 430, 435, 439, 443, 451, 457, 467

Crusades...452, 458

Eastern and Western Churches, separation of...449, 450

Endowment of Church, first...429

Filioque...446, 449

Heresies...426-428, 433-435, 438, 440, 442, 446, 450, 456,

465, 466, 470, 471, 472, 473

Heretic, first burnt alive...431

" number burned in Spain...469, 472

Hildebrand...463, 464

Hypatia, murder of...437

Iconoclastic controversy...445, 446

Ignorance of bishops...441

Inquisition...467-469, 472-474

Isidorian decretals...448

Jews, expulsion of, from Spain...473, 474

Learning, lack of...437, 439, 451, 452, 453, 461, 462, 463

" revival of...460, 461

Moors, learning of...447, 453, 456

" expulsion of, from Spain...473, 474

Patristic geography...471

People, misery of...455, 475, 476

Protestant persecution...474, 475

Rome, supremacy of...436, 445, 448, 464, 465

" badness of Popes of...454, 463, 464, 469, 471

Stylites...437

Torquemada...472, 473

Christianity: Its Evidences, Its Origin, Its Morality, Its History · 第 8 / 8 章