COPY of a letter from the PRINCE to his
father after the Battle of Gladesmuir.
_Pinkay House, near Edinburgh,
September 21st, 1745._
[Sidenote: 21 Sept. 1745]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 365.] SIR,--Since my last from Perth it hath
pleased God to prosper your Majesty's arms under my command with a
success that has even surprized my wishes. On the 17th we entred
Edinburgh, sword in hand, and got possession of that town without
being obliged to shed one drop of blood, or to do any violence. And
this morning I have gained a most signal victory with little or no
loss. If I had a squadron or two of horse to pursue the flying enemy
there would not one man of them have escaped; as it is they have
hardly saved any but a few dragoons who, by a most precipitate flight
will, I believe, get into Berwick. If I had obtained this victory
over foreigners my joy would have been compleat. But as it is over
Englishman, it has thrown a damp upon it that I little imagined. The
men I have defeated were your Majesty's enemies, it is true, but they
might have become your friends and dutiful subjects when they had got
their eyes [Sidenote: _fol._ 366.] opened to see the true interest
of their country which I am come to save, not to destroy. For this
reason I have discharged all publick rejoicing. I do not care to
enter into the particulars of the action, and chuse rather that your
Majesty would hear it from another than from myself. I send you this
by Stewart, to whom you may give entire credit. He is a faithful,
honest fellow, and thoroughly instructed in everything that has
happened to this day. I shall have a loss in him; but I hope it will
be soon made up by his speedy return with the most agreeable news I
can receive, I mean that of your majesty's and my dearest brother's
health.
I have seen two or three Gazettes filled with addresses and mandates
from the bishops to the clergy. The addresses are such as I expected,
and can impose on none but the weak and credulous. The mandates are
of the same sort, but were artfully drawn. They order their clergy
to make the people sensible of the great blessings they enjoy under
the present family that governs them, particularly of the strict
administration of justice, of the sacred regard that is paid to the
laws, and the great security of their religion and property. This
sounds all very well, and may impose upon the unthinking. [Sidenote:
_fol._ 367.] But one who reads with a little care will easily see
the fallacy. What occasion has a Prince who has learnt the secret of
corrupting the fountain of all laws to disturb the ordinary course of
justice? Would not this be to give the alarm, and amount to telling
them that he was not come to protect as he pretended, but really
to betray them? When they talk of the security of their religion,
they take care not to mention one word of the dreadful growth of
atheism and infidelity which (I am extremely sorry to hear from very
sensible, sober men) have within these few years got to a flaming
height; even so far that I am assured many of their most fashionable
men are ashamed to own themselves Christians; and many of the lower
sort act as if they were conversing upon this melancholy subject.
I was let into a thing which I never understood rightly before,
which is that those men who are loudest in the cry of the growth of
Popery, and the danger of the Protestant religion, are not really
Protestants, but a set of profligate men, of good parts, with
some learning, and void of all principles, but pretending to be
republicans.
I asked those who told me this what should make these men [Sidenote:
_fol._ 368.] so zealous about preferring the Protestant religion,
seeing they are not Christians? And was answered that it is in order
to recommend themselves to the ministry, which (if they can write
pamphlets for them, or get themselves chosen members of Parliament),
will be sure to provide amply for them. And the motive to this
extraordinary zeal is that they thereby procure to themselves the
connivance at least, if not the protection of the Government, while
they are propagating their impiety and infidelity.
I hope in God Christianity is not at so low an ebb in this country as
this account I have had represents it to be. Yet if I compare what I
have formerly seen and heard at Rome, with something I have observed
since I have been here, I am afraid there is too much truth in it.
The bishops are as unfair and partial in representing the security
of their property as that of their religion, for when they mention
it they do not say a word of the vast load of debt (that increases
yearly) under which the nation is groaning, and which must be paid
(if ever they intend to pay it) out of their property. It is true
all this debt has not been contracted [Sidenote: _fol._ 369.] under
the prince of this family, but a great part of it has, and the whole
might have been cleared by a frugal administration during these
thirty years of a profound peace which the nation has enjoyed, had
it not been for the immense sums that have been squandered away in
corrupting Parliaments and supporting foreign interest that can never
be of any service to these kingdoms. I am afraid I have taken up too
much of your majesty's time about these sorry mandates, but having
mentioned them I was willing to give your majesty my sense of them.
I remember Dr. Wagstaff (with whom I wish I had conversed more
frequently, for he always told me truth) once said to me that I must
not judge of the clergy of the Church of England by the bishops,
who were not preferred for their piety and learning, but for very
different talents: for writing pamphlets, for being active at
elections, and for voting in Parliament as the ministry directed
them. After I have won another battle they will write for me, and
answer their own letters.
There is another set of men amongst whom I am inclined to [Sidenote:
_fol._ 370.] believe the lowest are the honestest, as well as among
the clergy, I mean the army. For never was there a finer body of men
to look at than those I fought with this morning, yet they did not
behave so well as I expected. I thought I could plainly see that
the common men did not like the cause they were engaged in. Had
they been fighting against Frenchmen come to invade their country I
am convinced they would have made a better defence. The poor men's
pay and their low prospects are not sufficient to corrupt their
natural principles of justice and honesty, which is not the case
with their officers, who, incited by their own ambition and false
notions of honour, fought more desperately. I asked one of them,
who is my prisoner (a gallant man) why he would fight against his
lawful prince, and one who was come to rescue his country from a
foreign yoke. He said he was a man of honour, and would be true to
the Prince, whose bread he ate, and whose commission he bore. I told
him it was a noble principle, but ill applied, and asked him if he
was not a Whig? He replied that he was. 'Well then,' said I, 'how
come you to look on the commission you bear, and the bread you eat to
be the [Sidenote: _fol._ 371.] Prince's and not your country's which
raised you, and pays you to serve and defend it against foreigners,
who came not now to defend but to enslave it, for that I have always
understood to be the true principle of a Whig. Have you not heard
how your countrymen have been carried abroad to be insulted and
maltreated by those defenders, and to be butchered, fighting in a
quarrel in which your country has little or no concern, only to
aggrandize Hanover?' To this he made no answer, but looked sullen and
hung down his head. The truth is there are few good officers among
them. They are brave, because an Englishman cannot be otherwise, but
they have generally little knowledge in their business, are corrupt
in their morals, and have few restraints from religion, though they
would have you believe they are fighting for it. As to their honour
they talk so much of, I shall soon have occasion to try it, for,
having no strong places to put any prisoners in, I shall be obliged
to release them upon their parole. If they do not keep it I wish they
may not fall into my hands again, for in that case it will not be
in my power to protect them from the resentment of my Highlanders,
who [Sidenote: _fol._ 372.] would be apt to kill them in cold blood,
which (as I take no pleasure in revenge) would be extremely shocking
to me. My haughty foe thinks it beneath him, I suppose, to settle a
cartel. I wish for it as much for the sake of his men as my own. I
hope ere long I shall make him glad to sue for it.
I hear there are six thousand Dutch troops arrived, and ten
battalions of the English sent for. I wish they were all Dutch that
I might not have the pain of shedding English blood. I hope I shall
soon oblige them to bring over the rest, which in all events will
be one piece of service done to my country in helping it out of a
ruinous foreign war.
It is hard my victory should put me under new difficulties that I
did not feel before, and yet this is the case. I am now charged with
the care both of my friends and enemies. Those, who should bury the
dead, are run away as if it was no business of theirs. My Highlanders
think it beneath them to do it, and the country people are fled
away. However, I am resolved to try if I can get people for money to
undertake it, [Sidenote: _fol._ 373.] for I cannot bear the thoughts
of suffering Englishmen to rot above ground.
I am in great difficulty how I shall dispose of my wounded prisoners.
If I make an hospital of the church it will be looked upon as a great
profanation, as having violated my manifesto in which I promised to
violate no man's property. If the magistrates would act they would
help me out of this difficulty. Come what will I am resolved I will
not suffer the poor wounded men to lie in the streets, and if I can
do no better I will make an hospital of the palace, and leave it to
them.
I am so distracted with these cares, joined to those of my own
people, that I have only time to add that I am, Sir, your Majesty's
most dutiful son, and obedient servant,