Results of influence of money--No motive in lives of the
rich--Money as our master--If money ideal could be
discarded--Possibility of change of ideal for all classes.
Only the surface of the subject has been touched, only a few of the
many heads into which the discussion might be divided have been
considered at all, and only some of the more patent dangers have
been very briefly indicated. But enough has been said to support the
original contention and to bring us fairly to the conclusion that in
all directions the influence of the money possessed by individuals
beyond the limit of what constitutes a full competence is harmful
and noxious. It has a hardening, crippling, and deadening effect on
the highly susceptible and sensitive organism of human vitality,
like varnish would have on the wings of a butterfly. It substitutes
patronage for fraternity, arrogance for humility, indolence for
effort, vanity for love, the spirit of submission for the spirit
of independence, an artificial class society for a natural society
of mutual respect and affection. It saps vitality by surfeit and
superabundance, and at the same time stunts healthy development by
misery and want. It is a false and vicious standard for estimating
worth. Greed and Cupidity are its parents, Envy and Jealousy its
children.
But it is easier to disregard all this and to go on in what appears
to be the natural and, indeed, inevitable course. We must take the
world as it is, is the common cry, not as it ought to be, and unless
we are prepared to be submerged and trodden under, we must follow in
the throng and push forward and struggle with the rest. Some of us are
able to feel resentment at A’s riches, but, alas! it is not because
he is _rich_, but because _he_ is rich. It is said that the craving
to satisfy material wants is as inseparable a part of human nature as
any other appetite. This may be so to some extent, but it is clearly a
matter of proportion. After the appetite has reached a certain point
it is no more natural than gluttony, drunkenness, or any other form of
debauchery. In far too many cases that point has long been passed and a
state of society has been evolved to suit the new order, and not only
to excuse, but to extol and strengthen the power of money.
Let men live, whatever kind of life they choose, without interference,
let them indulge their hobbies and amuse themselves within bounds; but
let them recognise that there _are_ bounds, and that the inter-cohesion
of the isolated atoms in the whole mass of human life is such that
every step they take over those bounds they are depriving someone
else of living the life _they_ choose, indulging _their_ hobbies, and
amusing _themselves_.
The rich are mostly unconscious of the harm they are doing. There is no
deliberate intention in any of their actions. They travel carelessly
along the broad road laid down for them by custom, and they never count
the costs or examine the consequences. Their lives, more especially
those of their women, are entirely aimless and certainly devoid of
any determined motive. As long as they are allowed to pursue their
course undisturbed, making or spending the money which they look on as
their own in any way that suits their fancy, they make no complaint.
They ask the State to guard them securely in the enjoyment of their
great possessions, and they employ the energy they derive from them
in poisoning the springs of national prosperity. The moment it is
suggested that some small share of their gains should be taken by the
State for the general benefit and for safeguarding the security of
others besides themselves, they, including even those of them who have
declared their wealth to be a burden, send up a wail of execration and
protest with all the force they have at their command.
This condition of things, as it has been shown, brings no happiness
to the rich and it brings great mischief to the State. Individual
energy is dissipated and human capacity is misapplied in a society
where effort is so ill-directed in the extremes of riches and poverty;
while the social power of the community is wasted in a society where
capitalists control so many of the sources of wealth.
Money, by convincing us of its indispensable nature and egging us on
in the scramble for more, has, however much we may resent it, got
the upper hand and has practically enslaved us. A comparison can
be made with the modern mania for speed. The rapidity of the means
of locomotion encourages a perpetual rush and deludes people into
supposing that the faster they go the more they will accomplish. There
is a foolish belief that steam, electricity, and petrol have been
turned to our own use and have been mastered, whereas these giant
forces are playing with us and stirring us, like ants in a disturbed
ant-hill, into an almost ridiculous state of flurry and confusion
which is detrimental both to our minds and our bodies, and the sum
total of our higher accomplishments is more likely to show a decline
than an increase from the days before these forces were let loose. But
rapid locomotion is at present too fascinating for us to resist. Just
in the same way the allurements of money are carrying us away down a
steep incline to unforeseen perils.
Where and when shall we stop? Some say that society, having got on to
this dangerous downward slope, gradual evolution to a healthier state
is no longer possible; but, as in the case of the abolition of slavery
and the abolition of autocracy, the change can only be brought about by
a cataclysmic upheaval. As the power of money augments and vast riches
are piled higher and higher, it is becoming the more apparent that an
opposing force of bitter antagonism is being created which may one day
gain strength enough to sweep away the vampire of capitalism.
“Wealth is in the hands of the few rich and the suffrage in the hands
of the many poor. In the concentration of wealth and the diffusion of
political power lies the great danger of Modern Society. The danger
becomes every day greater, and democracy, which seemed to have saved
society, is really destined to overturn it.”[34] Perhaps it can save
it by overturning it. But at present any such danger would seem remote,
as, in spite of the great advances made by organised Labour, the mass
of the people, more especially those herded into towns, are sadly
lacking in vitality. In the first stages of the rise of democracy there
have been thrown to the surface men of great business ability, but of
no imagination, and firm believers in money. The process of a deeper
and more general enlightenment must of necessity be slow.
On the whole, we need have no fear that plutocracy will ever gain
complete ascendancy, even though it may have aristocracy, royalty,
and at times political power to support it. But it is not so much the
attack from without that is likely to destroy the entrenched position
of the rich as the rot within which is steadily undermining their
stronghold with corruption and decay.
A cataclysm, in the shape of a social revolution, is too apt to lead
to reaction, and the fundamental alteration of social relations would
only be delayed thereby. This, however, in a smaller or larger degree,
is the course of advance that progress takes. Rising, falling, and yet
advancing in a spiral shape. History never repeats itself exactly, the
path never passes over the same point; but a cyclical resemblance
occurs in the course of events which sometimes makes us feel we are
only the sport of circumstances. And yet at the same time, within us
there seems to be stored up a latent power strong enough to break
away and make great changes if our efforts could only be united in
sympathy and fortified by agreement. The tendency of society may be
downward and in the wrong direction, but the natural trend of human
endeavour, free and unfettered, is upwards towards a better state,
and there are encouraging indications that in the future, the distant
future, perhaps, this power will prevail and we shall all unite in a
better purpose. At this moment certainly there is no room for despair
when we see around us a growing indignation and impatience with social
injustice. Never before has humanitarian impulse been so well fortified
by scientific theory in its attempt to cope with the evils of poverty
and destitution. All we want is an equally scientific discernment of
the evils of riches and waste.
If the money ideal could only be discarded with the same universal
alacrity and conviction with which it is now clung to and cherished,
the change and improvement in our social life would be as miraculous
and yet as natural as the change from the dark chill of winter to
the sunshine of spring. But it will not be by bitter vituperation
and invective that the change can be brought about. The attack must
be directed not against particular individuals, not against isolated
follies, nor against single instances of wicked extravagance,
thoughtlessness, and cruelty, but against the stereotyped system which
is responsible for it all. The awaking to a different faith must take
place just as much among the poor as among the rich. The former must
be taught to recognise that cringing submission to so-called superiors
is neither to their own nor to anyone else’s advantage; the latter
must learn that to isolate themselves in a fool’s paradise of ease
and thoughtlessly to assume impossible responsibilities is fatal to
their own happiness and to the welfare of their fellows. And the large
medium class, who are well-to-do but not rich, living modestly but not
poor, must be shaken from their indolent and self-complacent position
of spectators securely railed off from the arena where the combat
is taking place; thanking heaven they are not among the victims and
secretly admiring the assailants, though proudly conscious that they
themselves can be exonerated from all blame. There are too many in this
class who, to put it plainly, hate the poor and reverence the rich,
and they will be the last to be reached or influenced by the cleansing
spirit of enlightened thought.
Any transformation must proceed from within. The effectual resistance
to what seems to be the compulsion of modern conventions and habits can
only arise from a clearer knowledge and a more complete comprehension
of the falseness of these conventions and the worthlessness of these
habits. In order to combat vanity, selfishness, and love of ease, not
only a change of front and ideal is essential, but there must also be a
supreme and sustained effort to stand up against and head back the dead
weight of opinion which has gained impetus from never being checked.
There must be sincere and deep-seated conviction. Without this any
political or social revolution will fail. “The mightiest changes have
come from religious and moral changes in men’s hearts.”
The fervent devotion to the service of Mammon acts as a baneful
influence working havoc and destruction in men’s lives. Instead of
ignoring or excusing it, attention must be called to it loudly,
repeatedly, and emphatically by all who are convinced of its dangers
and wish to warn their fellows against its deadly infection.
THE END
FOOTNOTES
[1] Johnston, _England As It Is_.
[2] _The Social Horizon_, 1892.
[3] _Manchester Guardian_, 29 September, 1909.
[4] Public Health and Social Conditions (Cd. 4671), 1909.
[5] A. Wylie, _Labour, Leisure, and Luxury_.
[6] The late Duke of Argyll.
[7] _Ruff’s Guide._
[8] _Hunt’s List._
[9] Turgenief.
[10] Mr. Pretyman, House of Commons, 1909.
[11] Lord Lansdowne, House of Lords, 14 August, 1907.
[12] Price Collier, _England and the English_.
[13] J. A. Hobson, _Imperialism_.
[14] William Cobbett, _Advice to Young Men_.
[15] E. Gosse, _Father and Son_.
[16] Price Collier, _England and the English_.
[17] P. G. Hamerton, _Human Intercourse_.
[18] J. A. Hobson, _The Industrial System_.
[19] Miss Llewellyn Davies, letter to the Press, 1907.
[20] Rowntree’s _Poverty_.
[21] Booth’s _Life and Labour of the People_, Vol. II.
[22] Butlers and chefs could be quoted with wages of £250 and £300.
[23] _West Ham: a Study in Social and Industrial Problems._
[24] Rowntree’s _Poverty_.
[25] Rowntree’s _Poverty_.
[26] _West Ham_, pp. 270–6.
[27] Booth, Vol. I.
[28] Rowntree’s _Poverty_.
[29] Odd shillings omitted.
[30] Mr. J. A. Macdonald, _Toronto Globe_, September, 1909.
[31] John Galsworthy’s _A Commentary_.
[32] _Social Contract_, II. 11.
[33] Sermon at Barrow-in-Furness, Oct., 1906.
[34] Arnold Toynbee.
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a
predominant preference was found in the original book; otherwise they
were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected.
Page 159: The quotation from John Galsworth (“Yours is the three
hundredth carriage...”) is missing some text, and in other ways is not
a faithful reproduction of the original.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Camel and the Needle's Eye, by Arthur Ponsonby