The SPEECH of DAVID MORGAN,[49] Esquire.
[49] David Morgan was a member of a good family in Monmouthshire, was
about fifty years of age, and educated for the Bar. Not succeeding
to his expectation in that profession he retired to his estate, and
lived as a country gentleman until he joined the Prince's army at
Preston. He was evidently consulted by the Prince and his officers
as to their procedure, for he got the name of 'the Pretender's
Councillor.' He accompanied the army to Derby. He was among the first
lot of prisoners executed on Kennington Common, and there being no
clergyman appointed to attend them on the scaffold, Mr. Morgan, 'with
his spectacles on' for about half an hour, 'read prayers and other
pious meditations to them out of a book of devotion.'--'History of
the Rebellion,' _Scots' Magazine_, pp. 291, 295, 298, 300.
[Sidenote: 1746 30 July.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 81.] It having been always deem'd incumbent on
every person in my situation to say something of himself and the
cause he suffers for, I could not decline it, however disagreeable to
my persecutors, when I once held it my duty.
The cause I embarked in was that of my liege sovereign, King James
the Third, from an opinion I long since had of his just right; an
opinion, founded on the constitution, and strongly recognised and
established by an Act of Parliament, now in its full vigour, which
neither the people collectively nor representatively have any power
or authority to subvert or alter. [See the Statute of Charles 2d.]
Nor can that law be repealed but by a free Parliament summoned to
meet by a lawful king, [Sidenote: _fol._ 82.] not by a Convention
commanded by a foreign prince and usurper, and intimidated and
directed by him at the head of a foreign army.
To this Convention we owe the Revolution; to the Revolution we owe
the accession of the family of Hanover; and to this accession all our
present ills, and the melancholy and certain prospect of the entire
subversion of all that is dear and valuable to Britons.
My opinion of the King's title to the imperial crown of these realms,
thus uncontrovertible, received additional strength and satisfaction
from his character and qualifications, confirmed to me by persons of
the strictest honour and credit, and demonstrated to me, that his
establishment on the throne of his ancestors would be an incident
as productive of happiness to the subject as of justice to the
sovereign; since his Majesty's confess'd superiour understanding
is absolutely necessary to extricate our country out of that most
desperate state she has [Sidenote: _fol._ 83.] been declining to
since the Revolution, and has precipitately fallen into since the
accession.
On this declension and ruine of our country have the favourers and
friends of both Revolution and accession built vast and despicable
fortunes, which possibly they may entail (with the conditions of
slavery annexed) on their betrayed and abandoned issue; it being much
more clear that slavery will descend from generation to generation
than such fortunes so acquired.
Have we not seen parliaments in a long succession raise supplies
sufficient to surfeit avarice? Do we not see that avarice heaping
up millions for the nurture and support of foreign dominions on the
ruines of that country that grants them? Nor can this move the least
compassion or even common regard [Sidenote: _fol._ 84.] for her
welfare and interest from that ungrateful avarice. British Councils
since the Usurper's accession have had foreign interest their
constant object, and the power and finances of the imperial crown of
Great Britain have been betrayed, prostituted, and squandered for the
convenience and support of the meanest Electorate in Germany; and the
Elector's conduct has been more destructive and detrimental to our
country than all the finesse, treachery and force that the French
or any other adversary's council and power could have attempted or
effected. Land armies only can sustain and cover dominions on the
Continent. These are raised in the country protected, and maintained
by the country protecting. Here Great Britain has all the burden and
Hanover all the advantage: whereas navies are the British bulwarks,
which have by the Elector been neglected, misapplied, or employed to
her disadvantage, and can alone guard and protect her dominions and
commerce.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 85.] If the present convention had any regard to
self-preservation or that of their constituents they would this
session have made new laws for the further security of privilege.
The panick, diffused universally over the Electoral family, would
have prepared an easy assent to any law in the subject's favour. But
even here these representatives omitted this second opportunity of
securing and improving the happiness of their electors; and instead
thereof have given additional power to the Usurper to suspend the
bulwark of liberty, and invert the order and method of trials for
treason--precedents they will have occasion one day to repent of,
since they very probably may fall victims to them.
The false glosses and fears of Popery universally propagated have
deluded unthinking, vulgar minds, and diverted all attention to
reason; when it is clear to any just reflection that his Majesty can
have no happiness but what results from his Britain, who he must know
from melancholy experience will [Sidenote: _fol._ 86.] not be tempted
to part with the doctrines and exercise of the religion established
in her. His Majesty must know that a lawful king must adhere to
the constitution in Church and State, and show a most inviolable
attachment to those laws that were made for the security of both,
whatever indulgences and concessions are made by conventions to an
usurper for the breach of all. A lawful king is a nursing father who
would protect us, and demand no more supplies than the immediate
services required, and those from the riches of the country, the
excrescences of trade and commerce, without prejudice to either. And
such would be deem'd best that were just sufficient for the purposes
they were raised, and for which only they would be employed. But an
usurper is a stepfather that builds his own hopes and views on the
ruine and destruction of his usurped dominions, and has joy from the
fleecing and impoverishing of those under his influence and power.
Even his Majesty's enemies allow him great understanding. [Sidenote:
_fol._ 87.] Nor has any one of them imputed breach of honour to him.
His abilities and sense of our situation would move him to interpose
in favour of his subjects, and are equal (if human abilities are
so) to extricate us out of the various perplexities and intricacies
we have been brought into by negotiations for thirty years, for the
preservation of the balance of power, to the disappointment of every
Briton's hope and the ridicule of all our enemies.
If you once think, my brethren, you must repent. If you repent you
must make the constitution just reparation; which can only be done
by calling in your lawful king, James the Third, who has justice
to attempt and wisdom to compleat a thorough reformation in the
constitution and to fix it in its pristine happy state; and which, in
spite of all chicane and prejudice, without a restoration, will never
be done.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 88.]
I am to declare my happiness in having such a wife and daughter that
forgive my involving them in my misfortunes, and having an undeserved
share in them. I heartily thank them and wish them both temporal and
eternal happiness, and hope that those who are friends to my King
will look upon them as the relict and orphan of a fellow-subject that
has suffered in the royal cause.
I glory in the honour I have had of seeing his royal highness,
Charles, Prince Regent, and of being admitted into his confidence.
And I here declare it the greatest happiness I ever knew and the
highest satisfaction; and such as even my vainest thoughts could
never have suggested to me--an honour to every rational creature
that can judge of the many requisite virtues of a prince centred in
him truly, tho' so often falsly assign'd to the worst. His character
exceeds anything I could have imagined or conceived. An attempt
to describe him [Sidenote: _fol._ 89.] would seem gross flattery,
and nothing but a plain and naked narrative of his conduct to all
persons and in all scenes he is engaged in can properly shew him,--a
prince betrayed by the mercy he shewed his enemies, in judging of the
dispositions of mankind by the benignity of his own. His fortitude
was disarmed by it, and his ungrateful enemies think they have reaped
the benefit of it. But let them not rejoice at his misfortunes, since
his failure of success will, without the immediate interposition
of providence, be absolutely their ruine. What a contrast is there
between his royal highness the Prince and the Duke of Cumberland!
The first displays his true courage in acts of humanity and mercy;
the latter a cruelty in burning, devastation and destruction of the
British subjects, their goods and possessions. I would ask, Who is
the true heroe?
The report of my having betrayed his royal highness or his friends
is scandalously false. My appeal to the counsel for the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 90.] prosecution on my trial and my suffering death must
refute it to all honest men. And I hereby declare I had rather suffer
any death the law can inflict. I deem death infinitely preferable to
a life of infamy. But the death I suffer for my King gives me vast
consolation and honour that I am thought worthy of it.
To conclude, my brethren and fellow-subjects, I must make profession
of that religion I was baptized, have continued and shall, through
the Divine permission, die in, which is that of the Church of
England, and which I hope will stand against the malice, devices and
assaults of her enemies, as well those of the Church of Rome as those
equally dangerous, the followers of Luther and Calvin, covered under
and concealed in the [Sidenote: _fol._ 91.] specious bugbears of
Papacy and arbitrary power. This my faith I have fully set forth in
a poem of two books, intitled, The Christian Test, or, The Coalition
of Faith and Reason, the first of which I have already published, and
the latter I have bequeathed to the care of my unfortunate but very
dutyful daughter, Mrs. Mary Morgan, to be published by her, since it
has pleased God I shall not live to see it. To this poem I refer,
which I hope will obviate all cavil to the contrary.
I freely forgive all my enemies, from the Usurper to Weir and Maddox,
the infamous witnesses in support of his prosecutions of me. And I
must also and do from my heart forgive my Lord Chief Justice[50] for
his stupid and inveterate zeal in painting my loyalty to my King
with all the reproaches he had genius enough to bestow on it, when
he passed sentence on seventeen at once, and which he did without
precedent, because it was without concern.
[50] Lee.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 92.] I beg all I have offended that they will
forgive me for Jesus Christ sake, my only Mediator and Advocate. To
whom with the Father and the Holy Spirit be all adoration, praise,
glory, dominion and power for ever. Amen!