ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Copy of CAPTAIN O'NEILLE'S Journal, taken from a copy attested by

his name subscribed with his own hand.[386]

[386] Printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 348-362.

[Sidenote: _fol._ 670.] Having heard and seen many scandalous libels

given out in my name of the conduct and retreat of the Prince since

the battle of Culloden, I have thought myself obliged in duty and

honour to give an impartial and true account of the same during

[the][387] time that I had the honour to be near his person. This I

don't pretend in justification of that great Prince, whose inimitable

virtues and qualifications as well render him the darling of his

friends as the astonishing surprize of his greatest enemies, and

whose valour and calm intrepidity in heretofore unheard of dangers

will usher down his fame to the latest posterity; but to convince and

assure the world that all accounts as yet given, either under any

name or otherwise, have [Sidenote: _fol._ 671.] been as spurious[388]

as defective and infamously false. I moreover assure this to be the

first and only account that I have given or will give, and affirm the

contents to be true upon my honour.

[387] Thus the attested copy had it, without the word 'the.'

[388] If this be so, how then came I by the copy in vol. i. p. 181?

For I can declare I was master of that copy upon July 14th, 1747,

_i.e._ exactly a month and a half before the date of the Captain's

letter, along with the attested copy, to the Countess of Dundonald.

[See ff. 692-700 _postea_.]

[Sidenote: 1746 15 April]

[Sidenote: 16 April]

April 15th, O.S.--Prince Charles marched his army in three columns

from Culloden Muir in hopes to surprize the Duke of Cumberland in

his camp at Nairn, ordering at the same time two thousand men to

pass the river Nairn and post themselves between Elgin and the camp

of the enemy. To deceive the ships that were in Inverness Road he

ordered several fires to be made on the mountain where he drew up

in battle. At eight at night he began his march, and about two next

morning, being the 16th of April, within a mile[389] of the enemy,

our van halted. The Prince, who marched in the centre, dispatched an

aid-de-camp to know the motive of the halt. Colonel[390] [Sidenote:

_fol._ 672.] O'Sullivan (who marched in the van) immediately hasted

to the Prince and told him Lord George Murray and some other of

the chieftains, as they wanted some of their men, did not think

themselves sufficiently strong to attack the enemy, and upon a

strong belief the Duke of Cumberland was apprized of their design,

refused to advance, maugre the instances he (Colonel O'Sullivan)

made use of to engage them to the contrary. Upon this the Prince

advanced to the head of the column, where, assembling the chiefs, in

the most pathetic and strong terms demonstrated to them the visible

and real advantages they had of an enemy who thought themselves

secure of any such attempt, and descending his horse,[391] drew his

sword, and told them he would lead them to an enemy they had as

often defeated as seen. But, deaf to his example and intreaties,

the [Sidenote: _fol._ 673.] major part declin'd, which so sensibly

shocked the Prince, that, remounting his horse, he told them with

the greatest concern[392] he did not so much regret his own loss as

their inevitable ruin. He immediately marched back to the former

camp at Culloden, where he arrived at five in the morning. At ten he

was informed the Duke of Cumberland was in full march towards him.

Whereupon the Prince gave the necessary orders for the attack, riding

from rank to rank encouraging his troops and exhorting them [with his

usual sprightliness][393] to behave as they had done at Prestonpans

and Falkirk. Between twelve and one the Prince engag'd the enemy,

commanding himself in the centre. The right wing immediately broke

the left of the enemy, but their flank being exposed to seven[394]

squadrons of horse, who attack'd them while they were in pursuit

of the [Sidenote: _fol._ 674.] enemy's foot, was put into so much

confusion that it was dispers'd. The Prince gallop'd to the right,

and endeavouring to rally them[395] had his horse shot under

him.[396] The left followed the example of the right, which drew on

an entire deroute in spite of all the Prince could do to animate

or rally them. Notwithstanding which he remained upon the field of

battle untill there were no more hopes left, and then could scarce be

persuaded to retire, ordering the Irish piquets and FitzJames's horse

to make a stand and favour the retreat of the Highlanders, which was

as gallantly executed. Previous to the battle the Prince had ordered

the chieftains that (in case of a defeat) as the Highlanders could

not retreat as regular troops, they should assemble their men near

Fort Augustus. In consequence of this, immediately after the battle

the Prince dispatched me to Inverness to repeat his orders to such

of his [Sidenote: _fol._ 675.] troops as were there. That night the

Prince retir'd six miles from the field of battle[397] and went next

day as far, and in three days more arrived at Fort Augustus, where he

remained a whole day in expectation his troops would have join'd him.

But seeing no appearance of it, he went to the house of Invergary and

ordered me to remain there to direct such as pass'd that way the road

he took. I remained there two days and announc'd the Prince's orders

to such as I met, but to no effect, every one taking his own road.

[389] Three or four miles, say other accounts, and justly too, as

must be confessed by those who know anything of the country about

Nairn, where the attack was to have been made. See ff. 158, 448,

661.--F.

[390] This page contains several particulars not so much as mentioned

in any of the accounts given by others, as may be seen by making a

comparison.--F.

[391] The Prince marched all that night on foot, says Ker of Gradyne,

f. 662.--F.

[392] With tears in his eyes, says the other copy, f. 181.--F.

[393] These words are wanting in the foresaid copy. See f. 182.--F.

[394] Nine squadrons, says the foresaid copy, f. 182.--F.

[395] Here in the foresaid copy these following words, 'but to no

purpose.' See f. 182.--F.

[396] Not true. See f. 1161.--F.

[397] The foresaid copy says here, 'And next day arrived at Fort

Augustus.'--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[Sidenote: 28 April]

I then followed the Prince, who was so far from making a precipitate

retreat [as has been maliciously reported][398] that he

retired by six and six miles and arrived the 28th of

April[399] O.S. at Knoidart, where I join'd him next day and gave him

an [Sidenote: _fol._ 676.] account of the little or no appearance

there was of assembling his troops, upon which he wrote circular

letters to all the chiftains, enjoining them, by the obedience they

owed him, to join him immediately with such of their clans as they

could gather; at the same time representing to them the imminent

danger they were in if they neglected it. After remaining some days

there in hopes his orders would have been obeyed, and seeing not one

person repair to him, the extreme danger his person was in, being

within seven miles[400] of Lord Loudon, Sir Alexander MacDonald

and the MacLeods, it was proposed to evade it by retreating to one

of the islands near the continent. After repeated instances of the

like nature he reluctantly assented, leaving Mr. John Hay behind to

transmit [Sidenote: _fol._ 677.] him the answers of his letters, with

an account of what should pass, and parted for the Isles in an open

fishing boat at eight at night, attended by Colonel O'Sullivan and me

only.[401] About an hour after we parted a violent hurricane arose,

which drove us ninety miles[402] from our designed port; and next day

running for shelter into the Island of North Uist,[403] we struck

upon a rock and staved to pieces,[404] and with great difficulty

saved our lives. At our landing we were in the most melancholy

situation, knowing nobody and wanting the common necessaries of life.

After much search we found a little hut uninhabited, and took shelter

there, and with a great deal of pains made a fire to dry our cloaths.

Here the Prince remained two days, [Sidenote: _fol._ 678.] having

no other provisions but a few biskets we had saved out of the boat,

which were entirely spoiled with the salt water.

[398] These words are not in the other copy, f. 183.--F.

[399] The 26th of April, says the foresaid copy, which day Donald

MacLeod fixes upon for their departure from the continent to the

Isles. See ff. 273, 281, 316. Ned Burk says much the same. [See p.

329.]--F.

[400] Says Donald MacLeod, 'ten or twelve miles by sea, but a much

greater distance by land.' See f. 278.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[401] Honest Donald MacLeod, the pilot, and Allan MacDonald,

Clanranald's relation might have had a place here, to say nothing of

the poor rowers. See f. 281.--F.

[402] This must be a mistake, tho' it be so in the other copy too,

for none of the lochs has so much bounds as to allow of such a drive

from an intended harbour. I remember Donald MacLeod called this

'nonsense,' for he makes the whole course but only 96 miles. [See f.

284.]--F.

[403] This should be Benbecula, but I think not so much of his

mistaking names, being a stranger. See f. 284.--F.

[404] This is altogether an error, as plainly appears, not only

from the words of Donald MacLeod and Ned Burk [see ff. 270, 343],

but likewise from a remarkable token given me by Captain Alexander

MacDonald, which puts this point beyond all doubt. See f. 581.--F.

[Sidenote: 1 May.]

[Sidenote: 6 May]

As this island belonged to Sir Alexander MacDonald, and not judging

ourselves safe, we determined going elsewhere, and by the greatest

good fortune, one of our boatmen discovered a boat[405] stranded on

the coast, and, having with great difficulty launched it into the

water, we imbarked for the Harris. In our passage we unfortunately

met with another storm which obliged us to put into an island near

Stornoway. Next day the Prince dispatched me[406] for Stornoway to

look for a ship, ordering me to imbark on board the first I could

get, and to make the most diligent haste after my landing on the

Continent to the Court of France, ordering me to give an exact

account to [Sidenote: _fol._ 679.] his most Christian Majesty of his

disasters and of his resolution never to abandon the country untill

he knew the final result of France, and if it was not[407] possible

once more to assemble his faithful Highlanders. Unluckily the person

that the Prince sent with me[408] getting drunk, told the master of

the ship somewhat that induced him to refuse taking me on board,

and immediately alarmed the country, which obliged me to return and

join the Prince, who upon what I told him resolved for the continent

by way of Seaforth's country. But the boatmen absolutely refused to

comply, which made us take the road we came. And meeting with three

ships of war we were constrained [Sidenote: _fol._ 680.] to put into

a desert island where we remained eight days[409] in the greatest

misery, having no sustenance but some dried fish that Providence

threw in our way in this island. When the ships disappeared we put to

sea again, and next morning met with another ship of war just coming

out of one of the lochs, who pursued us for near an hour; but the

wind rising we made our escape. In the afternoon we arrived at the

Island of Benbecula, and one of the boatmen, being acquainted with a

herd of the island, led us to his house, where, passing for friends

of the boatman, we remained four days, and then the Prince sent the

boat to the continent with a Highland gentleman whom he charged with

letters to the chiefs, Secretary [Sidenote: _fol._ 681.] Murray and

John Hay, requiring an exact account how affairs stood.

[405] One error never fails to prove the foundation of another, if

not of many.--F.

[406] This whole affair is represented in quite a different manner by

Donald MacLeod, who caused me remark more than once that O'Neille did

not accompany him to Stornoway (See ff. 270, 287), and I have heard

Ned Burk affirm the same thing.--F.

[407] Here either 'not' should be wanting, or the next word

immediately following should be 'impossible' to make sense of the

words which were precisely as above in the attested copy, but in the

other copy they happen to be right. See f. 184.--F.

[408] One error must be the foundation of another at least. See this

whole affair cleared up by Donald MacLeod himself (See f. 289), and

that, too, according to the expressions of Captain John Hay upon the

head who could have no interest or by-view in what he spoke. See f.

479.--F.

[409] Four days and four nights, says Donald MacLeod, and not in so

very great misery as Captain O'Neille represents them to have been

in, though indeed their case was bad enough (See ff. 291-297). And

Ned Burk's account of this matter agrees with that of Donald MacLeod

(See f. 331). One day I read this particular of the desert island to

Ned Burk when he used this remarkable expression, 'What deel needs a

man mack mair wonders than we had. Faith we had anew o' them.' Words

tho' coarse, yet very significant.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

Not thinking ourselves secure in the cottage, by the advice of a

friend we retired to the mountain of Coradale to wait the return

of the gentleman, where we remained two-and-twenty days, when the

gentleman returned with a letter from Secretary Murray importing that

the clans had almost all delivered up their arms, and, consequently,

were no more to be depended on. He likewise acquainted the Prince

of two French ships who had arrived at the continent with money

and arms, and in which the Duke of Perth, his brother, Sir Thomas

Sheridan, and John Hay had imbarked for France.

[Sidenote: June.]

Here we remained some days longer, till the Duke of Cumberland

having intelligence that the Prince was concealed in the Long Isle,

ordered the militia of the Isle of Sky and the Independent Companies

to go in search of him. As soon [Sidenote: _fol._ 682.] as we had

notice of their landing we retreated to an island about twelve

miles distance, called Ouya, where we remained till we found they

had followed us, and then we went for Loch Boisdale, and stayed

there eight days, when Captain Carolina Scott landed within a mile

of us, which obliged us to separate, the Prince taking me to the

mountains, and O'Sullivan remaining with the boatmen. At nightfall

we marched towards Benbecula, being informed Scott had ordered the

militia to come and join him. At midnight we came to a hut, where

by good fortune we met with Miss Flora MacDonald, whom I formerly

knew. I quitted the Prince at some distance from the hut, and went

with a design to inform myself if the Independent Companies were

to pass that way next day, as we had been informed. The young lady

answered me--Not--and said that they would not pass till the day

after. Then I told her I brought a friend to see her, and she, with

some emotion, [Sidenote: _fol._ 683.] asked me if it was the Prince.

I answered her it was, and instantly brought him in.[410] We then

consulted on the imminent danger the Prince was in, and could think

of a no more proper and safe expedient than to propose to Miss Flora

to convey him to the Isle of Sky, where her mother lived. This

seemed the more feasible, as the young lady's father being captain

of an Independent Company would accord her a pass for herself and a

servant to go visit her mother. The Prince assented, and immediately

propos'd it to the young lady, to which she answered with the

greatest respect and loyalty; but declined it, saying Sir Alexander

MacDonald was too much her friend to be the instrument of his ruin.

I endeavoured to obviate this by assuring her Sir Alexander was not

in the country, and that she could with the greatest facility convey

the Prince to her mother's, as she lived close by the waterside.

I then [Sidenote: _fol._ 684.] remonstrated to her the honour and

immortality that would redound to her by such a glorious action, and

she at length acquiesc'd, after the Prince had told her the sense

he would always retain of so conspicuous a service. She promised

to acquaint us next day when things were ripe for execution, and

we parted for the mountains of Coradale. Next day at four in the

afternoon we received a message from our protectress, telling us ALL

WAS WELL. We determined joining her immediately, but the messenger

informed us we could not pass either of the fords that separated

the island we were in from Benbecula, as they were both guarded. In

this dreadful situation a man of the country tendered us his boat,

which we readily accepted, and next day landed at Benbecula, and

immediately marched for Rossinish, the place of rendezvous, where

we arrived at midnight, and instead of our protectress, [Sidenote:

_fol._ 685.] found [ourselves within fifty yards of][411] a guard

of the enemy. We were constrained to retreat four miles, having eat

nothing for thirty hours[412] before. The Prince ordered me to go to

the lady and know the reason she did not keep her appointment. She

told me she had engaged a cousin of hers in North Uist to receive

him in his house, where she was sure he would be more safe than in

the Isle of Sky.[413] I immediately dispatched a boy with this news

to the Prince, and mentioned him the place of appointment, whither

he came. But the gentleman absolutely refused receiving us, alleging

for a motive that he was vassal to Sir Alexander MacDonald. In this

unexpected exigence, being within a small half mile of a captain

and fifty men, we hastened for Rossinish, being apprized the enemy

had just [Sidenote: _fol._ 686.] abandoned it. The Prince sent me

to acquaint Miss Flora of our disappointment and to intreat her to

keep to her promise, as there was no time to lose. She faithfully

promised for next day, and I remained with her that night, the

Prince remaining at Rossinish attended by a little herd. Next day

I accompanied Miss Flora to the rendezvous, where we had not long

been when we had an account[414] that General Campbell was just

landed with 1500 men.[415] We were now apprehensive that we were

betrayed, and instantly got to our boat and put to another place,

where we arrived at daybreak. We dispatched to Clanranald's house to

learn what news, who brought us word that General Campbell was there

with Captain Ferguson, and that he saw Captain Scott's detachment

coming to join [Sidenote: _fol._ 687.] them, and that they amounted

in all to 2300 men. The Prince intreated the young lady I should

accompany him, but she absolutely refused it, having a pass but for

one servant. The Prince was so generous as to decline going unless

I attended, untill I told him, if he made the least demur, I would

instantly go about my business, as I was extremely indifferent what

became of me so that his person was safe. [With much difficulty and

after many intreaties][416] he at length imbarked, attended only by

Miss Flora MacDonald.[417]

[410] In all this Captain O'Neille is exactly right, for I have

heard Miss MacDonald declare more than once that the Captain came

to her (bringing the Prince along with him) when she happened to be

in a shealling belonging to her brother; that the Captain was the

contriver of the scheme, and that she herself was very backward to

engage in it; and indeed no wonder (whatever some may say), when

one seriously considers the important trust, and the many dangers

attending it. Something of all this may be gathered from her own

Journal. See f. 524.

[411] In the other copy these words are wanting. See f. 187.--F.

[412] In the other copy thirty-four hours.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[413] See ff. 526, 589.

[414] It is truly a matter of much wonder that the Prince should

escape the clutches of so many in such narrow bounds, especially when

the coast was swarming with ships, sloops, etc.--F.

[415] See ff. 485, 526.

[416] These words are not in the other copy. See f. 189.--F.

[417] The faithful MacKechan might have been named here.--F.

[Sidenote: July.]

Here my hard fate and the Prince's safety, which was my only object,

obliged me to share no longer the misfortunes of that illustrious

hero, whose grandeur of soul and intrepidity, with a calmness of

spirit particular to himself in such dangers, [Sidenote: _fol._

688.] increased in these moments when the general part of mankind

abandon themselves to their fate. I now could only recommend him to

God and his good fortune, and made my way amidst the enemy to South

Uist, where we had left Colonel O'Sullivan.[418] Next day I joined

O'Sullivan, and found (four days after the Prince parted) a French

cutter, commanded by one Dumont, and who had on board two captains

of the Irish brigade with a number of volunteers. Here Colonel

O'Sullivan and I concerted what were the properest measures to be

taken. We agreed that he should go on board the cutter, as he was so

reduced by the long fatigues that he had undergone in the mountains,

as not to be able to walk, and that he should bring the cutter to

Loch Seaforth, nigh the Isle of Rasay, where the Prince ordered me

to join him by a billet he had sent me the day before by one of the

boatmen who had rowed [Sidenote: _fol._ 689.] him to the Isle of

Sky. After having seen my friend on board, and after innumerable

difficulties, I got a boat and went round the Isle of Sky to the Isle

of Rasay, place of rendezvous; but at my landing had intelligence

that the Prince was returned to the Isle of Sky, whereupon I hasted

to said Isle of Sky again, and there too had the grief to learn

that he had departed that island, but for what place nobody could

inform me in the least. I then repaired to Loch Nammaddy in North

Uist, where by our agreement Colonel O'Sullivan was to come to me in

case that in eight days I did not join him at Loch Scaforth; but not

meeting my friend there, after a delay of four days I returned to the

Island of Benbecula, where I promised [Sidenote: _fol._ 690.] myself

greater safety than any where else; but I met with a quite different

usage. For the very person[419] in whom I had entirely confided,

and under whose care I was, betrayed me to Captain MacNeal (induced

thereto by a great sum of money offered for me), who was in that

country under the command of Captain Ferguson of the _Furnace-Bomb_.

I was taken by this Captain MacNeal in a rock over a loch, where I

had skulked for four days, and brought to Captain Ferguson,[420] who

used me with all the barbarity of a pirate, stripped me, and had

ordered me to be put into a rack and whipped by his hangman, because

I would not confess where I thought the Prince was. As I was just

going to be whipped, being already stripped, Lieutenant MacCaghan of

the Scotch Fusileers, who commanded a party under Captain [Sidenote:

_fol._ 691.] Ferguson, very generously opposed this barbarous usage,

and coming out with his drawn sword threatened Captain Ferguson that

he'd sacrifice himself and his detachment rather than to see an

officer used after such an infamous manner.

[418] Captain O'Neille speaks more respectfully, and is more

favourable in his accounts of Colonel O'Sullivan than some other

hints that are given in this Collection. (See ff. 496, 519,

528.)--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

[419] See the person named and the whole affair cleared up in this

vol. f. 644.--F.

[420] A man remarkable for his cruelties. See ff. 192, 216, 257, 309,

etc. Even in his younger years he was remarkable for a cruel turn of

mind among his school-fellows and companions, and therefore he is the

fitter tool for William the Cruel. He was born at Old Meldrum in the

shire of Aberdeen.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.

I can't avoid acquainting the public that four days after I was

taken[421] General Campbell sent me word upon his parole of honour

that if I had money, or other effects in the country, in sending them

to him they should be safe. Upon which (always imagining that the

word of honour was as sacredly kept in the English army as 'tis in

others) I went with a detachment for my money and gold watch which I

had hid in the rock when I perceived the party searching for me, and

sent to General Campbell by Captain Skipness Campbell 450 guineas,

with my gold watch, broadsword, and pistols, all which he has thought

[Sidenote: _fol._ 692.] proper (to be sure consistent with his

honour) to keep from me upon diverse applications made to him to that

purpose.

[421] See ff. 191, 645.

I hope the public will excuse this long digression, that I have made

since my separation from the Prince, the more so that I have only

made it to show that I did everything in my power as well to fulfil

my duty as to endeavour to deserve the confidence with which the

Prince was graciously pleased to honour me.

(_Sic subscribitur_)

F. O'NEILLE.

A coppy.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1747 8 Dec.]

_N.B._--After getting notice that Captain Felix O'Neille, after his

being removed from the Castle of Edinburgh to some part in England,

had transmitted an attested copy of his Journal to one of his friends

in Edinburgh, I was at no small pains to find it out. At last I

discovered that it was in the hands of the Countess of Dundonald.

Upon Tuesday, December 8th, 1747, I did myself the honour of paying

my respects to lady Mary Cochran in Edinburgh. I begged to know of

her ladyship if [Sidenote: _fol._ 693.] it was true that the Countess

had any such Journal and if I could have the favour of seeing it.

Lady Mary said it was very true that her mamma had the Journal with

O'Neille's own subscription at it, and that it was transmitted to

her from O'Neille himself, and that she would endeavour to procure

it for me from her mamma and send it down to me as soon as possible.

But, then, her ladyship was pleased to observe that the Countess

would not allow any copy to be taken of it, as Captain O'Neille had

desired that no copy should be given of it, till he should send a

letter to the Countess from France, wherein he would give allowance

for copies to be taken of it at a proper time. And therefore Lady

Mary added that all the favour I could obtain was only the reading of

it. To this I answered that I had heard the Journal was made a great

secret, and seeing it was so, I did not chuse to have the trust of

it; for that if copies should happen to appear from other quarters

it might be said that I had taken a copy without any allowance,

[Sidenote: _fol._ 694.] and thereby had become the occasion of

spreading it. And therefore I would much rather chuse to read it in

her ladyship's presence and return it directly into her hands, if her

ladyship would take the trouble of procuring me a sight of it while

I had the honour of being with her. Lady Mary was so good as to say

that though my Lady Dundonald was confined to her apartment with a

severe cold, she would step to her and ask a reading of the Journal.

Accordingly, in a very short time, Lady Mary returned and gave me the

Journal. After reading of it I could not help declaring my surprize

that the Journal should be made a matter of so much nicety when I

could assure her ladyship that I had been master of a copy of it (the

preface and conclusion only excepted) for about six months past,

and that several such copies as mine were in Edinburgh and other

places of Scotland. Lady Mary said that certainly Captain O'Neille's

touching so severely upon General Campbell behoved to be the reason

why he made his Journal an affair of such secrecy. To this I answered

that the reason [Sidenote: _fol._ 695.] was good so long as Captain

O'Neille remained in any part of Scotland or England, because the

making such a particular the subject of common conversation might

have brought rough enough treatment upon Captain O'Neille. But now

that he was safe in France, I could not help looking upon it as a

point of justice to make that particular part of the Journal known

to the world, that so General Campbell might have an opportunity of

vindicating himself, if there was any mistake in the case, and that

if the charge was a fact, the truth might be fixed. Then I added that

if my Lady Dundonald could be prevailed upon to allow me the use of

the attested copy to compare it with my own, and to take transcripts

of the preface and conclusion, I would promise to give her ladyship

in return for that favour a copy of Ker of Gradyne's account; and

withal I said I should not give copies of the preface and conclusion

or have any hand in making them common. Lady Mary was so good as

to assure me that she would faithfully report _that_ to [Sidenote:

_fol._ 696.] my Lady Dundonald, and would employ her interest to

procure that favour for me upon the conditions I had mentioned. I

then took leave, and said I would do myself the honour of waiting

upon her ladyship some day next week.

[Sidenote: 17 Dec.]

Upon Thursday, December 17th, I again made my court to Lady Mary,

who had most faithfully performed her promise, and had procured what

I so much desired. Upon receiving the attested Journal at Lady Mary's

hands, I repeated the conditions and assured her ladyship I would

observe them.

I had been promised the use of Ker of Gradyne's account from the

right reverend Bishop Keith in the Canongate, who at that time had

the only copy of it in Scotland. Lady Mary informed me that the

Countess was very much surprized to hear that I should have a copy

of O'Neille's Journal, the preface and conclusion excepted, for

that her ladyship had firmly believed that there was no such thing

in all Scotland as the copy of a single sentence of it. Upon this

I informed Lady Mary that Mr. William MacDougal, Wine merchant,

[Sidenote: _fol._ 697.] was master of a transcript of O'Neille's

attested Journal, which he had got when taking a jaunt with his lady

in England for her health sometime in the month of September, from

one of the French officers then prisoners upon parole at Berwick,

but that Mr. MacDougal had given his promise not to communicate it

by giving a copy to any one whatsoever, even though O'Neille had

before that time set out for France, the officers that were left

behind being much afraid that they themselves might feel the effects

of resentment, should the animadversion upon General Campbell be

publickly known before they should be exchanged and set free. Upon

comparing the attested copy with the one I had formerly transcribed

[vol. i. f. 181] I found no other difference betwixt them than

what might proceed from a multiplicity of copies and from the

unskilfulness and inattention of transcribers. And therefore at first

I intended only to remark the differences of the two copies and to

take transcripts of the preface and conclusion. But, upon second

thoughts, I [Sidenote: _fol._ 698.] judged it more eligible to take

an exact and faithful transcript of the whole of the attested copy,

that so I might have it all as it had come from the hands of Captain

O'Neille, who had sent it to my Lady Dundonald wrapped up in a cover

with two seals upon it, and with an address in the following words

precisely:--

'To the right honble. the Countess of Dondanold, Edinburgh.'

The remarks I have made[422] still hold good even as to the attested

copy: for (to omit other particulars) considering the long time that

Captain O'Neille was with the Prince after the battle of Culloden

(about ten or eleven weeks), and the great variety of difficulties

and dangers they had to struggle with during all that time, certainly

the Captain behoved to have much more to say than what he has given

an account of in his Journal, had he only been at the trouble of

taking time and leisure to recollect himself with that accuracy and

exactness [Sidenote: _fol._ 699.] which the importance of the subject

justly calls for. In such an uncommon and interesting scene of life

the minutest occurrence that has the smallest tendency to illustrate

the character of the _suffering hero_ should not be omitted. Let

this piece of history be cooly and impartially considered only from

April 16th to September 20th, and I dare venture to say one will not

find a parallel to it in any history whatsoever. For a prince to be

a-skulking five long months exposed to the hardships of hunger and

cold, thirst and nakedness, and surrounded on all hands by a numerous

army of blood-thirsty men, both by sea and land, eagerly hunting

after the price of blood, and yet that they should miss the much

coveted aim, is an event of life far surpassing the power of words

to paint. In a word, I presume it may be asserted with great truth

that the Prince (all circumstances considered) could not have been

safe in any other place of the three kingdoms but in the Highlands of

Scotland. Let any one compare O'Neille's Journal [Sidenote: _fol._

700.] with Donald MacLeod's,[423] and I am persuaded he will find

the Captain's account of things dull and wanting when put into the

balance with that of the old honest Palinurus, whose simple unadorn'd

sayings have a peculiar energy and beauty in them.

The Lyon in Mourning, Vol. 1 or a collection of speeches, letters, journals, etc. relative to the affairs of Prince Charles Edward Stuart · 第 135 / 148 题